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James VI and I
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James VI and I (James Charles Stuart; 19 June 1566 – 27 March 1625) was King of Scotland as James VI from 24 July 1567 and King of England and Ireland as James I from the union of the Scottish and English crowns on 24 March 1603 until his death in 1625. Though he long attempted to get both countries to adopt a closer political union, the kingdoms of Scotland and England remained sovereign states, with their own parliaments, judiciaries, and laws, ruled by James in personal union.
Key Information
James was the son of Mary, Queen of Scots, and a great-great-grandson of Henry VII, King of England and Lord of Ireland, and thus a potential successor to all three thrones. He acceded to the Scottish throne at the age of thirteen months, after his mother was forced to abdicate. Although his mother was a Catholic, James was raised as a Protestant. Four regents governed during his minority, which ended officially in 1578, though he did not gain full control of his government until 1583. In 1589, he married Anne of Denmark. Three of their children survived to adulthood: Henry Frederick, Elizabeth, and Charles. In 1603, James succeeded his cousin Elizabeth I, the last Tudor monarch of England and Ireland, who died childless. He reigned in all three kingdoms for 22 years, a period known as the Jacobean era, until his death in 1625. After the Union of the Crowns, he based himself in England from 1603, returning to Scotland only once, in 1617, and styled himself "King of Great Britain and Ireland". He advocated for a single parliament for England and Scotland. In his reign, the Plantation of Ulster and English colonisation of the Americas began.
At 57 years and 246 days, James's reign in Scotland was the longest of any Scottish monarch. He achieved most of his aims in Scotland but faced great difficulties in England, including the Gunpowder Plot in 1605 and conflicts with the English Parliament. Under James, the "Golden Age" of Elizabethan literature and drama continued, with writers such as William Shakespeare, John Donne, Ben Jonson, and Francis Bacon contributing to a flourishing literary culture.[1] James was a prolific writer, authoring works such as Daemonologie (1597), The True Law of Free Monarchies (1598), and Basilikon Doron (1599).[2] He sponsored the translation of the Bible into English (later named after him, the Authorized King James Version), and the 1604 revision of the Book of Common Prayer.[3][4] Contemporary courtier Anthony Weldon claimed that James had been termed "the wisest fool in Christendom" (wise in small things, foolish otherwise), an epithet associated with his character ever since.[5] Since the latter half of the 20th century, historians have tended to revise James's reputation and treat him as a serious and thoughtful monarch.[6] He was strongly committed to a peace policy, and tried to avoid involvement in religious wars, especially the Thirty Years' War that devastated much of Central Europe. He tried but failed to prevent the rise of hawkish elements in the English Parliament who wanted war with Spain.[7] The first English king of the House of Stuart, he was succeeded by his second son, Charles I.
Childhood
[edit]Birth
[edit]
James was the only son of Mary, Queen of Scots, and her second husband, Henry Stuart, Lord Darnley. Mary and Darnley were great-grandchildren of Henry VII of England through Margaret Tudor, the older sister of Henry VIII. Mary's rule over Scotland was insecure, and she and her husband, being Roman Catholics, faced a rebellion by Protestant noblemen. During Mary's and Darnley's difficult marriage,[8] Darnley secretly allied himself with the rebels and conspired in the murder of the queen's private secretary, David Rizzio, just three months before James's birth.[9]
James was born on 19 June 1566 at Edinburgh Castle, and as the eldest son and heir apparent of the monarch automatically became Duke of Rothesay and Prince and Great Steward of Scotland. Five days later, the English diplomat Henry Killigrew saw the queen, who had not fully recovered and could only speak faintly. The baby was "sucking at his nurse" and was "well proportioned and like to prove a goodly prince".[10] He was baptised "Charles James" or "James Charles" on 17 December 1566 in a Catholic ceremony held at Stirling Castle. His godparents were Charles IX of France (represented by John, Count of Brienne), Elizabeth I of England (represented by the Francis Russell, Earl of Bedford), and Emmanuel Philibert, Duke of Savoy (represented by ambassador Philibert du Croc).[a] Mary refused to let the Archbishop of St Andrews, whom she referred to as "a pocky priest", spit in the child's mouth, as was then the custom.[12] The subsequent entertainment, devised by Frenchman Bastian Pagez, featured men dressed as satyrs and sporting tails, to which the English guests took offence, thinking the satyrs "done against them".[13]
Lord Darnley was murdered on 10 February 1567 at Kirk o' Field, Edinburgh, perhaps in revenge for the killing of Rizzio. James inherited his father's titles of Duke of Albany and Earl of Ross. Mary was already unpopular, and her marriage on 15 May 1567 to James Hepburn, Earl of Bothwell, who was widely suspected of murdering Darnley, heightened widespread bad feeling towards her.[b] In June 1567, Protestant rebels arrested Mary and imprisoned her in Lochleven Castle; she never saw her son again. She was forced to abdicate on 24 July 1567 in favour of the infant James and to appoint her illegitimate half-brother James Stewart, Earl of Moray, as regent.[16] This made James the third consecutive Scottish monarch to ascend to the throne as an infant.
Regencies
[edit]
The care of James was entrusted to the Earl and Countess of Mar, "to be conserved, nursed, and upbrought"[17] in the security of Stirling Castle.[18] James was anointed King of Scotland at the age of thirteen months at the Church of the Holy Rude in Stirling, by Adam Bothwell, Bishop of Orkney, on 29 July 1567.[19] The sermon at the coronation was preached by John Knox.[20] In accordance with the religious beliefs of most of the Scottish ruling class, James was brought up as a member of the Protestant Church of Scotland, the Kirk. The Privy Council selected George Buchanan, Peter Young, Adam Erskine (lay abbot of Cambuskenneth), and David Erskine (lay abbot of Dryburgh) as James's preceptors or tutors.[21] As the young king's senior tutor, Buchanan subjected James to regular beatings but also instilled in him a lifelong passion for literature and learning.[22] Buchanan sought to turn James into a God-fearing, Protestant king who accepted the limitations of monarchy, as outlined in his treatise De Jure Regni apud Scotos.[23]
In 1568, Mary escaped from Lochleven Castle, leading to several years of sporadic violence. The Earl of Moray defeated Mary's troops at the Battle of Langside, forcing her to flee to England, where she was subsequently kept in confinement by Elizabeth. On 23 January 1570, Moray was assassinated by James Hamilton of Bothwellhaugh.[24] The next regent was James's paternal grandfather, Matthew Stewart, Earl of Lennox, who was carried fatally wounded into Stirling Castle a year later after a raid by Mary's supporters.[25] His successor, the Earl of Mar, "took a vehement sickness" and died on 28 October 1572 at Stirling. Mar's illness, wrote James Melville, followed a banquet at Dalkeith Palace given by James Douglas, Earl of Morton.[26]
Morton was elected to Mar's office and proved in many ways the most effective of James's regents,[27] but he made enemies by his rapacity.[28] He fell from favour when Frenchman Esmé Stewart, Sieur d'Aubigny, first cousin of James's father Lord Darnley and future Earl of Lennox, arrived in Scotland and quickly established himself as the first of James's powerful favourites.[29] James was proclaimed an adult ruler in a ceremony of Entry to Edinburgh on 19 October 1579.[30] Morton was executed on 2 June 1581, belatedly charged with complicity in Darnley's murder.[31] On 8 August, James made Lennox the only duke in Scotland.[32] The king, then fifteen years old, remained under the influence of Lennox for about one more year.[33]
Rule in Scotland
[edit]
Lennox was a Protestant convert, but he was distrusted by Scottish Calvinists who noticed the physical displays of affection between him and the king and alleged that Lennox "went about to draw the King to carnal lust".[28] In August 1582, in what became known as the Ruthven Raid, the Protestant earls William Ruthven, Earl of Gowrie and Archibald Douglas, Earl of Angus lured James into Ruthven Castle, imprisoned him,[c] and forced Lennox to leave Scotland.[35] On 19 September 1582, during James's imprisonment, John Craig, whom the king had personally appointed royal chaplain in 1579, rebuked him so sharply from the pulpit for having issued a proclamation so offensive to the clergy "that the king wept".[36]
After James escaped from Falkland on 27 June 1583,[37] he assumed increasing control of his kingdom. He pushed through the Black Acts to assert royal authority over the Kirk, and denounced the writings of his former tutor Buchanan.[38] Between 1584 and 1603, he established effective royal government and relative peace among the lords, ably assisted by John Maitland of Thirlestane, who led the government until 1592.[39] An eight-man commission known as the Octavians brought some control over the ruinous state of James's finances in 1596, but it drew opposition from vested interests. It was disbanded within a year after a riot in Edinburgh, which was stoked by anti-Catholicism and led the court to withdraw to Linlithgow temporarily.[40]
One last Scottish attempt against the king's person occurred in August 1600, when James was apparently assaulted by Alexander Ruthven, the younger brother of John Ruthven, Earl of Gowrie at Gowrie House, the seat of the Ruthvens.[41] Ruthven was run through by James's page John Ramsay, and the Earl of Gowrie was killed in the ensuing fracas; there were few surviving witnesses. Given James's history with the Ruthvens and the fact that he owed them a great deal of money, his account of the circumstances was not universally believed.[42]
In 1586, James signed the Treaty of Berwick with England. That and his mother's execution in 1587, which he denounced as a "preposterous and strange procedure", helped clear the way for his succession south of the border.[d] Queen Elizabeth was unmarried and childless, and James was her most likely successor. Securing the English succession became a cornerstone of his policy.[44] During the Spanish Armada crisis of 1588, he assured Elizabeth of his support as "your natural son and compatriot of your country".[45] Elizabeth sent James an annual subsidy from 1586 which gave her some leverage over affairs in Scotland,[46] and over the coming years James received in total £58,500 sterling.[47] The money came to be managed by Thomas Foulis and Robert Jousie and a significant proportion was spent on fabrics for royal wardrobe.[48]
Marriage
[edit]

Throughout his youth, James was praised for his chastity, since he showed little interest in women. After the loss of Lennox, he continued to prefer male company.[49] A suitable marriage, however, was necessary to reinforce his rule, and the choice fell on fourteen-year-old Anne of Denmark, younger daughter of the Protestant Danish king Frederick II. Shortly after a proxy marriage in Copenhagen in August 1589, Anne sailed for Scotland but was forced by storms to the coast of Norway.[50] On hearing that the crossing had been abandoned, James sailed from Leith with a 300-strong retinue to fetch Anne personally in what historian David Harris Willson called "the one romantic episode of his life".[51][e] This event led to a mutual acquaintanceship between James and the future king of Denmark, Christian IV, which would be strengthened between the kings after Christian IV visited London twice.[53] Anne and James were married formally at the Bishop's Palace in Oslo on 23 November. James received a dowry of 75,000 Danish dalers and a gift of 10,000 dalers from his mother-in-law, Sophie of Mecklenburg-Güstrow.[54] After stays at Elsinore and Copenhagen and a meeting with Tycho Brahe, James and Anne returned to Scotland on 1 May 1590.[55]
By all accounts, James was at first infatuated with Anne and, in the early years of their marriage, seems always to have shown her patience and affection.[56] They attended the wedding celebrations of courtiers and danced in masque costume.[57] The royal couple produced three children who survived to adulthood: Henry Frederick, Prince of Wales, who died of typhoid fever in 1612, aged 18; Elizabeth, later queen of Bohemia; and Charles, James's successor.

Anne suffered from recurrent bouts of sickness and was seriously ill from 1617. James visited Anne only three times during her last illness. She died before her husband, in March 1619.[58] After Anne's death, James remained in good standing with Denmark-Norway. In 1613, two of his diplomats to Scandinavia, scotsmen James Spens and Robert Anstruther, helped mediate a peace between Denmark and Sweden.[53]
Witch hunts
[edit]
James's visit to Denmark, a country familiar with witch-hunts, sparked an interest in the study of witchcraft,[59] which he considered a branch of theology.[60] He attended the North Berwick witch trials, the first major persecution of witches in Scotland under the Witchcraft Act 1563. Several people were convicted of using witchcraft to send storms against James's ship, most notably Agnes Sampson.[61]
James became concerned with the threat posed by witches and wrote Daemonologie in 1597, a tract inspired by his personal involvement that opposed the practice of witchcraft and that provided background material for Shakespeare's Macbeth.[62][63] James personally supervised the torture of women accused of being witches.[62] After 1599, his views became more sceptical.[64] In a later letter written in England to his son Henry, James congratulates the prince on "the discovery of yon little counterfeit wench. I pray God ye may be my heir in such discoveries ... most miracles now-a-days prove but illusions, and ye may see by this how wary judges should be in trusting accusations."[65]
Highlands and Islands
[edit]The forcible dissolution of the Lordship of the Isles by James IV of Scotland in 1493 had led to troubled times for the western seaboard. James IV had subdued the organised military might of the Hebrides, but he and his immediate successors lacked the will or ability to provide an alternative form of governance. As a result, the 16th century became known as linn nan creach, the time of raids.[66] Furthermore, the effects of the Reformation were slow to affect the Gàidhealtachd, driving a religious wedge between this area and centres of political control in the Central Belt.[67]
In 1540, James V had toured the Hebrides, forcing the clan chiefs to accompany him. There followed a period of peace, but the clans were soon at loggerheads with one another again.[68] During James VI's reign, the citizens of the Hebrides were portrayed as lawless barbarians rather than being the cradle of Scottish Christianity and nationhood. Official documents describe the peoples of the Highlands as "void of the knawledge and feir of God" who were prone to "all kynd of barbarous and bestile cruelteis".[69] The Gaelic language, spoken fluently by James IV and probably by James V, became known in the time of James VI as "Erse" or Irish, implying that it was foreign in nature. Parliament decided that Gaelic had become a principal cause of the Highlanders' shortcomings and sought to abolish it.[70]

It was against this background that James VI authorised the "Gentleman Adventurers of Fife" to civilise the "most barbarous Isle of Lewis" in 1598. James wrote that the colonists were to act "not by agreement" with the local inhabitants, but "by extirpation of thame". Their landing at Stornoway began well, but the colonists were driven out by local forces commanded by Murdoch and Neil MacLeod. The colonists tried again in 1605 with the same result, although a third attempt in 1607 was more successful.[71] The Statutes of Iona were enacted in 1609, which required clan chiefs to provide support for Protestant ministers to Highland parishes; to outlaw bards; to report regularly to Edinburgh to answer for their actions; and to send their heirs to Lowland Scotland, to be educated in English-speaking Protestant schools.[72] So began a process "specifically aimed at the extirpation of the Gaelic language, the destruction of its traditional culture and the suppression of its bearers."[73]
In the Northern Isles, James's cousin Patrick Stewart, Earl of Orkney, resisted the Statutes of Iona and was consequently imprisoned.[74] His natural son Robert led an unsuccessful rebellion against James, and the Earl and his son were hanged.[75] Their estates were forfeited, and the Orkney and Shetland islands were annexed to the Crown.[75]
Theory of monarchy
[edit]
In 1597–98, James wrote The True Law of Free Monarchies and Basilikon Doron (Royal Gift), in which he argues a theological basis for monarchy. In the True Law, he sets out the divine right of kings, explaining that kings are higher beings than other men for Biblical reasons, though "the highest bench is the sliddriest to sit upon".[76] The document proposes an absolutist theory of monarchy, by which a king may impose new laws by royal prerogative but must also pay heed to tradition and to God, who would "stirre up such scourges as pleaseth him, for punishment of wicked kings".[77]
Basilikon Doron was written as a book of instruction for the four-year-old Prince Henry and provides a more practical guide to kingship.[78] The work is considered to be well written and perhaps the best example of James's prose.[79] James's advice concerning parliaments, which he understood as merely the king's "head court", foreshadows his difficulties with the English House of Commons: "Hold no Parliaments," he tells Henry, "but for the necesitie of new Lawes, which would be but seldome".[80] In the True Law, James maintains that the king owns his realm as a feudal lord owns his fief, because kings arose "before any estates or ranks of men, before any parliaments were holden, or laws made, and by them was the land distributed, which at first was wholly theirs. And so it follows of necessity that kings were the authors and makers of the laws, and not the laws of the kings."[81]
Literary patronage
[edit]In the 1580s and 1590s, James promoted the literature of his native country. He published his treatise Some Rules and Cautions to be Observed and Eschewed in Scottish Prosody in 1584 at the age of 18.[82] It was both a poetic manual and a description of the poetic tradition in his mother tongue of Scots, applying Renaissance principles.[83] He also made statutory provision to reform and promote the teaching of music, seeing the two in connection. One act of his reign urges the Scottish burghs to reform and support the teaching of music in Sang Sculis.[84]
In furtherance of these aims, James was both patron and head of a loose circle of Scottish Jacobean court poets and musicians known to later critics as the Castalian Band, a group including William Fowler and Alexander Montgomerie among others, Montgomerie being a favourite of the king.[85] James was himself a poet, and was happy to be seen as a practising member of the group.[86]
By the late 1590s, James's championing of native Scottish tradition was reduced to some extent by the increasing likelihood of his succession to the English throne.[87] William Alexander and other courtier poets started to anglicise their written language, and followed the king to London after 1603.[88] James's role as active literary participant and patron made him a defining figure in many respects for English Renaissance poetry and drama, which reached a pinnacle of achievement in his reign,[89] but his patronage of the high style in the Scottish tradition, which included his ancestor James I of Scotland, became largely sidelined.[90]
Accession in England
[edit]
From 1601, in the last years of Elizabeth's life, certain English politicians—notably her chief minister Robert Cecil[f]—maintained a secret correspondence with James to prepare in advance for a smooth succession.[92] With the queen clearly dying, Cecil sent James a draft proclamation of his accession to the English throne in March 1603. Elizabeth died in the early hours of 24 March, and James was proclaimed king in London later the same day.[93][94]
On 5 April, James left Edinburgh for London, promising to return every three years (a promise that he did not keep), and progressed slowly southwards.[95] Local lords received him with lavish hospitality along the route and James was amazed by the wealth of his new land and subjects, claiming that he was "swapping a stony couch for a deep feather bed". James arrived in the capital on 7 May, nine days after Elizabeth's funeral.[93][96] His new subjects flocked to see him, relieved that the succession had triggered neither unrest nor invasion.[97] On arrival at London, he was mobbed by a crowd of spectators.[98]
James's English coronation took place on 25 July at Westminster Abbey. An outbreak of plague restricted festivities. The Royal Entry to London with elaborate allegories provided by dramatic poets such as Thomas Dekker and Ben Jonson was deferred to 15 March 1604.[99] Dekker wrote that "the streets seemed to be paved with men; stalls instead of rich wares were set out with children; open casements filled up with women".[100]
The kingdom to which James succeeded, however, had its problems. Monopolies and taxation had engendered a widespread sense of grievance, and the costs of war in Ireland had become a heavy burden on the government,[101] which had debts of £400,000.
Early reign in England, King of Great Britain
[edit]
James survived two conspiracies in the first year of his reign in England, despite the smoothness of the succession and the warmth of his welcome: the Bye Plot and Main Plot, which led to the arrest of Henry Brooke, Lord Cobham and Walter Raleigh, among others.[102] Those hoping for a change in government from James were disappointed at first when he kept Elizabeth's Privy Councillors in office, as secretly planned with Cecil,[102] but James soon added long-time supporter Henry Howard and his nephew Thomas Howard to the Privy Council, as well as five Scottish nobles.[102][g]
In the early years of James's reign, the day-to-day running of the government in England was tightly managed by the shrewd Cecil, later Earl of Salisbury, ably assisted by the experienced Thomas Egerton, whom James made Baron Ellesmere and Lord Chancellor, and by Thomas Sackville, soon Earl of Dorset, who continued as Lord Treasurer.[102] As a consequence, James was free to concentrate on bigger issues, such as a scheme for a closer union between England and Scotland and matters of foreign policy, as well as to enjoy his leisure pursuits, particularly hunting.[102]
James was ambitious to build on the personal union of Scotland and England to establish a single country under one monarch, one parliament, and one law, a plan that met opposition from both the Parliament of England and the Parliament of Scotland.[106] "Hath He not made us all in one island," James told the English Parliament, "compassed with one sea and of itself by nature indivisible?" In April 1604, however, the Commons refused his request to be titled "King of Great Britain" on legal grounds.[h] In October 1604, he assumed the title "King of Great Britain" instead of "King of England" and "King of Scotland", though Francis Bacon told him that he could not use the style in "any legal proceeding, instrument or assurance" and the title was not used on English statutes.[108] James forced the Scottish Parliament to use it, and it was used on proclamations, coinage, letters, and treaties in both realms.[109]
James achieved more success in foreign policy. Never having been at war with Spain, he devoted his efforts to bringing the long Anglo–Spanish War to an end, and a peace treaty was signed between the two countries in August 1604, thanks to the skilled diplomacy of the delegation, in particular Robert Cecil and Henry Howard, now Earl of Northampton. James celebrated the treaty by hosting a great banquet.[110] Freedom of worship for Catholics in England, however, continued to be a major objective of Spanish policy, causing constant dilemmas for James, distrusted abroad for repression of Catholics while at home being encouraged by the Privy Council to show even less tolerance towards them.[111]
Gunpowder Plot
[edit]A dissident Catholic, Guy Fawkes, was discovered in the cellars of the parliament buildings on the night of 4–5 November 1605, the eve of the state opening of the second session of James's first English Parliament. Fawkes was guarding a pile of wood not far from 36 barrels of gunpowder with which he intended to blow up Parliament House the following day and cause the destruction, as James put it, "not only ... of my person, nor of my wife and posterity also, but of the whole body of the State in general".[112] The sensational discovery of the "Gunpowder Plot", as it quickly became known, aroused a mood of national relief at the delivery of the king and his sons. The Earl of Salisbury exploited this to extract higher subsidies from the ensuing Parliament than any but one granted to Elizabeth.[113] Fawkes and others implicated in the unsuccessful conspiracy were executed.[114]
King and Parliament
[edit]The co-operation between monarch and Parliament following the Gunpowder Plot was atypical. Instead, it was the previous session of 1604 that shaped the attitudes of both sides for the rest of the reign, though the initial difficulties owed more to mutual incomprehension than conscious enmity.[115] On 7 July 1604, James had angrily prorogued Parliament after failing to win its support either for full union or financial subsidies. "I will not thank where I feel no thanks due", he had remarked in his closing speech. "... I am not of such a stock as to praise fools ... You see how many things you did not well ... I wish you would make use of your liberty with more modesty in time to come".[116]
As James's reign progressed, his government faced growing financial pressures, partly due to creeping inflation but also to the profligacy and financial incompetence of James's court. In February 1610, Salisbury proposed a scheme, known as the Great Contract, whereby Parliament, in return for ten royal concessions, would grant a lump sum of £600,000 to pay off the king's debts plus an annual grant of £200,000.[117] The ensuing prickly negotiations became so protracted that James eventually lost patience and dismissed Parliament on 31 December 1610. "Your greatest error", he told Salisbury, "hath been that ye ever expected to draw honey out of gall".[118] The same pattern was repeated with the so-called "Addled Parliament" of 1614, which James dissolved after a mere nine weeks when the Commons hesitated to grant him the money he required.[119] James then ruled without parliament until 1621, employing officials such as the merchant Lionel Cranfield, who were astute at raising and saving money for the crown, and sold baronetcies and other dignities, many created for the purpose, as an alternative source of income.[120]
Spanish match
[edit]Another potential source of income was the prospect of a Spanish dowry from a marriage between Charles, Prince of Wales, and Infanta Maria Anna of Spain.[121] The policy of the Spanish match, as it was called, was also attractive to James as a way to maintain peace with Spain and avoid the additional costs of a war.[122] Peace could be maintained as effectively by keeping the negotiations alive as by consummating the match—which may explain why James protracted the negotiations for almost a decade.[123]

The policy was supported by the Howards and other Catholic-leaning ministers and diplomats—together known as the Spanish Party—but deeply distrusted in Protestant England. When Walter Raleigh was released from imprisonment in 1616, he embarked on a hunt for gold in South America with strict instructions from James not to engage the Spanish.[124] Raleigh's expedition was a disastrous failure, and his son Walter was killed fighting the Spanish.[125] On Raleigh's return to England, James had him executed to the indignation of the public, who opposed the appeasement of Spain.[126] James's policy was further jeopardised by the outbreak of the Thirty Years' War, especially after his Protestant son-in-law, Frederick V, Elector Palatine, was ousted from Bohemia by the Catholic Emperor Ferdinand II in 1620, and Spanish troops simultaneously invaded Frederick's Rhineland home territory. Matters came to a head when James finally called a Parliament in 1621 to fund a military expedition in support of his son-in-law.[127] The Commons on the one hand granted subsidies inadequate to finance serious military operations in aid of Frederick,[128] and on the other—remembering the profits gained under Elizabeth by naval attacks on Spanish gold shipments—called for a war directly against Spain. In November 1621, roused by Edward Coke, they framed a petition asking not only for war with Spain but also for Prince Charles to marry a Protestant, and for enforcement of the anti-Catholic laws.[129] James flatly told them not to interfere in matters of royal prerogative or they would risk punishment,[130] which provoked them into issuing a statement protesting their rights, including freedom of speech.[131] Urged on by George Villiers, Duke of Buckingham, and the Spanish ambassador Diego Sarmiento de Acuña, Count of Gondomar, James ripped the protest out of the record book and dissolved Parliament.[132]
In early 1623, Prince Charles, now 22, and Buckingham decided to seize the initiative and travel to Spain incognito, to win Infanta Maria Anna directly, but the mission proved an ineffectual mistake.[133] Maria Anna detested Charles, and the Spanish confronted them with terms that included the repeal of anti-Catholic legislation by Parliament. Though a treaty was signed, Charles and Buckingham returned to England in October without the infanta and immediately renounced the treaty, much to the delight of the British people.[134] Disillusioned by the visit to Spain, Charles and Buckingham now turned James's Spanish policy upon its head and called for a French match and a war against the Habsburg empire.[135] To raise the necessary finance, they prevailed upon James to call another Parliament, which met in February 1624. For once, the outpouring of anti-Catholic sentiment in the Commons was echoed in court, where control of policy was shifting from James to Charles and Buckingham,[136] who pressured the king to declare war and engineered the impeachment of Lord Treasurer Lionel Cranfield, by now made Earl of Middlesex, when he opposed the plan on grounds of cost.[137] The outcome of the Parliament of 1624 was ambiguous: James still refused to declare or fund a war, but Charles believed the Commons had committed themselves to finance a war against Spain, a stance that was to contribute to his problems with Parliament in his own reign.[138]
King and Church
[edit]After the Gunpowder Plot, James sanctioned harsh measures to control English Catholics. In May 1606, Parliament passed the Popish Recusants Act, which could require any subject to take an Oath of Allegiance denying the pope's authority over the king.[139] James was conciliatory towards Catholics who took the Oath of Allegiance,[140] and tolerated crypto-Catholicism even at court.[i] Henry Howard, for example, was a crypto-Catholic, received back into the Catholic Church in his final months.[141] On ascending the English throne, James suspected that he might need the support of Catholics in England, so he assured Henry Percy, Earl of Northumberland, a prominent sympathiser of the old religion, that he would not persecute "any that will be quiet and give but an outward obedience to the law".[142]
In the Millenary Petition of 1603, the Puritan clergy demanded the abolition of confirmation, wedding rings, and the term "priest", among other things, and that the wearing of cap and surplice become optional.[143] James was strict in enforcing conformity at first, inducing a sense of persecution amongst many Puritans;[144] but ejections and suspensions from livings became rarer as the reign continued.[145] As a result of the Hampton Court Conference of 1604, some Puritan demands were acceded to in the 1604 Book of Common Prayer, though many remained displeased.[4][146] The conference also commissioned a new translation and compilation of approved books of the Bible to resolve discrepancies among different translations then being used. The King James Version, as it came to be known, was completed in 1611 and is considered a masterpiece of Jacobean prose.[147][148] It is still in widespread use.[147]
In Scotland, James attempted to bring the Scottish Kirk "so neir as can be" to the English church and to reestablish episcopacy, a policy that met with strong opposition from presbyterians.[j] James returned to Scotland in 1617 for the only time after his accession in England, in the hope of implementing Anglican ritual. James's bishops forced his Five Articles of Perth through a General Assembly the following year, but the rulings were widely resisted.[150] James left the church in Scotland divided at his death, a source of future problems for his son.[k]
Personal relationships
[edit]Throughout his life James had close relationships with male courtiers, which has caused debate among historians about their exact nature.[152] In Scotland, Anne Murray was known as the king's mistress.[153] After his accession in England, his peaceful and scholarly attitude contrasted strikingly with the bellicose and flirtatious behaviour of Elizabeth,[152] as indicated by the contemporary epigram Rex fuit Elizabeth, nunc est regina Iacobus (Elizabeth was King, now James is Queen).[154]
Some of James's biographers conclude that Esmé Stewart, 1st Duke of Lennox; Robert Carr, 1st Earl of Somerset; and George Villiers, 1st Duke of Buckingham, were his lovers.[155] John Oglander observed that he "never yet saw any fond husband make so much or so great dalliance over his beautiful spouse as I have seen King James over his favourites, especially the Duke of Buckingham"[156] whom the king would, recalled Sir Edward Peyton, "tumble and kiss as a mistress".[157] Restoration of Apethorpe Palace, Northamptonshire, undertaken in 2004–08 revealed a previously unknown passage linking the bedchambers of James and Villiers.[158]
Some biographers of James argue that the relationships were not sexual.[159] James's Basilikon Doron lists sodomy among crimes "ye are bound in conscience never to forgive", and James's wife Anne gave birth to seven live children, as well as suffering two stillbirths and at least three other miscarriages.[160] Contemporary Huguenot poet Théophile de Viau observed that "it is well known that the king of England / fucks the Duke of Buckingham".[161][l] Buckingham himself provides evidence that he slept in the same bed as the king, writing to James many years later that he had pondered "whether you loved me now ... better than at the time which I shall never forget at Farnham, where the bed's head could not be found between the master and his dog".[163] Buckingham's words may be interpreted as non-sexual, in the context of 17th-century court life,[164] and remain ambiguous despite their fondness.[165] It is also possible that James was bisexual.[166]
When the Earl of Salisbury died in 1612, he was little mourned by those who jostled to fill the power vacuum.[m] Until Salisbury's death, the Elizabethan administrative system over which he had presided continued to function with relative efficiency; from this time forward, however, James's government entered a period of decline and disrepute.[168] Salisbury's passing gave James the notion of governing in person as his own chief Minister of State, with his young Scottish favourite Robert Carr carrying out many of Salisbury's former duties, but James's inability to attend closely to official business exposed the government to factionalism.[169]
The Howard party (consisting of Henry Howard, Earl of Northampton; Thomas Howard, Earl of Suffolk; Suffolk's son-in-law William Knollys, Lord Knollys; Charles Howard, Earl of Nottingham; and Thomas Lake) soon took control of much of the government and its patronage. Even the powerful Carr fell into the Howard camp, hardly experienced for the responsibilities thrust upon him and often dependent on his intimate friend Thomas Overbury for assistance with government papers.[170] Carr had an adulterous affair with Frances Howard, Countess of Essex, daughter of the Earl of Suffolk. James assisted Frances by securing an annulment of her marriage to free her to marry Carr, now Earl of Somerset.[n]
In summer 1615, however, it emerged that Overbury had been poisoned. He had died in September 1613 in the Tower of London, where he had been placed at the king's request.[172][o] Among those convicted of the murder were the Earl and Countess of Somerset; the Earl had been replaced as the king's favourite in the meantime by Villiers. James pardoned the Countess and commuted the Earl's sentence of death, eventually pardoning him in 1624.[175] The implication of the king in such a scandal provoked much public and literary conjecture and irreparably tarnished James's court with an image of corruption and depravity.[176] The subsequent downfall of the Howards left Villiers unchallenged as the supreme figure in the government by 1619.[177]
Health and death
[edit]
In his later years, James suffered increasingly from arthritis, gout and kidney stones.[58][178] He also lost his teeth and drank heavily.[58][179] The king was often seriously ill during the last year of his life, leaving him an increasingly peripheral figure, rarely able to visit London, while Buckingham consolidated his control of Charles to ensure his own future.[p] One theory is that James suffered from porphyria, a disease of which his descendant George III exhibited some symptoms. James described his urine to physician Théodore de Mayerne as being the "dark red colour of Alicante wine".[182] The theory is dismissed by some experts, particularly in James's case, because he had kidney stones which can lead to blood in the urine, colouring it red.[183]
In early 1625, James was plagued by severe attacks of arthritis, gout, and fainting fits, and fell seriously ill in March with tertian ague and then suffered a stroke. He died at Theobalds House in Hertfordshire on 27 March during a violent attack of dysentery, with Buckingham at his bedside.[q] James's funeral on 7 May was a magnificent but disorderly affair.[185] Bishop John Williams of Lincoln preached the sermon, observing, "King Solomon died in Peace, when he had lived about sixty years ... and so you know did King James". The sermon was later printed as Great Britain's Salomon [sic].[186]
James was buried in Westminster Abbey. The position of the tomb was lost for many years until his lead coffin was found in the Henry VII vault, during an excavation in the 19th century.[187]
Legacy
[edit]
James was widely mourned. For all his flaws, he had largely retained the affection of his people, who had enjoyed uninterrupted peace and comparatively low taxation during the Jacobean era. "As he lived in peace", remarked the Earl of Kellie, "so did he die in peace, and I pray God our king [Charles I] may follow him".[188] The Earl prayed in vain: once in power, King Charles I and the Duke of Buckingham sanctioned a series of reckless military expeditions that ended in humiliating failure.[189] James had often neglected the business of government for leisure pastimes, such as the hunt; his later dependence on favourites at a scandal-ridden court undermined the respected image of monarchy so carefully constructed by Elizabeth I.[190]
Under James, the Plantation of Ulster by English and Scots Protestants began, and the English colonisation of North America started its course with the foundation of Jamestown, Virginia, in 1607[191] and Cuper's Cove, Newfoundland, in 1610. During the next 150 years, England would fight with Spain, the Netherlands, and France for control of the continent, while religious division in Ireland between Protestants and Catholics has lasted for 400 years. By actively pursuing more than just a personal union of his realms, James helped lay the foundations for a unitary British state.[192]
According to a tradition originating with anti-Stuart historians of the mid-17th-century, James's taste for political absolutism, his financial irresponsibility, and his cultivation of unpopular favourites established the foundations of the English Civil War. James bequeathed his son Charles a fatal belief in the divine right of kings, combined with a disdain for Parliament, which culminated in the execution of Charles I and the abolition of the monarchy. Over the last three hundred years, the king's reputation has suffered from the acid description of him by Anthony Weldon, whom James had sacked and who wrote treatises on James in the 1650s.[193]
Other influential anti-James histories written during the 1650s include: Edward Peyton's Divine Catastrophe of the Kingly Family of the House of Stuarts (1652); Arthur Wilson's History of Great Britain, Being the Life and Reign of King James I (1658); and Francis Osborne's Historical Memoirs of the Reigns of Queen Elizabeth and King James (1658).[194] David Harris Willson's 1956 biography continued much of this hostility.[105][195] In the words of historian Jenny Wormald, Willson's book was an "astonishing spectacle of a work whose every page proclaimed its author's increasing hatred for his subject".[196] Since Willson, however, the stability of James's government in Scotland and in the early part of his English reign, as well as his relatively enlightened views on religion and war, have earned him a re-evaluation from many historians, who have rescued his reputation from this tradition of criticism.[r]
Representative of the new historical perspective is the 2003 biography by Pauline Croft. Reviewer John Cramsie summarises her findings:
Croft's overall assessment of James is appropriately mixed. She recognises his good intentions in matters like Anglo-Scottish union, his openness to different points of view, and his agenda of a peaceful foreign policy within his kingdoms' financial means. His actions moderated frictions between his diverse peoples. Yet he also created new ones, particularly by supporting colonisation that polarised the crown's interest groups in Ireland, obtaining insufficient political benefit with his open-handed patronage, an unfortunate lack of attention to the image of monarchy (particularly after the image-obsessed regime of Elizabeth), pursuing a pro-Spanish foreign policy that fired religious prejudice and opened the door for Arminians within the English church, and enforcing unpalatable religious changes on the Scottish Kirk. Many of these criticisms are framed within a longer view of James' reigns, including the legacy—now understood to be more troubled—which he left Charles I.[198]
Titles, styles, honours, and arms
[edit]Titles and styles
[edit]In Scotland, James was "James the sixth, King of Scotland", until 1604. He was proclaimed "James the first, King of England, France, and Ireland, defender of the faith" in London on 24 March 1603.[199] On 20 October 1604, James issued a proclamation at Westminster changing his style to "King of Great Brittaine, France and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, &c."[200] The style was not used on English statutes, but was used on proclamations, coinage, letters, treaties, and in Scotland.[201] James styled himself "King of France", in line with other monarchs of England between 1340 and 1801, although he did not actually rule France.
Arms
[edit]As King of Scotland, James bore the ancient royal arms of Scotland: Or, a lion rampant Gules armed and langued Azure within a double tressure flory counter-flory Gules. The arms were supported by two unicorns Argent armed, crined and unguled Proper, gorged with a coronet Or composed of crosses patée and fleurs de lys a chain affixed thereto passing between the forelegs and reflexed over the back also Or. The crest was a lion sejant affrontée Gules, imperially crowned Or, holding in the dexter paw a sword and in the sinister paw a sceptre both erect and Proper.[202]
The Union of the Crowns of England and Scotland under James was symbolised heraldically by combining their arms, supporters and badges. Contention as to how the arms should be marshalled, and to which kingdom should take precedence, was solved by having different arms for each country.[203]
The arms used in England were: Quarterly, I and IV, quarterly 1st and 4th Azure three fleurs de lys Or (for France), 2nd and 3rd Gules three lions passant guardant in pale Or (for England); II Or a lion rampant within a tressure flory-counter-flory Gules (for Scotland); III Azure a harp Or stringed Argent (for Ireland, this was the first time that Ireland was included in the royal arms).[204] The supporters became: dexter a lion rampant guardant Or imperially crowned and sinister the Scottish unicorn. The unicorn replaced the red dragon introduced by the Tudors. The unicorn has remained in the royal arms of the two united realms. The English crest and motto was retained. The compartment often contained a branch of the Tudor rose, with shamrock and thistle engrafted on the same stem. The arms were frequently shown with James's personal motto, Beati pacifici.[203]
The arms used in Scotland were: Quarterly, I and IV Scotland, II England and France, III Ireland, with Scotland taking precedence over England. The supporters were: dexter a unicorn of Scotland imperially crowned, supporting a tilting lance flying a banner Azure a saltire Argent (Cross of Saint Andrew) and sinister the crowned lion of England supporting a similar lance flying a banner Argent a cross Gules (Cross of Saint George). The Scottish crest and motto was retained, following the Scottish practice the motto In defens (which is short for In My Defens God Me Defend) was placed above the crest.[203]
As royal badges James used: the Tudor rose, the thistle (for Scotland; first used by James III of Scotland), the Tudor rose dimidiated with the thistle ensigned with the royal crown, a harp (for Ireland) and a fleur de lys (for France).[204]
| Coat of arms used from 1567 to 1603 | Coat of arms used from 1603 to 1625 outside Scotland | Coat of arms used from 1603 to 1625 in Scotland |
Issue
[edit]
James's queen, Anne of Denmark, gave birth to seven children who survived beyond birth, of whom three reached adulthood:[205]
- Henry Frederick, Prince of Wales (19 February 1594 – 6 November 1612). Died, probably of typhoid fever, aged 18.[206]
- Elizabeth, Queen of Bohemia (19 August 1596 – 13 February 1662). Married 1613 Frederick V, Elector Palatine. Died aged 65.
- Margaret (24 December 1598 – March 1600). Died aged 1.
- Charles I, King of England, Scotland and Ireland (19 November 1600 – 30 January 1649). Married 1625 Henrietta Maria of France. Succeeded James I & VI.
- Robert, Duke of Kintyre (18 January 1602 – 27 May 1602). Died aged 4 months.[207]
- Mary (8 April 1605 – 16 December 1607). Died aged 2.
- Sophia (June 1606). Died within 48 hours of birth.[208]
Family tree
[edit]| James's relationship to the houses of Stuart and Tudor[209] |
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Ancestry
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List of writings
[edit]- The Essayes of a Prentise in the Divine Art of Poesie (also called Some Reulis and Cautelis), 1584
- His Majesties Poeticall Exercises at Vacant Houres, 1591
- Lepanto, poem
- Daemonologie, 1597
- Extra-titular Works from the Collected Demonology, 1616
- A Letter To The Whole Church Militant,
- The Argument Of This Whole Epistle,
- A Paraphrase Upon The Revelation,
- The Two Meditations
- The True Law of Free Monarchies, 1598
- Basilikon Doron, 1599
- A Counterblaste to Tobacco, 1604, a strong denunciation of tobacco
- An Apologie for the Oath of Allegiance, 1608
- A Premonition to All Most Mightie Monarches, 1609
Notes
[edit]- ^ As the Earl of Bedford was a Protestant, his place in the ceremony was taken by Jean, Countess of Argyll.[11]
- ^ Elizabeth I wrote to Mary: "My ears have been so astounded, my mind so disturbed and my heart so appalled at hearing the horrible report of the abominable murder of your late husband and my slaughtered cousin, that I can scarcely as yet summon the spirit to write about it ... I will not conceal from you that people for the most part are saying that you will look through your fingers at this deed instead of avenging it and that you don't care to take action against those who have done you this pleasure." Historian John Guy nonetheless concludes: "Not a single piece of uncontaminated evidence has ever been found to show that Mary had foreknowledge of Darnley's murder".[14] In historian David Harris Willson's view, however: "That Bothwell was the murderer no one can doubt; and that Mary was his accomplice seems equally certain."[15]
- ^ James's captors forced from him a proclamation, dated 30 August, declaring that he was not being held prisoner "forced or constrained, for fear or terror, or against his will", and that no one should come to his aid as a result of "seditious or contrary reports".[34]
- ^ James briefly broke off diplomatic relations with England over Mary's execution, but he wrote privately that Scotland "could never have been without factions if she had beene left alive".[43]
- ^ James heard on 7 October of the decision to postpone the crossing for winter.[52]
- ^ James described Cecil as "king there in effect".[91]
- ^ The introduction of Henry Howard (soon Earl of Northampton) and of Thomas Howard (soon Earl of Suffolk) marked the beginning of the rise of the Howard family to power in England, which culminated in their dominance of James's government after the death of Cecil in 1612. Henry Howard, son of poet Henry Howard, Earl of Surrey, had been a diligent correspondent with James in advance of the succession (James referred to him as "long approved and trusted Howard"). His connection with James may have owed something to the attempt by his brother Thomas Howard, Duke of Norfolk, to free and marry Mary, Queen of Scots, leading to his execution in 1572.[103] For details on the Howards, see The Trials of Frances Howard by David Lindley. Henry Howard is a traditionally reviled figure (Willson [1956] called him "A man of dark counsels and creeping schemes, learned but bombastic, and a most fulsome flatterer"[104]) whose reputation was upgraded by Linda Levy Peck's 1982 biography Northampton.[105]
- ^ English and Scot, James insisted, should "join and coalesce together in a sincere and perfect union, as two twins bred in one belly, to love one another as no more two but one estate".[107]
- ^ A crypto-Catholic was someone who outwardly conformed to Protestantism but remained a Catholic in private.
- ^ In March 1605, Archbishop Spottiswood wrote to James warning him that sermons against bishops were being preached daily in Edinburgh.[149]
- ^ Assessments of the Kirk at James's death are divided. Some historians argue that the Scots might have accepted James's policies eventually, others that James left the Kirk in crisis.[151]
- ^ In the original: Et ce savant roy d'Angleterre / foutoit-il pas le Boukinquan.[162]
- ^ Northampton assumed the day-to-day running of government business, and spoke of "the death of the little man for which so many rejoice and few do as much as seem to be sorry."[167]
- ^ The commissioners judging the case reached a 5–5 verdict, so James quickly appointed two extra judges guaranteed to vote in favour, an intervention which aroused public censure. When Thomas Bilson (son of Bishop Bilson of Winchester, one of the added commissioners) was knighted after the annulment, he was given the nickname "Sir Nullity Bilson".[171]
- ^ It is very likely that Overbury was the victim of a 'set-up' contrived by the earls of Northampton and Suffolk, with Carr's complicity, to keep him out of the way during the annulment proceedings. Overbury knew too much of Carr's dealings with Frances and he opposed the match with a fervour that made him dangerous, motivated by a deep political hostility to the Howards. It cannot have been difficult to secure James's compliance, because he disliked Overbury and his influence over Carr.[173] John Chamberlain reported that the king "hath long had a desire to remove him from about the lord of Rochester, as thinking it a dishonour to him that the world should have an opinion that Rochester ruled him and Overbury ruled Rochester".[174]
- ^ Some historians (for example Willson) consider James, who was 58 in 1624, to have lapsed into premature senility;[180] but he suffered from an agonising species of arthritis which constantly left him indisposed, as well as other ailments; and Pauline Croft suggests that James regained some control over his affairs in summer 1624, afforded relief by the warm weather. She sees his continuing refusal to sanction war against Spain as a deliberate stand against the aggressive policies of Charles and Buckingham.[181]
- ^ A medicine recommended by Buckingham had only served to make the king worse, which led to rumours that the duke had poisoned him.[184]
- ^ In recent decades, much scholarship has emphasised James's success in Scotland (though there have been partial dissenters, such as Michael Lynch), and there is an emerging appreciation of James's successes in the early part of his reign in England.[197]
References
[edit]- ^ Milling 2004, p. 155.
- ^ Fischlin & Fortier 2002, p. 39
- ^ Rhodes, Richards & Marshall 2003, p. 1: "James VI and I was the most writerly of British monarchs. He produced original poetry, as well as translation and a treatise on poetics; works on witchcraft and tobacco; meditations and commentaries on the Scriptures; a manual on kingship; works of political theory; and, of course, speeches to parliament ... He was the patron of Shakespeare, Jonson, Donne, and the translators of the "Authorized version" of the Bible, surely the greatest concentration of literary talent ever to enjoy royal sponsorship in England."
- ^ a b Cummings, Brian, ed. (2011). The Book of Common Prayer: The Texts of 1549, 1559, and 1662. Oxford World's Classics. Oxford: Oxford University Press. p. 737.
- ^ Smith 2003, p. 238: "The label 'the wisest fool in Christendom', often attributed to Henry IV of France but possibly coined by Anthony Weldon, catches James's paradoxical qualities very neatly"; Anthony Weldon (1651), The Court and Character of King James I, quoted by Stroud 1999, p. 27: "A very wise man was wont to say that he believed him the wisest fool in Christendom, meaning him wise in small things, but a fool in weighty affairs."
- ^ Croft 2003, p. 6: "Historians have returned to reconsidering James as a serious and intelligent ruler"; Lockyer 1998, pp. 4–6; Smith 2003, p. 238: "In contrast to earlier historians, recent research on his reign has tended to emphasize the wisdom and downplay the foolishness".
- ^ Davies 1959, pp. 47–57
- ^ Guy 2004, pp. 236–237, 241–242, 270; Willson 1963, p. 13.
- ^ Guy 2004, pp. 248–250; Willson 1963, p. 16.
- ^ Joseph Bain, Calendar State Papers Scotland, vol. 2 (Edinburgh, 1900), p. 290.
- ^ Willson 1963, p. 17.
- ^ Donaldson 1974, p. 99.
- ^ Thomson 1827, pp. 171–172.
- ^ Guy 2004, pp. 312–313.
- ^ Willson 1963, p. 18.
- ^ Guy 2004, pp. 364–365; Willson 1963, p. 19.
- ^ Letter of Mary to Mar, 29 March 1567, quoted by Stewart 2003, p. 27: "Suffer nor admit no noblemen of our realm or any others, of what condition soever they be of, to enter or come within our said Castle or to the presence of our said dearest son, with any more persons but two or three at the most."
- ^ Stewart 2003, p. 33; Willson 1963, p. 18.
- ^ Croft 2003, p. 11.
- ^ Courtney 2024, p. 18.
- ^ Willson 1963, p. 19.
- ^ Croft 2003, pp. 12–13.
- ^ Croft 2003, pp. 13, 18.
- ^ Spottiswoode, John (1851), History of the Church in Scotland, Edinburgh: Oliver & Boyd, vol. 2, p. 120.
- ^ Croft 2003, p. 13.
- ^ Thomson 1827, pp. 248–249.
- ^ Stewart 2003, p. 45; Willson 1963, pp. 28–29.
- ^ a b Croft 2003, p. 15.
- ^ Lockyer 1998, pp. 11–12; Stewart 2003, pp. 51–63.
- ^ Wiggins, Martin; Richardson, Catherine (2012). British Drama 1533–1642: A Catalogue. Vol. II: 1567–1589. Oxford University Press, USA. pp. 242–244. ISBN 978-0-1992-6572-5. OL 25969471M.
- ^ David Calderwood quoted by Stewart 2003, p. 63: "So ended this nobleman, one of the chief instruments of the reformation; a defender of the same, and of the King in his minority, for the which he is now unthankfully dealt with."
- ^ Stewart 2003, p. 63.
- ^ Lockyer 1998, pp. 13–15; Willson 1963, p. 35.
- ^ Stewart 2003, p. 66.
- ^ Jackson 2025, p. 65
- ^ Law 1904, pp. 295, 297.
- ^ Jackson 2025, p. 66
- ^ Croft 2003, pp. 17–18; Willson 1963, pp. 39, 50.
- ^ Croft 2003, p. 20.
- ^ Croft 2003, pp. 29, 41–42; Willson 1963, pp. 121–124.
- ^ Lockyer 1998, pp. 24–25; Stewart 2003, pp. 150–157.
- ^ Croft 2003, p. 45; George Nicolson quoted by Stewart 2003, p. 154: "It is begun to be noted that the reports coming from the King should differ"; Williams 1970, p. 61: "The two principal characters were dead, the evidence of eyewitnesses was destroyed and only King James's version remained"; Willson 1963, pp. 126–130.
- ^ Croft 2003, p. 22.
- ^ Lockyer 1998, pp. 29–31; Willson 1963, p. 52.
- ^ Croft 2003, p. 23.
- ^ Goodare, Julian (2000). "James VI's English Subsidy". In Goodare, Julian; Lynch, Michael (eds.). The Reign of James VI. East Linton: Tuckwell. p. 115.
- ^ Jackson 2025, p. 105
- ^ Pearce 2022, p. 108.
- ^ Croft 2003, pp. 23–24.
- ^ Courtney 2024, p. 114.
- ^ Willson 1963, p. 85.
- ^ Stewart 2003, pp. 107–110.
- ^ a b Smuts, R. Malcolm (2005). "Britain, Denmark-Norway and the House of Stuart, 1603-1660: A Diplomatic and Military Analysis (review)". Renaissance Quarterly. 58 (4): 1418–1419. ISSN 1935-0236.
- ^ Kerr-Peterson, Miles; Pearce, Michael (2020). James VI's English Subsidy and Danish Dowry Accounts, 1588–1596. Scottish History Society Miscellany XVI. Woodbridge. p. 35.
- ^ Stevenson, David (1997). Scotland's Last Royal Wedding. Edinburgh: John Donald. pp. 99–100.
- ^ Willson 1963, pp. 85–95.
- ^ Pearce 2022, pp. 108–123.
- ^ a b c Croft 2003, p. 101.
- ^ Croft 2003, p. 26.
- ^ Willson 1963, p. 103.
- ^ Willumsen, Liv Helene (1 December 2020). "Witchcraft against Royal Danish Ships in 1589 and the Transnational Transfer of Ideas". International Review of Scottish Studies. 45: 54–99. doi:10.21083/irss.v45i0.5801. hdl:10037/20205. ISSN 1923-5755. S2CID 229451135 – via www.irss.uoguelph.ca.
- ^ a b Keay & Keay 1994, p. 556.
- ^ Willson 1963, pp. 103–105.
- ^ Croft 2003, p. 27; Lockyer 1998, p. 21; Willson 1963, pp. 105, 308–309.
- ^ Akrigg 1984, p. 220; Willson 1963, p. 309.
- ^ Hunter 2000, pp. 143, 166.
- ^ Hunter 2000, p. 174.
- ^ Thompson 1968, pp. 40–41.
- ^ Hunter 2000, p. 175.
- ^ Thompson 1968, pp. 40–41; Hunter 2000, p. 175
- ^ Hunter 2000, p. 175; Rotary Club of Stornoway 1995, pp. 12–13
- ^ Hunter 2000, p. 176.
- ^ MacKinnon 1991, p. 46.
- ^ Croft 2003, p. 139; Lockyer 1998, p. 179
- ^ a b Willson 1963, p. 321.
- ^ James quoted by Willson 1963, p. 131: "Kings are called gods by the prophetical King David because they sit upon God His throne in earth and have the count of their administration to give unto Him."
- ^ Croft 2003, pp. 131–133.
- ^ Willson 1963, p. 133.
- ^ Croft 2003, pp. 134–135: "James wrote well, scattering engaging asides throughout the text"; Willson 1963, p. 132: "Basilikon Doron is the best prose James ever wrote".
- ^ Croft 2003, p. 133.
- ^ Quoted by Willson 1963, p. 132.
- ^ Jackson 2025, p. 16
- ^ Jack 1988, pp. 126–127.
- ^ See: Jack, R. D. S. (2000), "Scottish Literature: 1603 and all that Archived 11 February 2012 at the Wayback Machine", Association for Scottish Literary Studies, retrieved 18 October 2011.
- ^ Jack, R. D. S. (1985), Alexander Montgomerie, Edinburgh: Scottish Academic Press, pp. 1–2.
- ^ Jack 1988, p. 125.
- ^ Jack 1988, p. 137.
- ^ Spiller, Michael (1988), "Poetry after the Union 1603–1660", in Craig, Cairns (general editor), The History of Scottish Literature, Aberdeen University Press, vol. 1, pp. 141–152. Spiller points out that the trend, although unambiguous, was generally more mixed.
- ^ See for example Rhodes, Neil (2004), "Wrapped in the Strong Arm of the Union: Shakespeare and King James", in Maley, Willy; Murphy, Andrew (eds), Shakespeare and Scotland, Manchester University Press, pp. 38–39.
- ^ Jack 1988, pp. 137–138.
- ^ Croft 2003, p. 48.
- ^ Lockyer 1998, pp. 161–162; Willson 1963, pp. 154–155.
- ^ a b Croft 2003, p. 49.
- ^ Willson 1963, p. 158.
- ^ Courtney 2024, p. 239.
- ^ Martin 2016, p. 315; Willson 1963, pp. 160–164.
- ^ Croft 2003, p. 50.
- ^ Stewart 2003, p. 169.
- ^ Stewart 2003, p. 172; Willson 1963, p. 165.
- ^ Stewart 2003, p. 173.
- ^ Croft 2003, pp. 50–51.
- ^ a b c d e Croft 2003, p. 51.
- ^ Guy 2004, pp. 461–468; Willson 1963, p. 156.
- ^ Willson 1963, p. 156.
- ^ a b Croft 2003, p. 6.
- ^ Croft 2003, pp. 52–54.
- ^ Willson 1963, p. 250.
- ^ Willson 1963, pp. 249–253.
- ^ Croft 2003, p. 67; Willson 1963, pp. 249–253.
- ^ Croft 2003, pp. 52–53.
- ^ Croft 2003, p. 118.
- ^ Stewart 2003, p. 219.
- ^ Croft 2003, p. 64.
- ^ Nicholls, Mark (2004). "Rookwood, Ambrose (c. 1578–1606)". Oxford Dictionary of National Biography. Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (online ed.). Oxford University Press. doi:10.1093/ref:odnb/24066. Retrieved 13 August 2022. (Subscription, Wikipedia Library access or UK public library membership required.)
- ^ Croft 2003, p. 63.
- ^ Quoted by Croft 2003, p. 62.
- ^ Croft 2003, pp. 75–81.
- ^ Croft 2003, p. 80; Lockyer 1998, p. 167; Willson 1963, p. 267.
- ^ Croft 2003, p. 93; Willson 1963, p. 348.
- ^ Willson 1963, p. 409.
- ^ Willson 1963, pp. 348, 357.
- ^ Schama 2001, p. 59.
- ^ Kenyon, J. P. (1978). Stuart England. Harmondsworth, England: Penguin Books. pp. 88–89.
- ^ Willson 1963, pp. 369–370.
- ^ Croft 2003, p. 104; Willson 1963, pp. 372–373.
- ^ Willson 1963, p. 374–377.
- ^ Willson 1963, p. 408–416.
- ^ Lockyer 1998, p. 148; Willson 1963, p. 417.
- ^ Willson 1963, p. 421.
- ^ Willson 1963, p. 422.
- ^ James quoted by Willson 1963, p. 423: "We cannot with patience endure our subjects to use such anti-monarchical words to us concerning their liberties, except they had subjoined that they were granted unto them by the grace and favour of our predecessors."
- ^ Willson 1963, p. 243.
- ^ Croft 2003, pp. 118–119; Willson 1963, pp. 431–435.
- ^ Cogswell 2005, pp. 224–225, 243, 281–299; Croft 2003, p. 120; Schama 2001, p. 64.
- ^ Croft 2003, pp. 120–121.
- ^ Krugler 2004, pp. 63–64: "The aging monarch was no match for the two men closest to him. By the end of the year, the prince and the royal favourite spoke openly against the Spanish marriage and pressured James to call a parliament to consider their now repugnant treaties ... with hindsight ... the prince's return from Madrid marked the end of the king's reign. The prince and the favourite encouraged popular anti-Spanish sentiments to commandeer control of foreign and domestic policy".
- ^ Croft 2003, p. 125; Lockyer 1998, p. 195.
- ^ Croft 2003, p. 126: "On that divergence of interpretation, relations between the future king and the Parliaments of the years 1625–9 were to founder".
- ^ Stewart 2003, p. 225.
- ^ Willson 1963, p. 228.
- ^ Croft 2003, p. 162.
- ^ Akrigg 1984, pp. 207–208; Willson 1963, pp. 148–149.
- ^ Willson 1963, p. 201.
- ^ Croft 2003, p. 156; Stewart 2003, p. 205: "In seeking conformity, James gave a name and a purpose to nonconformity"; Basilikon Doron quoted by Willson 1963, pp. 201, 209: "In things indifferent, they are seditious which obey not the magistrates".
- ^ Croft 2003, p. 158.
- ^ Spinks, Bryan D. (2006). "Anglicans and Dissenters". In Wainwright, Geoffrey; Westerfield Tucker, Karen B. (eds.). The Oxford History of Christian Worship. Oxford: Oxford University Press. pp. 503–504. ISBN 978-0-1951-3886-3.
- ^ a b Croft 2003, p. 157.
- ^ Willson 1963, pp. 213–215.
- ^ Croft 2003, p. 164.
- ^ Croft 2003, p. 166; Lockyer 1998, pp. 185–186; Willson 1963, p. 320.
- ^ Croft 2003, p. 167.
- ^ a b Bucholz & Key 2004, p. 208: "... his sexuality has long been a matter of debate. He clearly preferred the company of handsome young men. The evidence of his correspondence and contemporary accounts have led some historians to conclude that the king was homosexual or bisexual. In fact, the issue is murky."
- ^ Bain, Joseph (1894), Calendar of letters and papers relating to the affairs of the borders of England and Scotland, vol. 2, Edinburgh, pp. 30–31, 44
{{citation}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link) - ^ Hyde, H. Montgomery (1970). The Love That Dared Not Speak its Name. London: Heinemann. pp. 43–44.
- ^ e.g. Young, Michael B. (2000), King James and the History of Homosexuality, New York University Press, ISBN 978-0-8147-9693-1; Bergeron, David M. (1991), Royal Family, Royal Lovers: King James of England and Scotland, University of Missouri Press, ISBN 0826207839; Murphy, Timothy (2011), Reader's Guide To Gay & Lesbian Studies, Routledge Dearborn Publishers, p. 314, ISBN 9781579581428.
- ^ Bergeron, David M. (1999). King James and Letters of Homoerotic Desire. Iowa City: University of Iowa Press. p. 348.
- ^ Ruigh, Robert E. (1971). The Parliament of 1624: Politics and Foreign Policy. Harvard University Press. p. 77.
- ^ Graham, Fiona (5 June 2008). "To the manor bought". BBC News. Retrieved 18 October 2008.
- ^ e.g. Lee, Maurice (1990), Great Britain's Solomon: James VI and I in his Three Kingdoms, Urbana: University of Illinois Press, ISBN 978-0-2520-1686-8.
- ^ Lockyer 1981, pp. 19, 21; Weir, Alison (1996). Britain's Royal Families: The Complete Genealogy. Random House. pp. 249–251. ISBN 0-7126-7448-9.
- ^ Norton, Rictor (8 January 2000), "Queen James and His Courtiers", Gay History and Literature, retrieved 9 December 2015.
- ^ Gaudiani, Claire Lynn (1981), The Cabaret poetry of Théophile de Viau: Texts and Traditions, Tübingen: Gunter Narr Verlag, pp. 103–104, ISBN 978-3-8780-8892-9, retrieved 9 December 2015.
- ^ Lockyer 1981, p. 22.
- ^ Bray, Alan (2003). The Friend. University of Chicago Press. pp. 167–170. ISBN 0-2260-7180-4.; Bray, Alan (1994). "Homosexuality and the Signs of Male Friendship in Elizabethan England". In Goldberg, Jonathan (ed.). Queering the Renaissance. Duke University Press. pp. 42–44. ISBN 0-8223-1385-5.
- ^ Ackroyd, Peter (2014). The History of England. Vol. III: Civil War. Macmillan. p. 45. ISBN 978-0-2307-0641-5.; Miller, John (2004). The Stuarts. Hambledon. p. 38. ISBN 1-8528-5432-4.
- ^ Dabiri, Emma. "Filled with 'a number of male lovelies': the surprising court of King James VI and I". BBC Scotland. BBC. Retrieved 28 August 2020.
- ^ Willson 1963, p. 269.
- ^ Willson 1963, p. 333: "Finances fell into chaos, foreign affairs became more difficult. James exalted a worthless favourite and increased the power of the Howards. As government relaxed and honour cheapened, we enter a period of decline and weakness, of intrigue, scandal, confusion and treachery."
- ^ Willson 1963, pp. 334–335.
- ^ Willson 1963, p. 349; Francis Bacon, speaking at Carr's trial, quoted by Perry 2006, p. 105: "Packets were sent, sometimes opened by my lord, sometimes unbroken unto Overbury, who perused them, registered them, made table-talk of them, as they thought good. So I will undertake the time was, when Overbury knew more of the secrets of state, than the council-table did."
- ^ Lindley 1993, p. 120.
- ^ Barroll 2001, p. 136: "Rumours of foul play involving Rochester and his wife with Overbury had, however, been circulating since his death. Indeed, almost two years later, in September 1615, and as James was in the process of replacing Rochester with a new favourite, George Villiers, the Governor of the Tower of London sent a letter to the king informing him that one of the warders in the days before Overbury had been found dead had been bringing the prisoner poisoned food and medicine"; Lindley 1993, p. 146.
- ^ Lindley 1993, p. 145.
- ^ Willson 1963, p. 342.
- ^ Croft 2003, p. 91.
- ^ Davies 1959, p. 20: "Probably no single event, prior to the attempt to arrest the five members in 1642, did more to lessen the general reverence with which royalty was regarded in England than this unsavoury episode."
- ^ Croft 2003, pp. 98–99; Willson 1963, p. 397.
- ^ Willson 1963, pp. 378, 404.
- ^ Willson 1963, p. 379.
- ^ Willson 1963, p. 425.
- ^ Croft 2003, pp. 126–127; Croft 2003, p. 101: "James never became a cypher"; Lockyer 1998, p. 174: "During the last eighteen months of his life James fought a very effective rearguard action to preserve his control of foreign policy ... he never became a cypher."
- ^ Röhl, John C. G.; Warren, Martin; Hunt, David (1998), Purple Secret: Genes, "Madness" and the Royal Houses of Europe, London: Bantam Press, ISBN 0-5930-4148-8.
- ^ e.g. Dean, Geoffrey (2002), The Turnstone: A Doctor's Story., Liverpool University Press, pp. 128–129.
- ^ Croft 2003, pp. 127–128; Willson 1963, pp. 445–447.
- ^ John Chamberlain quoted in Croft 2003, p. 129 and Willson 1963, p. 447: "All was performed with great magnificence, but ... very confused and disorderly."
- ^ Croft 2003, pp. 129–130; "Great Britains Salomon A sermon preached at the magnificent funerall, of the most high and mighty king, Iames, the late King of Great Britaine, France, and Ireland, defender of the faith, &c. At the Collegiat Church of Saint Peter at Westminster, the seuenth of May 1625. By the Right Honorable, and Right Reuerend Father in God, Iohn, Lord Bishop of Lincolne, Lord Keeper of the Great Seale of England, &c". quod.lib.umich.edu. Retrieved 1 April 2021.
- ^ Stanley, Arthur (1886), Historical Memorials of Westminster Abbey, London: John Murray, pp. 499–526.
- ^ Croft 2003, p. 130.
- ^ Stewart 2003, p. 348: "A 1627 mission to save the Huguenots of La Rochelle ended in an ignominious siege on the Isle of Ré, leaving the Duke as the object of widespread ridicule."
- ^ Croft 2003, p. 129.
- ^ Croft 2003, p. 146.
- ^ Croft 2003, p. 67.
- ^ Croft 2003, pp. 3–4: "Often witty and perceptive but also prejudiced and abusive, their status as eye-witness accounts and their compulsive readability led too many historians to take them at face value"; Lockyer 1998, pp. 1–4.
- ^ For more on the influence of Commonwealth historians on the tradition of tracing Charles I's errors back to his father's reign, see Lindley 1993, p. 44.
- ^ Lockyer 1998, p. 4.
- ^ Wormald 2011.
- ^ Croft 2003, pp. 1–9, 46.
- ^ Cramsie, John (June 2003), "The Changing Reputations of Elizabeth I and James VI & I", Reviews and History: Covering books and digital resources across all fields of history (review no. 334), archived from the original on 23 October 2018, retrieved 19 July 2017
- ^ Velde, Francois, Proclamation by the King, 24 March 1603, heraldica.org, retrieved 9 February 2013.
- ^ Velde, Francois, Proclamation by the King, 20 October 1604, heraldica.org, retrieved 9 February 2013.
- ^ Willson 1963, pp. 252–253.
- ^ Pinches & Pinches 1974, pp. 159–160.
- ^ a b c Pinches & Pinches 1974, pp. 168–169.
- ^ a b Brooke-Little, J. P. (1978) [1950], Boutell's Heraldry Revised edition, London: Frederick Warne, ISBN 0-7232-2096-4, pp. 213, 215.
- ^ Stewart 2003, pp. 140, 142.
- ^ Stewart 2003, p. 248: "Latter day experts have suggested enteric fever, typhoid fever, or porphyria, but at the time poison was the most popular explanation ... John Chamberlain wrote that it was 'verily thought that the disease was no other than the ordinary ague that had reigned and raged all over England'."
- ^ Barroll 2001, p. 27; Willson 1963, p. 452.
- ^ Croft 2003, p. 55; Stewart 2003, p. 142; Willson 1963, p. 456.
- ^ Warnicke 2006, p. xvi–xvii
Sources
[edit]- Akrigg, G. P. V. (George Philip Vernon), ed. (1984), Letters of King James VI & I, Berkeley & Los Angeles: University of California, ISBN 978-0-5200-4707-5
- Barroll, J. Leeds (2001), Anna of Denmark, Queen of England: A Cultural Biography, Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania, ISBN 978-0-8122-3574-6
- Bucholz, Robert; Key, Newton (2004), Early Modern England, 1485–1714: A Narrative History, Oxford: Blackwell, ISBN 978-0-6312-1393-2
- Cogswell, Thomas (2005) [1989], The Blessed Revolution: English Politics and the Coming of War 1621–24, Cambridge University Press, ISBN 978-0-5210-2313-9
- Courtney, Alexander (2024), James VI, Britannic Prince: King of Scots and Elizabeth's Heir, 1566–1603, London: Routledge, ISBN 978-1-138-60626-5
- Croft, Pauline (2003), King James, Basingstoke and New York: Palgrave Macmillan, ISBN 978-0-3336-1395-5.
- Davies, Godfrey (1959) [1937], The Early Stuarts, Oxford: Clarendon Press, ISBN 978-0-1982-1704-6
{{citation}}: ISBN / Date incompatibility (help) - Donaldson, Gordon (1974), Mary, Queen of Scots, London: English Universities Press, ISBN 978-0-3401-2383-6
- Fischlin, Daniel; Fortier, Mark (2002), "'Enregistrate Speech': Stratagems of Monarchic Writing in the Work of James VI and I", in Fischlin, Daniel; Fortier, Mark (eds.), Royal Subjects: Essays on the Writings of James VI and I, Wayne State University Press, ISBN 978-0-8143-2877-4
- Guy, John (2004), My Heart is My Own: The Life of Mary Queen of Scots, London and New York: Fourth Estate, ISBN 978-1-8411-5752-8
- Hunter, James (2000), Last of the Free: A History of the Highlands and Islands of Scotland, Edinburgh: Mainstream, ISBN 978-1-8401-8376-4
- Jack, R. D. S. (Ronald) (1988), "Poetry under King James VI", in Craig, Cairns (ed.), The History of Scottish Literature, vol. 1, Aberdeen University Press
- Jackson, Clare (2025), The Mirror of Great Britain: A Life of James VI and I, London: Allen Lane, ISBN 978-0-241-61127-2
- Keay, John; Keay, Julia (1994), Collins Encyclopaedia of Scotland, London: HarperCollins, ISBN 978-0-0025-5082-6
- Krugler, John D. (2004), English and Catholic: The Lords Baltimore in the Seventeenth Century, Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, ISBN 978-0-8018-7963-0
- Law, Thomas Graves (1904), "John Craig", in Brown, P. Hume (ed.), Collected Essays and Reviews of Thomas Graves Law, Edinburgh: T. & A. Constable, Edinburgh University Press
- Lindley, David (1993), The Trials of Frances Howard: Fact and Fiction at the Court of King James, Routledge, ISBN 978-0-4150-5206-1
- Lockyer, Roger (1981), Buckingham: The Life and Political Career of George Villiers, First Duke of Buckingham, 1592–1628, Longman, ISBN 978-0-5825-0296-3
- —— (1998), James VI and I, Longman, ISBN 978-0-5822-7961-2
- MacKinnon, Kenneth (1991), Gaelic – A Past and Future Prospect, Edinburgh: The Saltire Society, ISBN 978-0-8541-1047-6
- Martin, Patrick H. (2016), Elizabethan Espionage: Plotters and Spies in the Struggle Between Catholicism and the Crown, Jefferson, North Carolina: McFarland, ISBN 978-1-4766-6255-8
- Milling, Jane (2004), "The Development of a Professional Theatre", in Milling, Jane; Thomson, Peter; Donohue, Joseph W. (eds.), The Cambridge History of British Theatre, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, ISBN 978-0-5216-5040-3
- Pearce, Michael (2022), "'Maskerye claythis' for James VI and Anna of Denmark", in Twycross, Meg (ed.), Medieval English Theatre 43, Cambridge: D. S. Brewer, ISBN 978-1-84384-630-7
- Perry, Curtis (2006), Literature and Favoritism in Early Modern England, Cambridge; New York: Cambridge University Press, ISBN 978-0-5218-5405-4
- Pinches, John; Pinches, Rosemary (1974), The Royal Heraldry of England, London: Heraldry Today, ISBN 0-9004-5525-X
- Rhodes, Neil; Richards, Jennifer; Marshall, Joseph (2003), King James VI and I: Selected Writings, Ashgate Publishing, ISBN 978-0-7546-0482-2
- Rotary Club of Stornoway (1995), The Outer Hebrides Handbook and Guide, Machynlleth: Kittiwake, ISBN 978-0-9511-0035-6
- Schama, Simon (2001), A History of Britain, vol. II, New York: Hyperion, ISBN 978-0-7868-6752-3
- Smith, David L. (2003), "Politics in Early Stuart Britain", in Coward, Barry (ed.), A Companion to Stuart Britain, Blackwell Publishing, ISBN 978-0-6312-1874-6
- Stewart, Alan (2003), The Cradle King: A Life of James VI & I, London: Chatto and Windus, ISBN 978-0-7011-6984-8
- Stroud, Angus (1999), Stuart England, Routledge, ISBN 978-0-4152-0652-5
- Thompson, Francis (1968), Harris and Lewis, Outer Hebrides, Newton Abbot: David & Charles, ISBN 978-0-7153-4260-2
- Thomson, Thomas, ed. (1827), Sir James Melvill of Halhill; Memoirs of his own life, Bannatyne Club
- Warnicke, Retha M. (2006). Mary Queen of Scots. New York: Routledge. ISBN 978-0-4152-9182-8.
- Williams, Ethel Carleton (1970), Anne of Denmark, London: Longman, ISBN 978-0-5821-2783-8
- Willson, David Harris (1963) [1956], King James VI & I, London: Jonathan Cape, ISBN 978-0-2246-0572-4
{{citation}}: ISBN / Date incompatibility (help) - Wormald, Jenny (May 2011) [2004], "James VI and I (1566–1625)", Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (online ed.), Oxford University Press, doi:10.1093/ref:odnb/14592 (Subscription, Wikipedia Library access or UK public library membership required.)
Further reading
[edit]- Akrigg, G. P. V. (1978). Jacobean Pageant: The Court of King James I. New York: Atheneum. ISBN 0-6897-0003-2.
- Fraser, Antonia (1974). King James VI of Scotland, I of England. London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson. ISBN 0-2977-6775-5.
- Coward, Barry and Gaunt, Peter (2017). The Stuart Age: England, 1603–1714. 5th ed., ch. 4. Routledge. ISBN 978-1-138-94954-6
- Durston, Christopher (1993). James I. Routledge. ISBN 0-4150-7779-6
- Fincham, Kenneth; Lake, Peter (1985). "The ecclesiastical policy of King James I". Journal of British Studies, 24 (2): 169–207
- Gardiner, S. R. (1907). "Britain under James I" in The Cambridge Modern History, vol. 3, ch. 17 online
- Goodare, Julian (2009). "The debts of James VI of Scotland". The Economic History Review 62 (4): 926–952
- Hirst, Derek (1986). Authority and Conflict: England 1603–1658, pp. 96–136, Harvard University Press. ISBN 0-6740-5290-0
- Houston, S. J. (1974). James I. Longman. ISBN 0-5823-5208-8
- Jackson, Clare (2025). The Mirror of Great Britain: A Life of James VI and I. Allen Lane; Liveright.
- Lee, Maurice (1984). "James I and the Historians: Not a Bad King After All?" Albion 16 (2): 151–163. in JSTOR
- Montague, F. C. (1907). The History of England from the Accession of James 1st to the Restoration (1603–1660) online
- Peck, Linda Levy (1982). Northampton: Patronage and Policy at the Court of James I. HarperCollins. ISBN 0-0494-2177-8
- Questier, Michael. "Every inch a king?: The posthumous reputation of James VI and I" (Review of books in this list by Gareth Russell, Anna Whitelock, and Clare Jackson.) TLS, August 8, 2025.
- Russell, Gareth (2025). Queen James: The Life and Loves of Britain's First King. William Collins. Also to be published as The Six Loves of James I. Atria Books.
- Schwarz, Marc L. (1974). "James I and the Historians: Toward a Reconsideration" Journal of British Studies, 13 (2): 114–134 in JSTOR
- Smith, D. L. (1998). A History of the Modern British Isles – 1603–1707 – The Double Crown chs. 2, 3.1, and 3.2. Blackwell. ISBN 978-0-6311-9402-6
- Whitelock, Anna (2025). The Sun Rising: James I and the Dawn of Global Britain. Bloomsbury; Viking.
- Wormald, Jenny (1983). "James VI and I: Two Kings or One?". History. 68 (223): 187–209. doi:10.1111/j.1468-229X.1983.tb01404.x.
- Young, Michael B. (1999). King James VI and I and the History of Homosexuality. Springer.
- —— (2012). "James VI and I: Time for a Reconsideration?". Journal of British Studies. 51 (3): 540–567. doi:10.1086/664955. S2CID 142991232.
External links
[edit]- James VI and I at the official website of the British monarchy
- James I at the official website of the Royal Collection Trust
- James I and VI at BBC History
- Portraits of King James I and VI at the National Portrait Gallery, London
- Works by James VI and I at Project Gutenberg
- Works by or about James VI and I at the Internet Archive
- Works by James VI and I at LibriVox (public domain audiobooks)

- Documents on James I curated by The National Archives
James VI and I
View on GrokipediaEarly Life
Birth and Immediate Context
James VI of Scotland was born on 19 June 1566 in the Royal Apartments at Edinburgh Castle.[8] He was the only child of Mary, Queen of Scots, and her second husband, Henry Stuart, Lord Darnley, a union contracted on 29 July 1565 despite opposition from Scottish Protestant nobles who viewed Darnley as Catholic-leaning and ambitious.[9][10] Mary's marriage to Darnley, her first cousin once removed, aimed to bolster her dynastic claims, as both descended from Margaret Tudor, sister of Henry VIII, positioning their offspring as potential heirs to the English throne.[11] The pregnancy occurred amid escalating tensions; on 9 March 1566, while in her sixth month, Mary witnessed Darnley and confederates murder her Italian secretary David Rizzio in her presence at Holyrood Palace, an event that traumatized her but did not harm the fetus.[12] James entered the world healthy, reportedly born with a caul over his head—a membrane superstitiously believed to confer protection and maritime fortune.[13] As the monarch's eldest son and heir apparent, he immediately became Duke of Rothesay and Earl of Carrick under Scottish royal tradition.[10] His birth briefly stabilized Mary's position by securing a Protestant-influenced succession in a realm fractured by religious strife following the 1560 Reformation Parliament's abolition of papal authority.[14]Minority and Regencies
Following the forced abdication of his mother, Mary, Queen of Scots, on 24 July 1567, James, then aged thirteen months, was crowned King of Scots on 29 July 1567 at the Church of the Holy Rood in Stirling.[15] [16] The kingdom plunged into factional strife between supporters of the infant king (the King's Party) and loyalists to the deposed queen (the Queen's Party or Marian faction), sparking the Marian civil war that persisted until 1573.[17] [16] James resided primarily at Stirling Castle under the guardianship of figures like the Earl of Mar, receiving a rigorous Protestant education from tutor George Buchanan, who instilled strong anti-Catholic and absolutist views while reportedly subjecting the boy to physical discipline.[18] The first regent, James Stewart, Earl of Moray and Mary's illegitimate half-brother, assumed office in August 1567 and earned the epithet "the Good Regent" for defeating Marian forces at the Battle of Langside on 13 May 1568, thereby securing Protestant dominance and enacting reforms aligned with the 1560 Reformation Parliament.[16] Moray sought diplomatic recognition from England's Elizabeth I but faced ongoing raids by Mary's supporters; he was assassinated on 23 January 1570 at Linlithgow by James Hamilton, a Marian adherent, intensifying the civil conflict.[16] [15] Matthew Stewart, 4th Earl of Lennox and James's paternal grandfather, succeeded as regent in July 1570 with English backing, aiming to suppress the Queen's Party amid continued unrest.[16] [17] His tenure ended abruptly on 4 September 1571 when he was fatally shot during a raid on Stirling Castle by Highland forces loyal to Mary.[15] [17] John Erskine, Earl of Mar, took regency in October 1571, focusing on executing predecessors' assassins and seeking alliances with Morton and Elizabeth I to weaken Marian holdouts.[16] [15] His brief rule concluded with his death on 28 October 1572, attributed to illness but suspected by some contemporaries of poisoning.[17] [15] James Douglas, 4th Earl of Morton, assumed the regency in November 1572, leveraging his influence to end the civil war through the Pacification of Perth in February 1573, which surrendered key strongholds like Edinburgh Castle after a prolonged siege.[16] [17] Morton prioritized royal and Kirk authority, confiscating church lands for crown use and suppressing Catholic elements, but faced noble opposition and accusations of overreach.[16] Under mounting pressure from figures like the Earl of Arran and the young king's advisors, Morton resigned on 8 March 1578, marking the formal end of the regency when James, aged twelve, declared personal rule; Morton was later tried and executed on 2 June 1581 for complicity in the 1567 murder of Lord Darnley.[17] [15]Reign in Scotland
Consolidation of Authority
James VI assumed personal rule in Scotland during the early 1580s following the collapse of the regency under the Earl of Gowrie. The regency, dominated by Presbyterian nobles, sought to curb royal prerogatives and Catholic influences at court, particularly those associated with Esmé Stewart, Duke of Lennox. On 23 August 1582, a group of Protestant earls, including William Ruthven, Earl of Gowrie, and Archibald Douglas, Earl of Angus, abducted the 16-year-old king during a hunting trip near Perth in the Raid of Ruthven, confining him at Ruthven Castle to enforce a Presbyterian-leaning government and expel Lennox.[19][20] James escaped his captors on 27 June 1583, fleeing to St Andrews Castle with loyal supporters led by Colonel William Stewart, where he rallied forces to reclaim authority. By August 1583, royal troops had subdued the Ruthven conspirators, leading to the exile or execution of key figures; Gowrie fled to England but was captured and beheaded in May 1584 after a brief reconciliation attempt. This episode marked a turning point, as James systematically dismantled noble factions that had exploited his minority, executing or exiling rivals like the Earl of Morton in 1581 and integrating former adversaries into a more centralized court structure.[21][22][23] To assert supremacy over the Presbyterian Kirk, which had gained influence during the regencies, James promulgated the Black Acts in 1584 through Parliament. These statutes declared the king supreme governor of the church, required royal approval for clerical assemblies, and banned unapproved preaching against the monarch's authority, effectively curbing the presbytery's autonomy and preventing challenges to royal policy.[24][20] Complementing ecclesiastical control, James mediated border feuds and subdued Highland clans through a mix of diplomacy, military expeditions, and strategic ennoblement, fostering loyalty among fractious lords while diminishing their independent power bases by the late 1580s.[25] By the end of the decade, these measures had stabilized James's rule, enabling him to govern without regents or domineering guardians, though ongoing tensions with nobles persisted into the 1590s. His approach emphasized pragmatic absolutism, balancing coercion with patronage to forge a functional monarchy amid Scotland's decentralized feudal traditions.[14]Marriage and Dynastic Alliances
James VI sought a marital alliance to bolster his position as a Protestant monarch amid threats from Catholic powers and to ensure the Stuart succession through legitimate heirs. Negotiations culminated in a marriage contract with Anne, the fourteen-year-old sister of King Christian IV of Denmark and Norway, signed in 1589, which included a dowry and Danish recognition of Scottish sovereignty over Orkney and Shetland, territories previously pledged as security for a dowry from Norway's Margaret of Denmark in 1468.[26][27] The union allied Scotland with Denmark's formidable navy, enhancing naval capabilities against potential Spanish incursions following the Armada's defeat in 1588.[28] The marriage occurred by proxy on 20 August 1589 in Denmark, with James represented by George Gordon, Lord of Huntly. Anne departed Copenhagen on 21 September aboard a Danish fleet but encountered severe storms off Scotland, forcing her to seek refuge in Norway. Impatient and personally invested, James sailed from Leith on 22 October with a small escort, enduring further tempests attributed by contemporaries to witchcraft, though later investigations yielded no convictions against the accused. He met Anne in Oslo, where they wed in person on 23 November 1589 in a Lutheran ceremony, followed by a Catholic rite the next day to satisfy Danish customs.[29][2][30] The couple returned to Scotland by May 1590, where Anne's coronation on 17 May at Holyrood Abbey symbolized the alliance's domestic ratification, attended by Protestant nobles despite her Lutheran background. The marriage produced seven children, though only three survived infancy: Henry Frederick (born 19 February 1594), Elizabeth (born 19 August 1596), and Charles (born 19 November 1600), who would later forge further dynastic ties, such as Elizabeth's 1613 marriage to Frederick V, Elector Palatine. Initially affectionate, relations cooled over time, with James pursuing male favorites and Anne developing independent courtly interests, yet the union endured until her death in 1619 and secured the Protestant lineage critical to James's eventual English accession.[2][28][31]Governance of the Highlands and Borders
James VI sought to centralize royal authority over the fractious Scottish Borders, a region plagued by reiving families such as the Armstrongs and Scotts who conducted cross-border raids and feuds, undermining law and order. Prior to his 1603 accession as James I of England, he had appointed border wardens and pursued punitive expeditions, but the Union of the Crowns enabled more decisive action by removing the rationale for semi-autonomous marcher jurisdictions.[32][33] In 1605, James established a commission comprising five Scottish and five English officials empowered to enforce pacification through trials, executions, and property seizures, targeting notorious reiver strongholds.[34] Over 200 border families faced banishment, with thousands transported to the Lowlands or Plantation of Ulster in Ireland to break clan networks; for instance, the notorious Johnston and Scott clans saw leaders hanged en masse at Carlisle and Edinburgh in 1605–1606.[32] By 1611, the king declared the Borders pacified, abolishing warden offices and renaming the region the "Middle Shires" to signify its integration into the kingdom's core, a transformation achieved through relentless judicial enforcement rather than negotiation.[33] Parallel efforts addressed the Highlands and Islands, where Gaelic-speaking clans like the Macdonalds maintained feudal loyalties, private armies, and resistance to central taxation, fostering endemic violence such as the 1590s feuds culminating in the Battle of Carinish in 1601.[35] James viewed Highland separatism as a threat to sovereignty, initiating military campaigns, including the 1607 subjugation of the Mackenzies under Seaforth and the 1608 seizure of Islay from the Macdonalds, which forced chiefs to submit hostages and fines.[35] The culmination was the Statutes of Iona in 1609, negotiated during a royal council on the island with 13 leading chiefs, including Angus Macdonald and Hector Maclean, under Bishop Andrew Knox's oversight.[36] These nine ordinances mandated chiefs to educate their heirs in Lowland schools for English literacy and Protestant doctrine; repair churches and install ministers in every parish; disband superfluous retinues ("tails") to curb private warfare; prohibit hereditary bards who glorified feuds; enforce kirk sessions for moral discipline; remit royal taxes; and uphold justice without private reprisals.[37] Registered in Parliament in 1616, the statutes aimed to erode clan autonomy by promoting cultural assimilation and ecclesiastical oversight, though enforcement remained uneven due to geographic isolation and chiefs' residual power.[35][38]Religious Policies and Witchcraft Persecutions
James VI sought to assert royal supremacy over the Presbyterian Church of Scotland, favoring an episcopal hierarchy to centralize authority and curb the Kirk's independent presbyterian governance.[39] Following his assumption of personal rule after escaping the Ruthven Raid in 1583, he advanced this agenda through parliamentary legislation.[40] In May 1584, the Black Acts were enacted, condemning unauthorized presbyterian assemblies, confirming bishops' powers, and declaring the king the supreme governor in all causes, spiritual and temporal, within the realm.[41][42] These measures provoked resistance from presbyterian ministers who viewed them as encroachments on ecclesiastical autonomy, leading to intermittent conflicts throughout the 1580s and 1590s.[43] James persisted, gradually reviving episcopacy; by 1597, he convened assemblies that reinstated bishops, solidifying a structure more amenable to royal oversight.[44] James's religious policies intertwined with fervent opposition to perceived satanic influences, exemplified by his promotion of witchcraft prosecutions as a bulwark against demonic threats to Protestant order. In late 1589 and early 1590, violent storms disrupted his sea voyage to marry Anne of Denmark and their return journey, which James attributed to witchcraft after ships were separated and many perished.[45][46] Investigations began in November 1590 with the arrest of Geillis Duncan, a servant accused of healing through sorcery, whose torture yielded confessions implicating a North Berwick coven.[47] James personally oversaw interrogations, including that of Agnes Sampson, a respected midwife who, after torture, confessed to raising storms via demonic pacts and plotting regicide; she was strangled and burned on 28 January 1591.[48][47] John Fian, alleged coven master and schoolmaster, endured brutal tortures— including nail-pulling and boot-screwing—before confessing to spells against the king; he recanted briefly but was executed by burning on 30 December 1591.[47] The trials, centered in East Lothian, accused over 70 individuals of conspiring with the Devil in church services to sink the royal ship, resulting in multiple executions and sparking panics that spread nationwide, with hundreds prosecuted in the 1590s.[45][46] In 1597, James authored and published Daemonologie, a philosophical dialogue in three books affirming witchcraft's reality, detailing demonic hierarchies, necromancy, and sorcery, while advocating severe punishments to combat these evils and refuting skeptics who denied supernatural agency.[49][50] This treatise codified his views, influenced by the North Berwick events, and encouraged further hunts, embedding anti-witchcraft enforcement within his broader ecclesiastical framework to reinforce monarchical and Protestant stability.[51][45]Political Theory and Intellectual Patronage
James VI articulated a theory of monarchical absolutism rooted in divine right, positing that kings held authority directly from God, independent of parliamentary or ecclesiastical consent. In The Trew Law of Free Monarchies, published anonymously in Edinburgh in 1598 as an octavo pamphlet, he employed the analogy of paternal power, arguing that monarchs, like fathers, possess natural and absolute dominion over subjects from birth, with no contractual basis for resistance.[52] This treatise countered emerging contractualist ideas and Presbyterian challenges to royal supremacy in Scotland, emphasizing that "the kings were the authors and makers of the laws" rather than subordinates to them.[52] Complementing this, Basilikon Doron ("The King's Gift"), composed in 1599 and initially printed in seven private copies for his son Henry, served as a practical manual on kingship. It instructed rulers to prioritize piety, administer justice impartially, avoid favoritism in governance, and maintain ecclesiastical control to prevent doctrinal anarchy, reflecting James's experiences with factional strife and religious dissent during his minority and early reign.[53] The work advocated balanced rule, warning against tyranny while rejecting subject rebellion, and circulated widely after 1603, influencing Stuart political discourse.[54] As a patron of intellectual pursuits, James fostered a vibrant court culture in Scotland, positioning Holyrood Palace as a center for vernacular poetry and scholarship. He composed his own works, including His Majesties Poeticall Exercises at Vacant Houres (1591), a collection of sonnets and songs, and Reulis and Cautelis (1584), an essay prescribing metrical and stylistic rules for Scots poetry to elevate it against classical models.[55] His encouragement drew scholars and poets like Alexander Montgomerie, who produced courtly verse aligning with royal themes of unity and order, though tensions arose when James exiled Montgomerie in 1600 over political intrigue.[55] This patronage not only advanced literary innovation but also served propagandistic ends, reinforcing monarchical ideology amid kirk opposition.[56]Path to the English Throne
Succession Negotiations
James VI's claim to the English throne derived from his descent as the great-great-grandson of Henry VII through Margaret Tudor, Henry VIII's elder sister, positioning him as the senior surviving heir under common law after the execution of his mother, Mary, Queen of Scots, on February 8, 1587.[18] Despite this lineage, Queen Elizabeth I refused to name a successor publicly, maintaining ambiguity to preserve her authority, though James's Protestant faith and avoidance of overt challenges distinguished him from Catholic rivals like the Infanta Isabella of Spain, whom some English Catholics favored under Philip II's influence.[57] James pursued the succession through restrained diplomacy, issuing only a formal protest against his mother's execution while cultivating ties with English courtiers via subsidies—receiving an initial £4,000 payment from Elizabeth in the 1590s without securing explicit endorsement.[58] From May 1601, following the fall of Robert Devereux, 2nd Earl of Essex, James engaged in secret correspondence with key English administrators, including Robert Cecil, Elizabeth's principal secretary, and Henry Howard (later Earl of Northampton), to assure his accession.[59] These encrypted exchanges, conducted through intermediaries and ciphers, allowed Cecil to gauge James's commitment to Anglicanism, foreign policy continuity against Spain, and non-interference in English affairs, while James pledged moderation in religious enforcement and border governance.[60] By late 1602, as Elizabeth's health declined, Cecil orchestrated preparations, including intelligence on potential rivals like Arbella Stuart, whose closer blood tie but lack of royal experience and marital entanglements weakened her position; James's agents in England, such as the diplomat Sir Henry Wotton, reinforced these efforts with lobbying among privy councilors.[61] The negotiations culminated in March 1603, when Cecil dispatched a draft proclamation of James's accession to him amid Elizabeth's final illness, ensuring a bloodless transition without parliamentary debate or armed contest.[14] Elizabeth died on March 24, 1603, and James was proclaimed king in London the same day, reflecting the success of these covert arrangements in preempting opposition from factions favoring alternative heirs or republican sentiments.[62] This outcome validated James's strategic patience, as he had refrained from military posturing or alliances that might provoke Elizabeth, prioritizing inheritance over conquest.[63]Accession and Union of Crowns
Queen Elizabeth I died on 24 March 1603 at Richmond Palace, aged 69, without issue and without naming a successor.[64] [65] Her death marked the end of the Tudor dynasty, with the English throne passing to James VI of Scotland, the great-great-grandson of Henry VII through his daughter Margaret Tudor, making him the closest eligible heir.[62] [66] James was proclaimed King James I of England and Ireland later that same day in London by the privy council, with the succession proceeding smoothly due to prior diplomatic preparations by figures like Robert Cecil.[18] [67] This event constituted the Union of the Crowns, establishing a personal union under which James ruled three kingdoms—Scotland, England, and Ireland—while maintaining separate parliaments, laws, and institutions.[62] [14] James departed Edinburgh on 5 April 1603, embarking on a leisurely progress southward, arriving at Theobalds House near London on 3 May and entering the city on 15 May amid public celebrations.[8] He was crowned at Westminster Abbey on 25 July 1603 alongside Queen Anne, though the ceremony was delayed due to plague concerns in London.[8] From this point, James primarily resided in England, the economically dominant realm, returning to Scotland only once in 1617.[18] Eager for deeper integration, James issued a proclamation in May 1603 calling for the union of England and Scotland under the name Great Britain, a vision he promoted as natural and beneficial for peace and trade.[62] In his first Parliament (1604–1610), he prioritized statutory union, appointing commissions in 1604 to negotiate terms, which resulted in agreements on naturalizing Scottish subjects in England and free trade.[68] However, the English House of Commons rejected full incorporation in 1607, citing concerns over economic disadvantages, legal disparities, and the precedent of conquest, leading James to abandon immediate pursuit of complete political union, though symbolic changes like a unified royal style persisted.[69] [70]Reign in England
Early Challenges and the Gunpowder Plot
Upon his accession to the English throne on March 24, 1603, following the death of Elizabeth I, James faced immediate security threats from domestic conspiracies amid religious divisions between Protestants and Catholics. He traveled south from Scotland, arriving in London by early May 1603, and was crowned at Westminster Abbey on St. James's Day, July 25, 1603.[70] Early plots included the Bye Plot of summer 1603, a scheme by Catholic priests such as William Watson and some Puritan allies to seize the king at Greenwich Palace and compel him to grant religious toleration to both groups, which was exposed after an informant's confession in June.[71] Paralleling it was the Main Plot, uncovered in July 1603, involving Protestant courtiers like Henry Brooke, 11th Baron Cobham, and explorer Walter Raleigh, who allegedly sought Spanish support to depose James and install his cousin Lady Arbella Stuart as queen, reflecting discontent among Elizabethan holdovers over the Scottish king's rule.[72] These incidents led to Raleigh's trial for treason in November 1603 and imprisonment in the Tower of London, though he was not executed until 1618; James's handling demonstrated a preference for clemency over severe reprisals, contrasting with Elizabeth's era.[73] Religious tensions exacerbated these challenges, as Puritans anticipated reforms to the Church of England under a Calvinist-raised monarch, while Catholics hoped for leniency after fines and recusancy laws under Elizabeth. The Hampton Court Conference of January 1604, convened at the king's request, saw Puritan leaders like John Rainolds petition for abolishing vestments, the sign of the cross in baptism, and other "popish" ceremonies, but James rebuffed demands for presbyterian governance, affirming episcopacy as essential to monarchy and famously declaring, "No bishop, no king."[72] He conceded a new Bible translation, resulting in the Authorized King James Version commissioned in 1604 and published in 1611, but structural changes were minimal, disappointing reformers and highlighting James's commitment to hierarchical order over doctrinal innovation.[73] Financial strains also emerged early, with James inheriting war debts and plague disruptions delaying Parliament until 1604, yet his extravagance in granting favors strained the treasury.[72] The most audacious threat, the Gunpowder Plot, unfolded in 1605 amid Catholic frustration over unfulfilled toleration promises and renewed fines. Conceived by Robert Catesby, with Guy Fawkes recruited for his military experience in the Spanish Netherlands, the plot aimed to demolish the House of Lords during its state opening on November 5, 1605, killing James, his family, and key officials to ignite a Catholic uprising and install his nine-year-old daughter Elizabeth as puppet queen.[74] From March 1605, plotters rented a cellar beneath Parliament, amassing approximately 36 barrels—about 2.5 tons—of gunpowder, concealed under firewood and coal, with Fawkes tasked as sentry under the alias John Johnson.[7] An anonymous letter warning Lord Monteagle of a "great blowing up" arrived October 26 or 27, 1605; shown to James, who intuited its gravity, it prompted a search on November 4, uncovering Fawkes at midnight with matches and touchwood, leading to his arrest and the rapid unraveling of the conspiracy through interrogations and betrayals.[7][74] James addressed both houses of Parliament on November 9, 1605, framing the plot's foiling as divine providence that underscored Catholic treachery and urged Protestant unity, while attributing its detection to God's mercy rather than human vigilance alone.[75] The eight principal plotters, including Catesby, Percy, and the Wright brothers, died resisting arrest at Holbeche House on November 8; the survivors, tried in January 1606, were convicted of high treason, hanged, drawn, and quartered, with Fawkes executed on January 31 after torture yielded accomplices' names.[76] In response, James proclaimed stricter enforcement against recusants but avoided wholesale persecution, introducing the Oath of Allegiance in May 1606 to test loyalty without directly targeting faith, though it divided Catholics and prompted papal condemnation.[7] The plot boosted James's popularity temporarily, inspiring annual November 5 commemorations via a 1606 parliamentary act, yet it entrenched suspicions of Catholic disloyalty, influencing policies without eradicating underlying grievances.[76][7]Foreign Policy Achievements
James's most notable foreign policy success was the negotiation of the Treaty of London on 18 August 1604 (Old Style), which concluded the nineteen-year Anglo-Spanish War inherited from Elizabeth I's reign.[77] This agreement, finalized at the Somerset House Conference, ended direct hostilities between England and Spain, suspended English military aid to the Dutch rebels, and protected Spanish shipping in the English Channel, thereby averting further drain on English treasuries estimated at over £750,000 expended between 1590 and 1603 on continental support.[78] The peace enabled James to style himself rex pacificus (king of peace), redirecting fiscal resources toward internal consolidation and early colonial enterprises, such as the 1606 chartering of the Virginia Company, without the burden of renewed European conflict.[4][65] In parallel, James maintained a delicate balance with the Dutch Republic, continuing limited privateering against Spanish commerce while mediating between Spain and the United Provinces. His diplomatic interventions facilitated the Twelve Years' Truce of 1609, suspending hostilities in the Low Countries and stabilizing northwestern Europe for over a decade, which preserved English trade routes and Protestant interests without committing troops.[4] This irenic approach, rooted in James's aversion to the fiscal and human costs of war—evident in his pre-accession writings advocating dynastic reconciliation over conquest—contrasted with the belligerence of prior Tudor policy, fostering economic recovery through expanded commerce unhindered by blockade or embargo.[2] Critics in Parliament later decried it as overly conciliatory toward Catholic Spain, yet it empirically sustained peace until 1625, outlasting James's reign.[3] Dynastic marriages served as another pillar of James's diplomacy, with the 1613 union of his daughter Elizabeth to Frederick V, Elector Palatine, forging a key Protestant alliance across the Empire and Rhine regions, complete with a £40,000 dowry that bolstered Palatine defenses.[21] This match, negotiated amid rising confessional tensions, positioned England as a mediator in German affairs, though it inadvertently drew the Palatinate into the Bohemian Revolt of 1618, testing James's subsequent neutrality. Efforts to wed his son Charles to the Spanish Infanta Maria from 1614 onward aimed to extend the 1604 peace through Habsburg ties, offering a £500,000 dowry incentive, but collapsed in 1623 over religious concessions, underscoring the limits of matrimonial diplomacy against irreconcilable doctrinal divides.[79] Overall, these initiatives reflected James's prioritization of negotiation and restraint, yielding two decades of relative continental stability that contemporaries attributed to his personal correspondence with European sovereigns, including Philip III of Spain and Christian IV of Denmark.[4]Parliamentary Relations and Financial Policies
James VI and I adhered to the doctrine of the divine right of kings, asserting in his writings and speeches that monarchs derived authority directly from God and were not subject to parliamentary oversight in matters of prerogative, a view that frequently strained relations with the English Parliament accustomed to influencing fiscal and legislative matters.[80] This theoretical divergence manifested early, as James sought parliamentary confirmation of his titles and subsidies while resisting encroachments on royal fiscal autonomy, leading to debates over impositions—customs duties imposed by royal prerogative without parliamentary consent—which the courts upheld in Bate's Case (1606) as lawful extensions of ancient customs.[81] By 1610, crown debts had escalated to approximately £600,000, exacerbated by James's court expenditures and the costs of pacifying Ireland and maintaining the navy, compelling reliance on non-parliamentary revenues like sales of crown lands and monopolies, which Parliament criticized as burdensome and corrupt.[82] The first Parliament of James's English reign, convened on 19 March 1604 and prorogued in 1610 after multiple sessions, granted initial subsidies equivalent to about £400,000 in the wake of the 1605 Gunpowder Plot to demonstrate loyalty, but tensions arose over the king's union project with Scotland and demands for additional funds to address ordinary revenues insufficient for peacetime governance.[83] [68] In the 1610 sessions, Robert Cecil, Earl of Salisbury and Lord Treasurer, proposed the Great Contract, under which the king would surrender feudal rights such as wardship and purveyance—yielding irregular but potentially high revenues—in exchange for a fixed annual parliamentary grant of £200,000 to stabilize crown finances and eliminate the need for frequent subsidies.[84] Negotiations faltered when Parliament offered £200,000 annually while James pressed for £240,000 plus retention of certain impositions, reflecting mutual distrust: Commons feared royal profligacy would squander funds, while James viewed the proposals as infringing on prerogative powers essential for independent governance.[85] The Contract's collapse left the king dependent on impositions, which by then generated an additional £70,000 yearly but provoked constitutional grievances by bypassing parliamentary taxation consent.[81] Subsequent parliaments intensified conflicts, as the 1614 assembly—summoned primarily for subsidies to cover deficits nearing £160,000 annually by 1613—dissolved after nine weeks without granting aid, earning the label "Addled Parliament" for its fruitless wrangling over impositions, monopolies, and royal favorites' influence, with James warning Commons against delaying supplies lest he resort to extraordinary levies.[86] [87] Financial policies under James emphasized prerogative innovations, including expanded customs farming and benevolences—voluntary loans from subjects—that yielded irregular sums but alienated elites by evading statutory taxation, while parliamentary grants remained sporadic and conditional on addressing grievances like the sale of offices and baronetcies introduced in 1611 to raise quick capital.[70] The 1621 Parliament approved two subsidies worth £160,000 but coupled them with a protestation asserting Commons' rights to free speech and fiscal oversight, prompting James to tear the document and dissolve the body, underscoring his insistence that parliamentary advice must defer to royal will in policy and finance.[88] These recurrent impasses highlighted causal realities of mismatched institutions: Scotland's compliant estates versus England's assertive Commons, where fiscal necessity clashed with James's absolutist framework, foreshadowing deeper crises under his son.[89]Ecclesiastical Policies and Divine Right Advocacy
James VI sought to impose an episcopal structure on the Church of Scotland to curb the influence of presbyterian assemblies and align ecclesiastical governance with his vision of royal authority. In May 1584, the Black Acts were enacted under his administration, condemning presbyteries as unlawful, affirming the role of bishops, and reasserting the king's supremacy over church matters.[2] This policy reversed earlier presbyterian gains following the Reformation, establishing a hybrid system where bishops were appointed by the crown with kirk approval, as seen in the Concordat of Leith in 1572, though James intensified crown intervention to prevent radical independence.[90] By 1610, these efforts culminated in parliamentary acts reinforcing episcopacy, aiming for uniformity across his realms.[91] Upon ascending the English throne in 1603, James maintained the episcopal Church of England while resisting Puritan calls for further reformation. The Hampton Court Conference, convened in January 1604, addressed the Millenary Petition's grievances, including demands to abolish ceremonies like the sign of the cross in baptism and the use of the surplice.[92] James dismissed most proposals, declaring "no bishop, no king," and rejected presbyterian models as threats to monarchy, but authorized a new Bible translation, resulting in the King James Version completed in 1611.[93] His policies emphasized royal oversight of doctrine and liturgy, suppressing recusant Catholics through fines and oaths while tolerating moderate nonconformists short of schism.[94] Central to these ecclesiastical policies was James's advocacy for the divine right of kings, articulated in The True Law of Free Monarchies (1598), where he posited monarchs as God's direct vicegerents, holding absolute power without accountability to subjects or parliaments.[95] Kings, he argued, derive authority from divine ordinance akin to paternal rule, rendering resistance tyrannous and justifying royal intervention in church affairs as a sacred duty.[96] This theory, echoed in Basilikon Doron (1599), framed episcopacy as essential to monarchical stability, influencing his rejection of contractual kingship theories prevalent among presbyterians and some English critics.[97] James's writings countered emerging resistance doctrines, insisting that only God could judge a king's actions, thereby bolstering his ecclesiastical prerogatives against clerical or parliamentary challenges.[94]Cultural and Colonial Patronage
James authorized a new translation of the Bible at the Hampton Court Conference in January 1604, leading to the King James Version's publication on 15 May 1611 by a committee of 47 scholars; this work profoundly shaped English prose and literary style for centuries.[70][98] In May 1603, shortly after his accession, James issued letters patent on 19 May granting royal patronage to the Lord Chamberlain's Men acting company, renaming them the King's Men and affording them protection and performance privileges, which supported playwrights including William Shakespeare during a period of plague closures.[99][100] James's court emphasized spectacular entertainments, particularly masques; Ben Jonson composed approximately 20 such allegorical performances between 1605 and 1625, featuring music, dance, and elaborate scenery by Inigo Jones, with early examples like The Masque of Blackness staged on 6 January 1605 to inaugurate the Banqueting House.[101] Turning to colonial initiatives, James granted the first charter to the Virginia Company of London on 10 April 1606, empowering it to establish settlements along the North American coast between latitudes 34° and 45° north, culminating in Jamestown's founding on 14 May 1607 by 105 settlers under Captain Christopher Newport.[102][103] Subsequent charters followed on 23 May 1609, expanding governance and territory to include Bermuda after the 1609 Sea Venture wreck, and on 12 March 1612, which incorporated those islands; James renamed Bermuda the Somers Isles in 1610 honoring Admiral Sir George Somers and issued a dedicated charter to the Somers Isles Company on 2 November 1615 for its colonization.[104][103]Personal Life and Character
Relationships and Court Favorites
James VI married Anne of Denmark by proxy on 20 August 1589 and in person on 23 November 1589 in Oslo, Norway, following her shipwreck en route to Scotland; a second ceremony occurred on 21 January 1590 at Kronborg Castle.[18] The union produced at least seven children, though only three survived infancy: Henry Frederick (born 19 February 1594, died 6 November 1612), Elizabeth (born 19 August 1596, died 13 February 1662), and Charles (born 19 November 1600, died 30 January 1649).[18] Initially affectionate, the marriage cooled over time, with Anne pursuing independent interests and James focusing on court favorites; by the 1610s, they lived largely separately, though without formal separation.[105] In Scotland, James's primary favorite was his cousin Esmé Stewart, a French-raised Catholic noble who arrived at court in 1579 when James was 13. Stewart rapidly gained influence, receiving titles including Earl of Lennox in 1580 and Duke of Lennox in 1581—the first such dukedom created in Scotland since 1488—and acting as the king's mentor and companion.[106] His favoritism provoked opposition from Protestant nobles, who viewed him as a Catholic threat; this culminated in the Raid of Ruthven on 22 June 1582, forcing Stewart's exile to France, where he died on 26 May 1583.[106] Contemporary accounts suggest an intense personal bond, with James writing emotionally upon Stewart's departure, though direct evidence of sexual relations remains speculative and unproven.[107] Upon succeeding to the English throne in 1603, James elevated new favorites, beginning with Robert Carr, a Scottish page injured in a 1607 tilting accident that drew the king's attention. Carr rose swiftly: knighted in 1607, created Viscount Rochester in 1613, and Earl of Somerset in 1615, wielding significant political influence through offices like Secretary of State.[108] Their relationship featured public displays of affection, with James granting Carr estates and pensions totaling over £20,000 annually by 1615.[108] Carr's downfall came via the 1613 poisoning of Sir Thomas Overbury, a critic; convicted alongside his wife Frances Howard in 1616, Carr received a death sentence commuted to imprisonment until 1621.[108] Letters and court gossip indicated romantic elements, but like earlier ties, lacked conclusive proof of physical intimacy.[107] Carr's successor was George Villiers, introduced to court in 1614 and systematically promoted by James's design to counterbalance rivals; by 1623, Villiers held the dukedom of Buckingham, the highest non-royal peerage.[109] Their bond was marked by effusive correspondence—James addressing Villiers as "my sweet child and wife" and Villiers reciprocating with intimate language—alongside lavish gifts exceeding £100,000 in value and joint public appearances.[107] Contemporaries, including Venetian ambassadors, reported perceptions of sodomy, a capital offense, prompting James's public rebuttals; modern historians, citing the letters' tone and historical context of elite male friendships sometimes encompassing sex, lean toward a sexual component, though definitive evidence is absent and some emphasize patronage over eros.[107][109] Villiers retained favor until James's death on 27 March 1625, influencing policy despite growing parliamentary resentment.[109] These relationships fueled criticism of corruption and undue influence, with favorites amassing wealth—Villiers alone controlled key appointments—yet James defended them as essential to governance, rejecting sodomy charges as slanderous.[107] No other major favorites supplanted Villiers in James's later years, underscoring a pattern of intense, sequential male attachments amid a formal marriage yielding heirs.[18]Health Decline and Death
James experienced a progressive decline in health after reaching his fifties, marked by chronic arthritis that rendered him increasingly disabled from around 1616, gout, recurrent fainting fits, and mobility issues requiring physical support due to weak legs of uncertain origin.[110] Episodes of jaundice and urinary gravel indicated underlying renal pathology, later confirmed at autopsy as a shrunken kidney afflicted with stones.[110] Signs of dementia emerged by 1619, impairing his cognitive faculties amid these physical ailments.[110] In early March 1625, while at Theobalds House in Hertfordshire, James fell gravely ill with a tertian ague—an intermittent fever characterized by paroxysms—initially diagnosed by his physicians as manageable.[111] [112] Symptoms escalated despite treatment attempts, including fever fits that worsened over two weeks.[111] Distrusting orthodox medical interventions such as purges and preferring advice from court favorite George Villiers, 1st Duke of Buckingham, James refused much of the prescribed care, opting instead for unorthodox remedies like calves' foot jelly.[111] [113] By mid-March, the ague had evolved into a severe state, compounded by dysentery or possible complications from his renal condition, leading to a "thick and obstinate sleep" from which he did not recover.[110] James died on 27 March 1625 at Theobalds, aged 58, with contemporary physicians attributing the fatal outcome primarily to the unrelenting fever, though some accounts suggest a terminal stroke.[110] [111] Post-mortem examination substantiated chronic kidney disease as a contributing factor but affirmed no evidence of poisoning, despite whispers among courtiers fueled by his refusal of medicine and favoritism.[110] His body was embalmed, and after lying in state, he was buried in Westminster Abbey on 7 May 1625, with Charles I succeeding him seamlessly.[114]Legacy
Political and Institutional Impacts
James VI and I's enactment of the Union of the Crowns in 1603 created a personal union between the English and Scottish monarchies, fundamentally altering the institutional framework of governance by placing both kingdoms under a single sovereign while preserving separate parliaments, laws, and administrations. This arrangement redistributed royal patronage and administrative authority, with English officials increasingly influencing Scottish affairs through absentee rule, though it provoked resistance from Scottish nobles wary of English dominance and from English parliamentarians opposed to diluting their kingdom's sovereignty. The king's proclamation as "King of Great Britain" in 1604 symbolized this unification effort, but parliamentary rejection of full union proposals in 1606–1607 underscored the limits of centralized reform, establishing a precedent for incomplete integration that persisted until the 1707 Act of Union.[115][14] His advocacy of the divine right of kings, articulated in The True Law of Free Monarchies (1598), posited that monarchs held absolute authority derived directly from God, unbound by earthly institutions except in cases of tyrannical excess, thereby challenging parliamentary claims to shared sovereignty and contractual rule. This doctrine reinforced monarchical prerogative in areas like taxation and foreign policy, influencing his successors—particularly Charles I—by providing ideological justification for resisting parliamentary encroachment, which exacerbated constitutional tensions culminating in the English Civil War. While James pragmatically convened parliaments for revenue and avoided outright confrontation, his theoretical absolutism clashed with England's common law traditions, fostering a legacy of institutional friction between crown and legislature over fiscal independence and judicial oversight.[116][3][117] Institutionally, James's reign saw the expansion of royal courts like the Star Chamber for equitable justice and the Court of High Commission for ecclesiastical discipline, enhancing centralized control over legal and religious conformity amid post-Reformation divisions. His financial policies, including impositions on trade and benevolences, tested extraparliamentary revenue mechanisms, straining but not breaking the convention of supply through legislative consent, thus bequeathing to his heirs a monarchy reliant on prerogative amid growing demands for accountability. These developments contributed to a period of relative stability—marked by no major rebellions—yet sowed seeds for absolutist overreach, as evidenced by the balanced power struggles that defined Stuart constitutional evolution.[118][119]Historiographical Reassessments
Historiographical assessments of James VI and I have undergone substantial revision since the mid-twentieth century, shifting from predominantly negative portrayals rooted in Whig narratives to more balanced evaluations emphasizing his political successes and adaptability. Early modern and nineteenth-century accounts, amplified by historians like S.R. Gardiner, cast James as a profligate, intellectually pretentious ruler whose favoritism and advocacy of divine right monarchy alienated Parliament and presaged civil conflict, a view crystallized in David Willson's 1956 biography King James VI and I, which depicted the king as toxically inept and overly indulgent.[120][121] Revisionist scholarship, emerging in the 1970s and accelerating thereafter, challenged this Anglo-centric framework by prioritizing archival evidence of James's pragmatic governance across two kingdoms. Conrad Russell's work on early Stuart parliaments reframed James's interactions not as escalating confrontations but as episodic negotiations managed with fiscal caution, avoiding the wars that burdened his predecessors and successors; Russell estimated James's ordinary revenues remained stable without excessive taxation, contrasting with Charles I's later impositions.[122][115] Jenny Wormald's influential 1983 article and subsequent essays further rehabilitated James by focusing on his Scottish reign, where he methodically subdued fractious nobility through legal enforcement and personal diplomacy, achieving stability without the military reliance seen in England under Elizabeth I; by 1603, Scotland's crown revenues had stabilized at around £16,500 sterling annually under his control, enabling the seamless 1603 succession.[123][124] Wormald contended that James operated as a unified sovereign, tailoring absolutist rhetoric to English audiences while practicing consensual rule in Scotland, thus averting the dual-monarchy fractures predicted by contemporaries.[125] These reassessments extend to foreign policy and ecclesiastical management, crediting James with the 1604 Anglo-Spanish peace treaty, which conserved resources amid European tensions, and a flexible approach to church governance that contained Puritan and Catholic dissent without provoking outright rebellion.[126] Modern analyses, including those marking the 400th anniversary of James's death in 1625, acknowledge his intellectual contributions—such as Basilikon Doron (1599) and The True Law of Free Monarchies (1598)—as reflective of learned statesmanship rather than naive theory, fostering a "British" identity through the 1603 Union of the Crowns.[125][126] Critiques persist, particularly regarding James's "flexibility with the truth" in diplomacy and his reliance on favorites like George Villiers, which some view as corrosive to court integrity despite their utility in factional balancing; however, empirical records of fiscal restraint—crown lands yielding steady income without parliamentary grants until 1610—undermine charges of extravagance.[125][126] This historiographical pivot, driven by Scottish-centric and revisionist lenses, counters earlier biases favoring English exceptionalism, revealing James as a causal architect of relative continental peace and institutional continuity from 1603 to 1625.[123]Enduring Controversies and Viewpoints
James VI and I's advocacy for the divine right of kings, articulated in works such as The True Law of Free Monarchies (1598), positioned the monarch as God's appointed lieutenant, unbound by parliamentary consent or popular sovereignty, a doctrine that provoked immediate resistance in England where common law traditions emphasized mixed governance.[80] This absolutist stance fueled clashes with Parliament, particularly over taxation and foreign policy, and later historiographers debate its causal role in seeding the constitutional crises under his son Charles I, with some attributing the English Civil War's origins to James's unyielding assertions of prerogative power, while others argue it reflected pragmatic responses to fiscal necessities rather than ideological rigidity.[5][126] Controversy persists over James's personal relationships with male court favorites, including Esmé Stewart, Duke of Lennox; Robert Carr, Earl of Somerset; and George Villiers, Duke of Buckingham, whom he elevated to unprecedented influence through titles, lands, and monopolies granted between 1603 and 1625.[127] Contemporary satires and diplomatic reports alleged sodomy, a capital offense under English law, citing intimate letters—such as Buckingham's 1623 missive addressing James as "my sweet child and wife"—and James's public displays of affection, yet he fathered seven children with Queen Anne and condemned homosexual acts in Basilikon Doron (1599) as unnatural sins.[107] Historians diverge: some interpret the bonds as sexually consummated patronage networks exacerbating court corruption, as in the 1615 Overbury poisoning scandal implicating Carr and his wife Frances Howard, while others view them as non-sexual mentorships rooted in James's traumatic upbringing and cultural norms of aristocratic male friendship, cautioning against anachronistic projections of modern sexual categories.[107][128] James's fervent belief in witchcraft, demonstrated by his authorship of Daemonologie (1597) defending spectral evidence and witch-hunting as Christian duties, directly influenced the North Berwick trials of 1590–1591, where he personally interrogated suspects like Agnes Sampson, leading to over 70 executions in Scotland amid storms blamed on sorcery during his voyage to wed Anne of Denmark.[45] This enthusiasm contrasted with emerging skepticism in England, sparking debates on whether his policies intensified persecutions—contributing to some 4,000 witchcraft accusations across his realms—or merely reflected widespread early modern demonological consensus, with modern reassessments questioning the empirical basis of confessions extracted under torture and torture's role in fabricating evidence.[129] Enduring viewpoints on James's legacy oscillate between portraying him as the "wisest fool in Christendom," a phrase from ambassador Sir Antoine Scépeaux de Sancy reflecting perceived intellectual acumen undermined by perceived naivety in favoritism and pacifism, and as a shrewd unifier who averted major wars despite fiscal extravagance totaling over £2 million in debt by 1625.[126] Critics highlight how his reluctance to fully integrate Scotland and England beyond personal union, rejecting parliamentary federation in 1604 and 1610, perpetuated dual legal systems and resentments, while proponents credit his navigation of religious tensions post-Gunpowder Plot (1605) with stabilizing a realm divided by Catholic recusancy and Puritan dissent, though his Oath of Allegiance (1606) ignited trans-European polemics with papal authorities.[14] These debates underscore systemic historiographical shifts, with 20th-century Whig narratives decrying his absolutism as retrograde, contrasted by revisionists emphasizing empirical successes in cultural patronage and colonial ventures amid biased contemporary accounts skewed by parliamentary propagandists.[126]Titles, Honors, and Genealogy
Formal Titles and Heraldry
Upon his coronation as King of Scots on 29 July 1567, James held the formal title of James VI, by the grace of God, King of Scots, incorporating the traditional style Dei gratia Rex Scotorum.[130] Prior to his kingship, as heir apparent from birth on 19 June 1566, he bore the subsidiary titles Duke of Rothesay, Earl of Carrick, Baron of Renfrew, Lord of the Isles, and Prince and Great Steward of Scotland, titles automatically conferred on the Scottish heir.[130] These reflected the feudal structure of the Scottish monarchy, emphasizing territorial lordships alongside the royal dignity. Following the death of Elizabeth I on 24 March 1603, James acceded to the English throne as James I, with his style expanded to James, by the Grace of God, King of England, Scotland, France, and Ireland, Defender of the Faith.[131] This regnal style maintained the inherited Angevin claim to France and incorporated Ireland under direct English sovereignty since the 1540s, while uniting the crowns personally without parliamentary merger.[18] On 20 October 1604, James issued a proclamation styling himself King of Great Britain, Ireland, and France to symbolize the dynastic union, though English and Scottish parliaments resisted formal adoption of "Great Britain" as a realm name until 1707.[132] James's heraldry as King of Scots featured the ancient royal arms: or, a lion rampant gules armed and langued azure within a double tressure flory-counter-flory of the second, supported by two wild men and crowned with an imperial crown reflecting claims to overlordship.[133] After 1603, to denote the Union of the Crowns, the arms were restructured into a quartered shield: the first and fourth quarters bearing the arms of England (itself quarterly of France modern—azure semy-de-lis or—and England proper, with fleurs-de-lis reduced under Henry III), the second quarter Scotland as before, and the third Ireland (azure a harp or stringed argent).[134] Supporters shifted to the English lion dexter and Scottish unicorn sinister, both crowned and chained, with the motto "Dieu et mon droit" retained from England alongside Scottish elements, underscoring the composite monarchy without erasing national distinctions.[133] James also adopted a personal badge of the English rose and Scottish thistle conjoined, ensigned by a royal crown, as a heraldic emblem of unity.[135]Immediate Family and Issue
James VI and I was the only surviving child of Mary, Queen of Scots (8 December 1542 – 8 February 1587) and her second husband, Henry Stuart, Lord Darnley (7 December 1546 – 10 February 1567).[18][11] Born on 19 June 1566 at Edinburgh Castle, James had no full siblings, though Mary had a prior marriage to Francis II of France that produced no issue.[18] Darnley, a great-grandson of Henry VII of England, was murdered in an explosion and stabbing at Kirk o' Field in February 1567, amid suspicions of Mary's involvement, leading to her forced abdication in July 1567 and James's accession as King of Scots at thirteen months old.[14] In 1589, James married Anne of Denmark (12 December 1574 – 2 March 1619), daughter of King Frederick II of Denmark, following a proxy ceremony on 20 August and an in-person wedding on 23 November in Oslo, Norway, after storms diverted her ship.[136][105] The couple initially enjoyed a close relationship but later drifted apart, with Anne focusing on court masques and patronage while James pursued intellectual and political interests. Anne died at Richmond Palace in 1619 from dropsy and consumption.[137] James and Anne had eight children, though only three survived infancy: Henry Frederick, Elizabeth, and Charles. The others died young, including Margaret (born and died 1598), Robert, Duke of Kintyre (18 January 1602 – May 1606), and Mary (8 April 1605 – 16 December 1607), with additional pregnancies resulting in miscarriage and stillbirth.[138][139]| Name | Birth–Death | Notes |
|---|---|---|
| Henry Frederick Stuart, Prince of Wales | 19 February 1594 – 6 November 1612 | Eldest son; died of typhoid fever; popular heir apparent.[140] |
| Elizabeth Stuart | 19 August 1596 – 13 February 1662 | Daughter; married Frederick V, Elector Palatine, in 1613; "Winter Queen" of Bohemia.[10] |
| Charles I | 19 November 1600 – 30 January 1649 | Second surviving son; succeeded James as King of England, Scotland, and Ireland in 1625; executed after English Civil War.[18] |



