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Cumans
Cumans
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The Cumans or Kumans[a][3][4] were a Turkic[3][5][6][7] nomadic people from Central Asia comprising the western branch of the Cuman–Kipchak confederation who spoke the Cuman language. They are referred to as Polovtsians (Polovtsy) in Rus' chronicles, as "Cumans" in Western sources, and as "Kipchaks" in Eastern sources.[8]

Key Information

Related to the Pechenegs,[9] they inhabited a shifting area north of the Black Sea and along the Volga River known as Cumania, from which the Cuman–Kipchaks meddled in the politics of the Caucasus and the Khwarazmian Empire.[10]: 7  The Cumans were fierce and formidable nomadic warriors of the Eurasian Steppe who exerted an enduring influence on the medieval Balkans.[11]: 116 [12] They were numerous, culturally sophisticated, and militarily powerful.[13]: 13 

Many eventually settled west of the Black Sea, influencing the politics of Kievan Rus', the Galicia–Volhynia Principality, the Golden Horde Khanate, the Second Bulgarian Empire, the Kingdom of Serbia, the Kingdom of Hungary, Moldavia, the Kingdom of Georgia, the Byzantine Empire, the Empire of Nicaea, the Latin Empire, and Wallachia, with Cuman immigrants becoming integrated into each country's elite.[14]: 281  The Cumans played a role in the creation of the Second Bulgarian Empire.[10][15]: 50  Cuman and Kipchak tribes joined politically to create the Cuman–Kipchak confederation.[13]: 7 

After the Mongol invasion of Kievan Rus' in 1237, many Cumans sought asylum in the Kingdom of Hungary, as many of them had already settled there in the previous decades. The Cumans also played an important role in the Second Bulgarian Empire, the Byzantine Empire, the Latin Empire, and the Nicaea Empire's Anatolia.[10]: 2 [14]: 283 [16][17]

The Cuman language is attested in some medieval documents and is the best-known of the early Turkic languages.[7]: 186  The Codex Cumanicus was a linguistic manual written to help Catholic missionaries communicate with the Cuman people.

Names and etymology

[edit]

Cuman

[edit]

Cuman appears in ancient Roman texts as the name of a fortress or gate. The Roman natural philosopher Pliny the Elder (who lived in the 1st century AD) mentions "a fortress, the name of which is Cumania, erected for the purpose of preventing the passage of the innumerable tribes that lay beyond" while describing the "Gates of Caucasus" (Derbent, or Darial Gorge).[18] The Greek philosopher Strabo (died c. 24 AD) refers to the Darial Gorge (also known as the Iberian Gates or the Caucasian Gates) as Porta Caucasica and Porta Cumana.[19]

The original meaning of the endonym Cuman is unknown. It is also often unclear whether a particular name refers to the Cumans alone or to both the Cumans and the Kipchaks, as the two tribes often lived side by side.[10]: 6 

Most other Turkic-speaking people (as well as most Muslim sources) called the Cumans some variant of "Qipchaqs", while Armenians called them "Xartesk'ns". Qumans were primarily used by Byzantine authors (and a few Arab sources), while the name used in Rus' tended to be "Polovtsian".[20]

In Turkic languages qu, qun, qūn, quman or qoman means "pale, sallow, cream coloured", "pale yellow", or "yellowish grey".[21]: 51 [22] While it is normally assumed that the name referred to the Cumans' hair, Imre Baski—a prominent Turkologist—has suggested that it may have other origins, including:

  • the color of the Cumans' horses (i.e. cream tones are found among Central Asian breeds such as the Akhal-Teke);
  • a traditional water vessel, known as a quman; or
  • a Turkic word for "force" or "power".[23]

Observing that the Hungarian exonym for Cumans—i.e. Kun, Kunok—appeared as Cunus, Cuni in the chronicles and was applied to earlier nomads such as Pechenegs or Oghuzes, György Györffy derived Kun from Huns, instead of Qun, which he kept separate from Kun. However, István Vásáry rejected Györffy's hypothesis and contended that "the Hungarian name of the Cumans must go back to one of their self-appellations, i.e. to Qun." In the Hypatian Codex, a certain individual is called Kuman, while in the parallel account of the Laurentian Codex he is called Kun ("Polovčinu menem Kunui", Vásáry considers this a corruption of Kunu, Russian dative of Kun).[10]: 5 

Cumania

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Even after the Cumans were no longer the dominant power in their territory, people still referred to the area as Cumania. The Moroccan traveler, Ibn Battuta (1304 – c. 1369), said of Cumania: "This wilderness is green and grassy with no trees, nor hills, high or low ... there is no means of travelling in this desert except in wagons." The Persian historian Hamdallah Mustawfi (1281–1349) wrote that Cumania has a cold climate and that it has excellent pasturage and numerous cattle and horses.[7]: 40  The 14th-century Travels of Sir John Mandeville, note that Cumania

is one of the great kingdoms in the world, but it is not all inhabited. For at one of the parts there is so great cold that no man may dwell there; and in another part there is so great heat that no man may endure it ... And the principal city of Comania is clept [called] Sarak [Serai], that is one of the three ways for to go into India. But by that way, he may not pass no great multitude of people, but if it be in winter. And that passage men clepe the Derbend. The other way is for to go from the city of Turkestan by Persia, and by that way be many journeys by desert. And the third way is that cometh from Comania and then to go by the Great Sea and by the kingdom of Abchaz ... After that, the Comanians that were in servage in Egypt, felt themselves that they were of great power, they chose them a soldan [sultan] amongst them, the which made him to be clept Melechsalan. And in his time entered into the country of the kings of France Saint Louis, and fought with him; and [the soldan] took him and imprisoned him; and this [soldan] was slain by his own servants. And after, they chose another to be soldan, that they clept Tympieman; and he let deliver Saint Louis out of prison for a certain ransom. And after, one of these Comanians reigned, that hight [was called] Cachas, and slew Tympieman, for to be soldan; and made him be clept Melechmenes.[24]

Polovtsy

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In East Slavic languages (Russian, Ukrainian and Belarusian) the Cumans are known as the Polovtsy, derived from the Slavic root *polvъ "pale; light yellow; blonde".[25][26][failed verification]: 43  Polovtsy or Polovec is often said to be derived from the Old East Slavic polovŭ (половъ) "yellow; pale" by the Rus' people—all meaning "blond".[26][failed verification] The western Cumans, or Polovtsy, were also called Sorochinetses by the Rus'—apparently derived from the Turkic sary chechle "yellow-haired". A similar etymology may have been at work in the name of the Śārī, who also migrated westward ahead of the Qun.[27][full citation needed]

However, according to O. Suleymenov polovtsy may come from a Slavic word for "blue-eyed", i.e. the plȃv (пла̑в) means "blue",[28] but this word also means "fair, blonde" and is a cognate of the above; cf. Eastern Slavic polovŭ.[29] Blonde individuals likely existed among the Kipchaks, yet anthropologically speaking the majority of Turkic peoples had East Asian admixture and generally Kimeks–Kipchaks were dark-haired and brown-eyed.[30] An alternative etymology of Polovtsy is also possible: the Slavic root *pȍlje "field", which would therefore imply that Polovtsy were "men of the field" or "men of the steppe" in contrast to the Lipovtsi.

The Polish term Połowcy was directly borrowed from the neighbouring East Slavic languages, though the term Kumanowie is also common. Both are used interchangeably in Polish-language sources.[2]

Folban, Vallani, Valwe

[edit]

In Germanic languages, the Cumans were called Folban, Vallani or Valwe—all derivatives of Proto-Germanic root *falwa- meaning "pale"[7]: 106  (> English "fallow").[31] In the German account by Adam of Bremen, and in Matthaios of Edessa, the Cumans were referred to as the "Blond Ones".[25]

Kipchak

[edit]

As stated above, it is unknown whether the name Kipchak referred only to the Kipchaks proper, or to the Cumans as well. The two tribes eventually fused, lived together and probably exchanged weaponry, culture and languages; the Cumans encompassed the western half of the confederation, while the Kipchaks and (presumably) the Kangli/Kankalis (possibly connected to three Pecheneg tribes known collectively as Kangars) encompassed the eastern half. This confederation and their living together may have made it difficult for historians to write exclusively about either nation.[10]: 6 

The Kipchaks' folk-etymology posited that their name meant 'hollow tree'; according to them, inside a hollow tree, their original human ancestress gave birth to her son.[32] Németh points to the Siberian qıpčaq "angry, quick-tempered" attested only in the Siberian Sağay dialect.[33] Klyashtorny links Kipchak to qovï, qovuq "unfortunate, unlucky"; yet Golden sees a better match in qïv "good fortune" and adjectival suffix -čāq. Regardless, Golden notes that the ethnonym's original form and etymology "remain a matter of contention and speculation".[34]

Tribes

[edit]

Kievan Rus', Mamluk, Hungarian, and Chinese sources preserved the names of many Cuman-Kupchak tribal groupings:

  • Altun-oba
  • Arslan-opa
  • Ay-opa
  • Badač
  • Barat ~ Beret ~ Baraq,
  • Baya(w)ut,
  • Burčoğlı (R. Burchebichi; Hg. Borcsol),
  • B.zângî ~ B.zânrî (< ? *Buranlı "stormy"),
  • Jğrâq ~ Jğrât ~ Jqrâq < Čağraq? ~ Čoğraq? ~ Čağraq? ~ Čoğrat? (< čoğrat- "to boil"),[35]
  • Čenegrepa (< Mong. čengkir "light blue, bluish"),
  • Čitey(oğlı) (R. Chitѣyebichi),
  • Čirtan ~ (*Ozur) Čortan (Hg. Csertan),
  • Dorut ~ Dörüt ~ Dört,
  • Enčoğlı ~ İlančuglı (Hg. Iloncsuk),
  • İt-oğlı,
  • Qitan-opa,
  • Knn ~ Kyt (either corrupted from Köten, R. Kotianъ, Hg. Kötöny; or from Turkic tribal name Keyit, meaning "to irritate, to annoy"),
  • Küčeba ~ Küčoba (R. Kouchebichi < küč "strength"),[36]
  • Küčet (< küčet- "to urge to seize"),[37]
  • Kor ~ Qor (H. Kór),
  • Qara Börklü,
  • Qay-opa (R. Kaepiči),[38]
  • Qol-oba ~ Qul-oba (R. Kolobichi ~ Kulobichi, Ibn Xaldun: Qᵘlabaoğlı[39]),
  • Qmngû/Qumanlu, Qonğuroğlı (H. Kongur),
  • Mekrüti ~ Bekrüti ~ Bekürte (< bekürt- "заставлять, укрепить, усилить")[40],
  • Mingüzoğlı ,
  • Orunqu(t) (< Mong. oroŋğu "small, brown-colored gazelle"),
  • Ölberli(ğ) ~ Ölperli(ğ) (Ar. al-b.rlū ~ al-b.rlī, R. Olperliu(i.e.)ve, Olbѣry, Olьbery, Ch. Yuliboli (玉里伯里), Lt. reges Uilperitorum, from Mg. ölöbür "ill, infirm" or Tk. *alp-erlü),[41]
  • Ören ~ Uran ~ Oyren ( < cognate ören "bad, wicked, evil"[42] or Mong. oyren "artist, craftsman"[43]),
  • Pečeneg,
  • Shanmie gumali (苫滅古麻里),
  • Tarğıl (R. Targolove < tarğıl- "of cattle or other animals, 'striped'."),[44]
  • Tarew (R. Tarьevskyi),
  • Terter ~ Teriter-oba (R. Terьterobichi),
  • Toqsoba (R. Toksobichi),
  • Tğ Yšqût (*Tağ Bašqurt? or Tuğ Bašqurt),
  • Ulašoğlı (R. Ulashebichi; Hg. Olás),
  • Urus-oba (R. Ourusoba; from endonym *Aoruša of Turkicized Alans, compare Greek: Αορσοι[45] or from Turkic root urus- "to fight," i.e. "soldier" [46] (cf. Middle Turkic uruş "quarrel, fight, battle, war"[47])),
  • Yimek ~ Yemek (R. Polovtsi Yemiakove),
  • Yete-oba (R. Yetebichi),
  • Yuğur,[48]
  • Moguty,
  • Tatrany,
  • Revugy,
  • Shelьbiry,
  • Topchaki,
  • Elьborili,
  • Bekoba,
  • Quyçı (R. Куичия, Kuichiya, meaning "shepherd"[49]),[50][51]
  • etc.

Seven Cuman tribes eventually settled in Hungary, namely:[14]: 280, 511 [52]

  • Toqsoba (meaning either "plump leather bottle", "tribe of the dusty steppe", or "nine clans" [compare Toquz Oghuz "nine tribes"]),
  • Borcsol ("Pepper Sons"),
  • Csertan ("pike"),
  • Olás ("union, federation"),
  • Kór ~ Kól ("little, few"),
  • Iloncsuk ("little snake"), and
  • Koncsog ("leather trouser").

Baskakov thought that the Moguty, Tatrany, Revugy, Shelьbiry, and Topchaki belonged to the Chorni Klobuky.[53]

History

[edit]

Origins

[edit]
Asia, circa 1200

The original homeland of the Cumans is unknown before their eventual settlement in the Eurasian steppe's western part.

Qun

[edit]

Chinese authors mentioned a Tiele tribe named 渾 (Mand. Hún (< MC *ɦuon), possibly a transcription of underlying *Qun) located north of the Tuul River.[54][55] The writings of al-Marwazi (c. 1120) state that a Turkic "Qun" people came from the northern Chinese borders—"the land of Qitay" (possibly during a part of a migration from further east). After leaving the lands of the Khitans (possibly due to the Khitans' expansion[56]: 199 ), the Qun entered the territory of the Śari people,[b] whom the Quns expelled. Marwazi wrote that the Qun were Nestorian Christians.[59][10]: 4–5 

Golden surmises that these Quns might have sprung "from that same conglomeration of Mongolic peoples from which the Qitañ sprang";[60] however, Golden later suggests that the Quns were Turkic.[61] Despite this, it is possible that certain tribes forming a part of the Cuman–Kipchak conglomerate were of Mongolic origin. Golden considers the Ölberli to have originally been Mongolic-speaking and argues that they were pushed westwards as a result of socio-political changes among the Khitans.[62]

The Syrian historian Yaqut (1179–1229) also mentions the Qun in The Dictionary of Countries, where he notes that "(the sixth iqlim) begins where the meridian shadow of the equinox is seven, six-tenths, and one-sixth of one-tenth of a foot. Its end exceeds its beginning by only one foot. It begins in the homeland of the Qayi, Qun, Khirkhiz, Kimak, at-Tagazgaz, the lands of the Turkomans, Fārāb, and the country of the Khazars."[14]: 279 [63] The Armenian historian, Matthew of Edessa (died 1144), also mentioned the Cumans, using the name χarteš, meaning "blond", "pale", "fair".[64]: 173 [65]

Kipchak relationship

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It cannot be established whether the Cumans conquered the Kipchaks, if the Śari whom the Quns had defeated were to be identified as Kipchaks,[66][67] or whether they simply represent the western mass of largely Kipchak-Turkic speaking tribes.[68] The Quns and Śari (whom Czeglédy (1949:47-48,50) identifies with Yellow Uyghurs[58]) were possibly induced into the Kimek union or took over said union and absorbed the Kimek. As a result, the Kipchaks presumably replaced the Kimeks as the union's dominant group, while the Quns gained ascendancy over the westernmost tribes and became Quman (though difficulties remain with the Qun-Cuman link and how Qun became Cuman, e.g. qun + man "the real Quns"? > *qumman > quman?). Kimeks were still represented amongst the Cuman–Kipchaks as Yimek ~ Yemek.[69]

Potapov writes that:

... during the period from the end of the 800s to 1230 AD [the Cumans] spread their political influence in the broad steppes from Altai to Crimea and Danube. Irtysh with its adjoining steppes (at least below the lake Zaisan) was in the sphere of that confederation. Members of the confederation undoubtedly also were the ancestors of the present Kumandy [in Altai] and Teleuts, which is evidenced by their language that like the language of the Tobol-Irtysh and Baraba Tatars belongs to the Kypchak group.[citation needed]

Conquests

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The Cumans entered the grasslands of the present-day southern Russian steppe in the 11th century AD and went on to assault the Byzantine Empire, the Kingdom of Hungary, the Principality of Pereyaslavl and Kievan Rus'. The Cumans' entry into the area pressed the Oghuz Turks to shift west, which in turn caused the Pechenegs to move to the west of the Dnieper River.[7]: 186  Cuman and Rus' attacks contributed to the departure of the Oghuz from the steppes north of the Black Sea.[7]: 114  Mahmud al-Kashgari, writing in 1076, says that in the east Cuman territory bordered a town near Talas.[14]: 278  The Cumans first entered the Bugeac (Bessarabia) at some point around 1068–1078. They launched a joint expedition with the Pechenegs against Adrianople in 1078. During that same year the Cumans were also fighting the Rus'.[7]: 116  The Russian Primary Chronicle mentions Yemek Cumans who were active in the region of Volga Bulgaria.[14]: 279, 282 

Political organization

[edit]

The vast territory of the Cuman–Kipchak realm consisted of loosely connected tribal units that represented a dominant military force but were never politically united by a strong central power; the khans acted on their own initiative. The Cuman–Kipchaks never established a state, instead forming a Cuman–Kipchak confederation (Cumania/Desht-i Qipchaq/Zemlja Poloveckaja (Polovcian Land)/Pole Poloveckoe (Polovcian Plain)),[10]: 7  which stretched from the Danube in the west to Taraz, Kazakhstan in the east.[14]: 283  This was possibly due to their facing no prolonged threat before the Mongol invasion, and it may have either prolonged their existence or quickened their destruction.[70]

Robert Wolff states that it was discipline and cohesion that permitted the Cuman–Kipchaks to conquer such a vast territory.[56]: 201  Al-Idrīsī states that Cumania got its name from the city of Cumania; he wrote, "From the city of Khazaria to the city of Kirait is 25 miles. From there to Cumanie, which has given its name to the Cumans, it is 25 miles; this city is called Black Cumania. From the city of Black Cumania to the city of Tmutorakan (MaTlUqa), which is called White Cumania, it is 50 miles. White Cumania is a large inhabited city ... Indeed, in this fifth part of the seventh section there is the northern part of the land of Russia and the northern part of the land of Cumania ... In this sixth part there is a description of the land of Inner Cumania and parts of the land of Bulgaria."[71]

According to the 12th-century Jewish traveler Petachiah of Regensburg "they have no king, only princes and royal families".[70] Cumans interacted with the Rus' principalities, Bulgaria, the Byzantine Empire, and the Wallachian states in the Balkans; with Armenia and the Kingdom of Georgia (see Kipchaks in Georgia) in the Caucasus; and with the Khwarezm Empire in Central Asia. The Cumans–Kipchaks constituted an important element and were closely associated with the Khwarazmian royal house via marital alliances.[72]: 31  The Cumans were also active in commerce with traders from Central Asia to Venice.[73]

The Cumans had a commercial interest in Crimea, where they also took tribute from Crimean cities. A major area of commerce was the ancient city of Sudak, which Ibn al-Air viewed as the "city of the Qifjaq from which (flow) their material possessions. It is on the Khazar Sea. Ships come to it bearing clothes. The Qifjiqs buy from them and sell them slaves. Burtas furs, beaver, squirrels..." Due to their political dominance, the Cuman language became Crimea's lingua franca. Thus the language was adopted by the Karaite Jewish and Crimean Armenian communities (who produced many documents written in Kipchak with the Armenian alphabet[64]: 176 ), where it was preserved for centuries up to the modern day.[72]: 31 

Battles in Kievan Rus', in Hungary, and in the Balkans

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The field of Igor Svyatoslavich's battle with the Cuman–Kipchaks, by Viktor Vasnetsov

The Cumans first encountered the Rus' in 1055, when they advanced towards the Rus' Pereyaslavl principality, but Prince Vsevolod reached an agreement with them thus avoiding a military confrontation. In 1061, however, the Cumans, under the chieftain Sokal, invaded and devastated the Pereyaslavl principality; this began a war that would go on for 175 years.[7]: 116 [74][75] In 1068 at the Battle of the Alta River, the Cumans defeated the armies of the three sons of Yaroslav the Wise, Grand Prince Iziaslav I of Kiev, Prince Sviatoslav of Chernigov, and Prince Vsevolod of Pereyaslavl. After the Cuman victory, they repeatedly invaded Kievan Rus', devastating the land and taking captives, who became either their slaves or were sold at markets in the south. The most vulnerable regions were the Principality of Pereyaslavl, the Principality of Novgorod-Seversk and the Principality of Chernigov.[75]

After the Battle of Kerlés in 1068, Saint Ladislaus is fighting a duel with a cuman warrior who kidnapped a girl. (Chronicon Pictum, 1358)
Fresco detail in the Székelyderzs church: Saint Ladislaus is fighting a duel with a cuman warrior.
Cuman invasion of Kiev according to the Radziwiłł Chronicle (1096).

The Cumans invaded and plundered the eastern part of the Kingdom of Hungary in 1091.[76] The invading Cumans were leading by chieftain Kapolcs, they broke first in Transylvania, then the territory between the Danube and Tisza rivers. The Cumans tried to leave Hungary with their loot and prisoners, but King Ladislaus I of Hungary reached and defeated them near the Temes river. After the battle, King Ladislaus offered the surviving Cumans a chance to accept Christianity in return for not being sold into slavery. The majority of them accepted, so the king settled them in Jászság. Once the news of the lost battle reached the Cuman camp, the Cumans threatened King Ladislaus with revenge and demanded to free the Cuman prisoners. King Ladislaus marched to the Hungarian border to prevent the next invasion. However, the two armies still clashed near Severin, resulting in a Hungarian victory. During the battle, King Ladislaus killed Ákos, the Cuman chieftain.[77]

The Cumans initially managed to defeat the Grand Prince Vladimir II Monomakh of Kievan Rus' in 1093 at the Battle of the Stugna River, but they were defeated later by the combined forces of Rus principalities led by Monomakh and were forced out of the Rus' borders to the Caucasus. In these battles some Pecheneg and Oghuz groups were liberated from the Cumans and incorporated into the Rus' border-guard system. Khan Boniak launched invasions on Kiev in 1096, 1097, 1105, and 1107.

In 1096, Boniak attacked Kiev and burned down the princely palace in Berestove; he also plundered the Kievan Cave Monastery. Boniak was defeated near Lubny in 1107 by the forces of the Kievan Rus' princes.[78] The Cumans led by Boniak crushed the Hungarian army led by Coloman in 1099 and seized the royal treasury. In 1109, Monomakh launched another raid against the Cumans and captured "1,000 tents".[14]: 282  In 1111, 1113, and 1116, further raids were launched against the Cumans and resulted in the liberation and incorporation of more Pecheneg and Oghuz tribes.

During this time, the Cumans raided the Byzantine Empire and Volga Bulgaria. Volga Bulgaria was attacked again at a later stage, by Khan Ayepa, father-in-law of Grand Prince of Kiev Yuri Dolgorukiy, perhaps at his instigation. The Volga Bulgars in turn poisoned Ayepa "and the other princes; all of them died."[14]: 282 [14]: 240  In 1089, Ladislaus I of Hungary defeated the Cumans after they attacked the Kingdom of Hungary. In 1091, the Pechenegs, a semi-nomadic Turkic people of the prairies of southwestern Eurasia, were decisively defeated as an independent force at the Battle of Levounion by the combined forces of a Byzantine army under Emperor Alexios I Komnenos and a Cuman army under Togortok/Tugorkan and Boniak. Attacked again in 1094 by the Cumans, many Pechenegs were again slain. Some of the Pechenegs fled to Hungary, as the Cumans themselves would do a few decades later. In 1091/1092 the Cumans, under Kopulch, raided Transylvania and Hungary, moving to Bihor and getting as far as the Tisza and Timiș rivers. Loaded with goods and prisoners they then split into three groups, after which they were attacked and defeated by King Ladislaus I.

In 1092, the Cumans resumed their raids against the Rus' and also attacked the Kingdom of Poland:[7]: 121  and reportedly reached northern cities located in Lithuania. In 1094-1095 the Cumans, led by Tugorkan, in support of the exiled Byzantine pretender Constantine Diogenes (as a pretext to plundering), invaded the Balkans and conquered the Byzantine province of Paristrion. The Cumans then advanced all the way to Adrianople and Anchialos but could not conquer them. In the following years, when knights of the First Crusade were passing through the empire, Byzantium offered the Cumans prestige titles and gifts in order to appease them; subsequently good relations ensued.[7]: 122  From 1097 to 1099, Sviatopolk II of Kiev requested help from the Cumans against Coloman, King of Hungary, who was involved in a feud with Volodar of Peremyshl, Prince of Przemyśl. King Coloman and his army crossed the Carpathian Mountains and laid siege on Przemyśl, which prompted David Igorevich, an ally of Volodar Rostislavich, to persuade the Cumans, under Khan Boniak and Altunopa, to attack the Hungarians.[79]

The Hungarian army was soundly crushed by the Cumans; the Illuminated Chronicle mentions that "rarely did Hungarians suffer such slaughter as in this battle."[7]: 124 [80] In 1104 the Cumans were allied with Prince Volodar. In 1106, the Cumans advanced into the Principality of Volhynia, but were repelled by Sviatopolk II. In 1114, the Cumans launched an invasion, from the western Romanian Plain, into the Byzantine Balkans once more. This was followed up by another incursion in 1123/1124. In 1135, the Cumans again invaded the Kingdom of Poland. During the second and third crusades, in 1147 and 1189, crusaders were attacked by Cumans, who were allied to the Asen dynasty of the Second Bulgarian Empire, or who were in Byzantine service.[7]: 124–128 

Cumans at that time also resettled in the Kingdom of Georgia and were Christianized. There they achieved prominent positions, helped Georgians to stop the advance of Seljuk Turks, and helped make Georgia the most powerful kingdom of the region (they were referred to as naqivchaqari).[14]: 282  After the death of the warlike Monomakh in 1125, Cumans returned to the steppe along the Rus' borders. Fighting resumed in 1128; Rus' sources mention that Sevinch, son of Khan Boniak, expressed the desire to plant his sword "in the Golden gate of Kiev", as his father had done before him.[14]: 282 

Ivan Bilibin's illustration to The Tale of Igor's Campaign shows the Cumans fighting against the Rus'.

On 20 March 1155, Prince Gleb Yuryevich took Kiev with the help of a Cuman army under the Cuman prince Chemgura.[81] By 1160 Cuman raids into Rus' had become an annual event. These attacks put pressure on Rus' and affected trade routes to the Black Sea and Constantinople, in turn leading Rus' to again attempt action. Offenses were halted during 1166–1169, when Grand prince Andrey Bogolyubsky, son of Khan Ayepa's daughter, took control of Kiev in 1169 and installed Gleb as his puppet. Gleb brought in "wild" Cumans as well as Oghuz and Berendei units. Later, the princes of the Principality of Chernigov attempted to use Khan Konchek's army against Kievan Rus' and Suzdal. This Chernigov-Cuman alliance suffered a disastrous defeat in 1180; Elrut, Konchek's brother died in battle. In 1177, a Cuman army that was allied with Ryazan sacked six cities that belonged to the Berendei and Torkil. In 1183, the Rus' defeated a large Cuman army and captured Khan Kobiak (Kobek) as well as his sons and other notables.

Subsequently, Khan Konchek concluded negotiations. Like his son Khan Köten, preceding the Mongol invasion, Khan Konchek was successful in creating a more cohesive force out of the many Cuman groups—he united the western and eastern Cuman–Kipchak tribes. Khan Konchek also changed the old Cuman system of government whereby rulership went to the most senior tribal leader; he instead passed it on to his son Koten.[13]: 21, 22  Igor Svyatoslavich, prince of the Principality of Novgorod-Seversk, attacked the Cumans in the vicinity of the Kayala river in 1185 but was defeated; this battle was immortalized in the Rus' epic poem The Tale of Igor's Campaign, and Alexander Borodin's opera, Prince Igor. The dynamic pattern of attacks and counterattacks between the Rus' and the Cumans indicates that both rarely, if ever, were able to attain the unity needed to deal a fatal blow. The Cuman attacks on the Rus' often had Caucasian and Danubian European implications.[14]: 282 

In the Balkans, the Cumans were in contact with all the statal entities. They fought with the Kingdom of Hungary, allied with the Bulgarians of the Second Bulgarian Empire (they were the empire's most effective military component)[26]: 24  and with the Vlachs against the Byzantine Empire. A variant of the oldest Turkic chronicle, Oghuzname (The Oghuz Khan's Tale), mentions the Cumans fighting the Magyars, Rus', Romanians (Ulak), and Bashkirs, who had refused to submit to their authority.[7]: 81 

Central, Southern and Eastern Europe, 1190

In alliance with the Bulgarians and Vlachs,[82] the Cumans are believed to have played a significant role in the uprising led by brothers Asen and Peter of Tarnovo, resulting in victory over Byzantium and the restoration of Bulgaria's independence in 1185.[83] István Vásáry states that without the active participation of the Cumans, the Vlakho-Bulgarian rebels could never have gained the upper hand over the Byzantines, and ultimately without the military support of the Cumans, the process of Bulgarian restoration could never have been realized.[10]: 73 [84]

The Cuman participation in the creation of the Second Bulgarian Empire in 1185 and thereafter brought about basic changes in the political and ethnic sphere of Bulgaria and the Balkans.[10]: xii  The Cumans were allies in the Bulgarian–Latin Wars with emperor Kaloyan of Bulgaria. In 1205, at the Battle of Adrianople (1205), 14,000 Cuman light cavalry contributed to Kaloyan's crushing victory over the Latin Crusaders.[84]

Cuman troops continued to be hired throughout the 13th and 14th century by both the Bulgarians and Byzantines.[85] The Cumans who remained east and south of the Carpathian Mountains established a county named Cumania, which was a strong military base in an area consisting of parts of Moldavia and Wallachia.[15] This is corroborated by archeological findings which show a Cuman presence in the area, mostly in the south part of Moldavia, with their population estimated around 100,000.[86]

Mongol invasions

[edit]
Cuman statue, 12th century, Luhansk
The conquests of Genghis Khan

Like most other peoples of medieval Eastern Europe, the Cumans put up a resistance against the relentlessly advancing Mongols led by Jebe and Subutai. The Mongols crossed the Caucasus mountains in pursuit of Muhammad II, the shah of the Khwarezmid Empire, and met and defeated the Cumans in Subcaucasia in 1220. The Cuman khans Danylo Kobiakovych and Yurii Konchakovych died in battle, while the other Cumans, commanded by Khan Köten, managed to get aid from the Rus' princes.[75]

As the Mongols were approaching Russia, Khan Köten fled to the court of his son-in-law, Prince Mstislav the Bold of Galich, where he gave "numerous presents: horses, camels, buffaloes and girls. And he presented these gifts to them, and said the following, 'Today the Mongols took away our land and tomorrow they will come and take away yours'." The Cumans were ignored for almost a year, however, as the Rus' had suffered from their raids for decades. But when news reached Kiev that the Mongols were marching along the Dniester River, the Rus' responded. Mstislav of Galich then arranged a council of war in Kiev, which was attended by Mstislav Romanovich, Prince Yuri II of Vladimir-Suzdal and Mstislav Svyatoslavich of Chernigov.

The princes promised support to Khan Koten's Cumans and an alliance between the Rus' and Cumans was formed. It was decided that the Rus' and Cumans would move east to seek and destroy any Mongols they found. The Rus' princes then began mustering their armies and moved towards the rendezvous point. The army of the alliance of the Rus' and Cumans numbered around 80,000. When the alliance reached Pereyaslavl, they were met by a Mongol envoy that tried to persuade them not to fight. This as well as a second attempt by the Mongols failed; the alliance then crossed the Dnieper River and marched eastward for nine days pursuing a small Mongol contingent, unknowingly being led by a false retreat. The battle took place near the Kalka River in 1223.

Due to confusion and mistakes, and the superb military tactics and fighting-qualities of the Mongols, the Rus' and Cumans were defeated. In the chaos the Cumans managed to retreat, but the Rus' failed to regroup and were crushed.[87]: 74  The Cumans were allied at Kalka River with Wallach warriors named Brodnics, led by Ploscanea.[citation needed] Brodnics' territory was in the lower parts of the Prut river in modern Romania and Moldova. During the second Mongol invasion of Eastern Europe in 1237–1240 the Cumans were defeated again; at this time groups of Cumans went to live with the Volga Bulgars, who had not been attacked yet.[87]: 44 

Istvan Vassary states that after the Mongol conquest, "A large-scale westward migration of the Cumans began." Certain Cumans also moved to Anatolia, Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan.[64]: 174  In the summer of 1237 the first wave of this Cuman exodus appeared in Bulgaria. The Cumans crossed the Danube, and this time Tsar Ivan Asen II could not tame them, as he had often been able to do earlier; the only possibility left for him was to let them march through Bulgaria in a southerly direction. They proceeded through Thrace as far as Hadrianoupolis and Didymotoichon, plundering and pillaging the towns and the countryside, just as before. The whole of Thrace became, as Akropolites put it, a "Scythian desert."[10]: 81 

A direct attack on Cumania came only in 1238–1239, and encountered serious resistance by various Cuman khans.[88] The final blow came in 1241, when Cuman control over the Pontic steppes ended and the Cuman–Kipchak confederation ceased to exist as a political entity, with the remaining Cuman tribes being dispersed, either becoming subjects and mixing with their Mongol conquerors, as part of what was to be known as the Golden Horde (Kipchak Khanate) and Nogai Horde, or fleeing to the west, to the Byzantine Empire, the Second Bulgarian Empire, and the Kingdom of Hungary, where they integrated into the elite and became kings and nobles with many privileges. Other Cuman captives were sold as slaves, who would go on to become Mamluks in Egypt, who would attain the rank of Sultan or hold regional power as emirs or beys. Some of these Mamluks led by Sultan Baibars would fight the Mongols again, defeating them at the Battle of Ain Jalut and the Battle of Elbistan.[87]: 58 [89]

A group of Cumans under two leaders named Jonas [fr] and Saronius, the former of whom was higher in rank, entered the Latin Empire of Constantinople as allies about 1240, probably fleeing the Mongols. The name Saronius (found in Alberic of Trois-Fontaines, who calls the leaders kings) is probably a corruption of the Cuman name Sïčgan, meaning "mouse". They assisted the Emperor Baldwin II in the capture of Tzurullon from the Nicaeans in that year. The following year the Christian daughters of Saronius married two of the leading noblemen of the empire, Baldwin of Hainaut and William of Meri, while Jonas's daughter married Narjot III de Toucy, who had once served as regent of the empire in Baldwin's absence. When Narjot died in 1241, his wife became a nun. Jonas died that same year and was buried in a tumulus outside Constantinople in a pagan ceremony. According to Aubrey, eight volunteer warriors and twenty-six horses were sacrificed at the funeral.[10]: 66 

Settlement on the Hungarian plain

[edit]
The Kingdom of Hungary in the 13th century. Local Cuman autonomies (yellow) following the adoption of the Cuman laws.

They became one of the important Turkic groups in Desht-i Kipchak region. After Kipchak unity was destroyed by the Mongol attack in 1239, one branch of the Cumans migrated to the Balkans, and another branch went down to the Anatolia. They later came into contact with Georgians, Hungarians and Turks.

Cuman representation in the Radziwiłł Chronicle

The architect of the Georgian-Cuman relations was David IV of Georgia. This event, which was one of the most important military reforms of David's against the Seljuk invaders, took place when a high-level Georgian delegation visited the Cuman headquarters. To strengthen this alliance with the nomads, David married with Cuman King Atrak's daughter Guranduht, and invited her relatives to settle in Georgia.[90] David brokered a truce between the Kipchaks and Alans. Later on he has held some consultations with Vladimir II Monomakh, Grand Duke of Kiev who defeated Atrak in 1109, to ensure free passage of nomadic tribes into Georgia.

King Andrew II of Hungary granted the Burzenland region to the Teutonic Knights in 1211, with the purpose of ensuring security of the southeastern borders of his kingdom against the Cumans. The Teutonic Knights campaigned against the Cumans, on behalf of King Andrew, during the years of 1221–1225.[91][92] However, the Teutonic Knights failed to defeat the Cumans and began to establish a country independent of the King of Hungary. In 1238, after Mongol attacks on Cumania, King Béla IV of Hungary offered refuge to the remainder of the Cuman people under their leader Khan Köten, who in turn vowed to convert his 40,000 families to Christianity. King Béla hoped to use the new subjects as auxiliary troops against the Mongols, who were already threatening Hungary. The Cumans were joined by the Iranian Jasz people, who had been living with the Cumans.[21]: 44  Batu Khan of the Mongols then ordered Bela to stop giving refuge to the Cumans and made a particular point that if attacked the Cumans could easily run away, for they were skilled horseman, but not so for the Hungarians, who were a sedentary nation and had no such luxury. Bela rejected this ultimatum.

Around December 1240, news came that the Mongols were advancing towards Hungary. King Bela then installed front line defenses at the Carpathian Mountains, after which he returned to Buda and called a council of war and ordered unity against the Mongols. The opposite happened, however, as many of the barons were hostile towards the Cumans. The Hungarian barons noted that there were Cumans in the Mongol armies, but they did not realize that this was because they were conscripted into it and had no say in the matter. In particular the barons did not trust Köten, despite the fact that the Mongols had attacked his people for nearly 20 years. This chaos pushed Bela into a corner; feeling he needed to show his strength and keep the rebellious barons on his side, he ordered Köten to be placed under house arrest. This did not placate the barons and had an opposite effect of erroneously seeming to admit that the King harboured doubts about Köten, too. This angered the Cumans, who were far from happy about the actions taken against them, and who had done nothing to invite such actions and hated the Mongols. News arrived on 10 March that the Mongols had attacked the Hungarian defenses at the Carpathian passes. This prompted Bela to send a letter to Duke Frederick of Austria asking for help. Frederick had previously wanted Bela's throne, but Bela responded by amassing a vast army and marching to the gates of Vienna, which forced Frederick to step back. On 14 March, news had arrived that the Carpathian defense forces were defeated by the Mongols. Ironically, given the suspicion of the Cumans, they were the only ones who seemed willing to fight the Mongols, the memory of the fate that had befallen them on the steppes still being fresh in their minds. By this time Bela had lost control of his army and many towns were destroyed. Soon thereafter Frederick arrived, and, wishing to harm the country's defense (in revenge to Bela), he stirred up further feelings against the Cumans.

First Mongol invasion of Hungary in 1241–1242. The Tatars are dressed in Cuman clothes with sabers. (Chronicon Pictum, 1358)

After crushing defeats and facing complete collapse, the Hungarians engaged in a suicidal betrayal of the Cumans, the people that had done the most in repelling the Mongols. Some of the barons went to Köten's house with the intent of killing him as scapegoat or handing him over to the Mongols, possibly believing the Cuman–Kipchaks were Mongol spies. However, the barons had Köten assassinated in Pest on 17 March 1241.[93][c] When news of this outrage reached the Cuman camp there was an eruption of "Vesuvian intensity". In revenge for this victimization they slaughtered a vast number of Hungarians.[11]: 117 [13]: 22  The Cumans then left for the Balkans and the Second Bulgarian Empire, going on a rampage of destruction through Hungary "equal to that which Europe had not experienced since the incursions of the Mongols".[15]: 37 [94]

Historical coat of arms of Kunság, where Cumans in Hungary settled, divided into Little Cumania and Greater Cumania

With this departure of its only ally and most efficient and reliable military force,[26]: 43 [95] Hungary was now further weakened to attack, and a month later it was destroyed by the Mongols.[15]: 186 [64]: 173  After the invasion, King Béla IV, now penniless and humiliated after the confiscation of his treasury and loss of three of his border areas, begged the Cumans to return to Hungary and help rebuild the country.[15] In return for their military service, Béla invited the Cumans to settle in areas of the Great Plain between the Danube and the Tisza rivers; this region had become almost uninhabited after the Mongol raids of 1241–1242.[96] The Cuman tribes subsequently settled throughout the Great Hungarian Plain, creating two regions incorporating the name Cumania (Kunság in Hungarian): Greater Cumania (Nagykunság) and Little Cumania (Kiskunság). Six of these tribes were the Borchol (Borscol), who settled in county of Temes (the Borchol clan was also active around Rus'; they were also a tribe of the Golden Horde mentioned as Burcoylu); Csertan, who settled in Little Cumania; Olas, who settled in Greater Cumania; Iloncsuk, who settled in Little Cumania; Kor, who settled in the county of Csanad and the sixth being, possibly, Koncsog.[21]: 44 [64]: 174 [96]

A seal depicting a crowned woman who sits on a throne
Seal of Elizabeth the Cuman, wife of King Stephen V of Hungary
King Ladislaus IV of Hungary, also known as Ladislaus the Cuman. He is wearing the clothes of his favorite Cumans. His mother, Queen Elizabeth of Hungary, was the daughter of a Cuman chieftain. (Chronicon Pictum, 1358)

As the Cumans came into the kingdom, the Hungarian nobility suspected that the king intended to use the Cumans to strengthen his royal power at their expense.[97]: 80  During the following centuries, the Cumans in Hungary were granted rights and privileges, the extent of which depended on the prevailing political situation. Some of these rights survived until the end of the 19th century, although the Cumans had long since assimilated with Hungarians. The Cumans were different in every way to the local population of Hungary—their appearance, attire, and hairstyle set them apart. In 1270, Elizabeth the Cuman, the daughter of a Cuman chieftain Seyhan,[10]: 99 [98][99] became queen of Hungary. Elizabeth ruled during the minority of her son (future king Ladislaus IV of Hungary) in the years of 1272–1277. A struggle took place between her and the noble opposition, which led to her imprisonment by the rebels; but supporters freed her in 1274.[100] During her reign, gifts of precious clothes, land, and other objects were given to the Cumans with the intent to ensure their continued support, and in particular during the civil war between King Béla IV and Stephen V of Hungary, when both sides tried to gain Cuman support. During this conflict, in 1264, Béla sent Cuman troops commanded by the chieftain Menk to fight his son Stephen.[97]: 82 [101]: 55  Elizabeth married Stephen V; they were parents of six children. Their son, Ladislaus IV became the king of Hungary while her other son, Andrew of Hungary, became Duke of Slavonia. By 1262, Stephen V had taken the title of 'Dominus Cumanorum' and became the Cumans' highest judge. After his enthronement, the Cumans came directly under the power of the king of Hungary and the title of 'Dominus Cumanorum' (judge of the Cumans) had passed to the count palatine, who was the highest official after the king. The Cumans had their own representatives and were exempt from the jurisdiction of county officials.[97]: 82 

Second Mongol invasion of Hungary in 1285. There are two female figures among the Cumans. (Chronicon Pictum, 1358)
Cuman assassins murder King Ladislaus IV of Hungary at the castle of Körösszeg (now Cheresig, Romania) in 1290. (Chronicon Pictum, 1358)

By the 15th century, the Cumans were permanently settled in Hungary, in villages whose structure corresponded to that of the local population, and they were Christianized. The Cumans did not always ally with the Hungarian kings—they assassinated Ladislaus IV; however, other sources suggest that certain Hungarian barons had a role in his murder, thus Ladislaus fell victim to his political enemies.[101]: 82  The royal and ecclesiastical authorities incorporated, rather than excluded, the Cumans. The Cumans served as light cavalry in the royal army, an obligation since they were granted asylum. Being fierce and capable warriors (as noted by Istvan Vassary), they had an important role in the royal army. The king led them in numerous expeditions against neighbouring countries; most notably they played an important part in the Battle on the Marchfeld between Rudolf of Habsburg and Ottokar II of Bohemia in 1278—King Ladislaus IV and the Cumans (which numbered 16,000)[64]: 173  were on Rudolf's side.

Hungarian kings relied on the Cumans to counterbalance the growing independent power of the nobility.[97]: 81  Royal policy towards the Cumans was determined by their military and political importance. The Hungarian kings continuously hoped to use Cuman military support, the main reason for the invitation to settle and continued royal favors to them. The kings' main aim was to secure Cuman loyalty by various means, including intermarriage between the Cumans and the Hungarian royal family.[97]: 81  Ladislaus IV "the Cuman" (whose mother was Queen Elizabeth the Cuman) was particularly fond of the Cumans and abandoned Hungarian culture and dress for Cuman culture, dress, and hairstyle; he lived with his Cuman entourage and concubines, who were Küpçeç, Mandola, and Ayduva.[64]: 173 [102]

There were clashes between the Hungarians and Cumans in 1280 and 1282. The first involved the king convincing the Cumans not to leave the country, yet a small group still moved to Wallachia. The second was a battle between Cuman rebels and the king's forces.[10]: 106  The Battle of Lake Hód was a battle between the Kingdom of Hungary and the Cumans in 1282 and King Ladislaus IV of Hungary defeated the Cumans. The Cumans initially lived in felt yurts, but as time went by they gradually gave up their nomadic way of life.[64]: 173  The head of Cuman clans served the dual role of a military leader and a judge. The Cumans, having their own jurisdiction, were exempt from Hungarian jurisdiction and appealed to the king only in cases of unsettled disagreements. The Cumans paid 3000 gold bullions a year to the king, as well as other products and animals (since King Béla IV). They had own priests and they were not paying port and custom dues. Cuman villages did not have landlords and thus no manors were established; this meant that the people of these villages bought off statute labour. The royal guard of the Hungarian kings were Cumans, called nyoger. From the 16th century onwards, the Cumans between the Danube and Tisza rivers were referred to as Kiskun, while who lived to the east of the Tisza river were referred to as nagykun.[64]: 173  The majority of Cumans were exterminated during the Great Turkish War.[103]

King Charles I of Hungary receives the envoy of Voivode Basarab of Wallachia in 1330, the envoy wears a Cuman dress. (Chronicon Pictum, 1358)
Coat of arms of Maria Theresa as "king" of Hungary, 1777[104]

The Cumanians' settlements were destroyed during the Turkish wars in the 16th and 17th centuries; more Cumans than Hungarians were killed.[64]: 176 [105] Around 1702, Cuman and Jasz privileges were lost. The court sold all three districts to the Teutonic Knights, though the lordship of these three regions was returned to Hungary. In 1734, Karcag became a market town, due to the permission to organize fairs. During this time, it had bought off its borders as its own property for 43,200 Rhenish florins. On May 6, 1745, due to the cooperation between the Cumans and Jasz people, as well as their material strength of their communities, they were able to officially buy off their freedom by paying off more than 500,000 Rhenish florins and by arming and sending to camp 1,000 cavalry.[106] At the beginning of the 18th century, the Cumanian territories were resettled by Hungarian-speaking descendants of the Cumans.[107] In the middle of the 18th century, they got their status by becoming free farmers and no longer serfs.[17][108] Here, the Cumans maintained their autonomy, language, and some ethnic customs well into the modern era. According to Pálóczi's estimation, originally 70–80,000 Cumans settled in Hungary. Other estimations are 180–200,000.[64]: 173 [109]: 72 

King Louis I of Hungary on the throne around his knights in the years of 1350s. On his left is a group of oriental, long-dressed figures with bows, arrows, and sabers. (Chronicon Pictum, 1358)

Today there are still villages in Turkey, Kazakhstan and Ukraine founded by Cumans.[110]

This prayer, which was translated into the Cuman language in order to Christianize Shamanist Cumans in Hungary, was recorded in the TRT Documentary Özü Türk program:

Destroyed Cuman prayer from the original text The prayer that was rearranged in accordance with the Cuman language because it was damaged Modern Turkish
Bezén attamaz ken ze kikte

szénlészen szen ádon

dösön szen küklön

nitziegén gerde ali kékte

bezén akomozne oknémezne ber gézge pitbütör küngön

il bézen ménemezne neszem bezdede jermez bezge utro gergenge

iltme bezne ol gyamanga

kútkor bezne al gyamanna

szen borszony bo kacsalli bo tson igyi tengere

ammen.

Bizim atamız kim-sing kökte

Şentlensing sening adıng
Düşsün sening könglügüng
Neçik-kim cerde alay kökte
Bizing ekmegimizni ber bizge büt-bütün künde
İlt bizing minimizni
Neçik-kim biz iyermiz bizge ötrü kelgenge
İltme bizni ol camanga
Kutkar bizni ol camannan
Sen barsıng bu küçli bu çin iygi Tengri, amen.

Bizim atamız ki sensin gökte

Şenlensin senin adın
Hoş olsun senin gönlün
Nasıl ki yerde ve tüm gökte
Bizim ekmeğimizi ver bize büt bütün günde
İlet bizim minimizi
Nasıl ki biz boyun eğeriz bize emir gelince
İletme bizi hiç kötülüğe
Kurtar bizi her kötülükten
Sen varsın bu güçte bu yücelikte Tanrım, amin.

[111]

Cuman involvement in Serbia

[edit]

Cuman involvement in Serbia first occurred as a result of marital ties between Serbia and Hungary. King Stephen V of Hungary gave his daughter, Catherine (whose mother was Queen Elizabeth the Cuman, daughter of the Cuman chieftain Seyhan) in marriage to Stefan Dragutin, son of King Stefan Uroš I of Serbia. King Uroš had promised both his son and King Stephen that he would make Dragutin king during his own lifetime; but he later declined this. Dragutin, in disappointment, requested aid from King Stephen, who said he would lend his Hungarian and Cuman troops. Subsequently, Dragutin set out with his troops and marched on his father. King Uroš had declined once more, and in 1276 Dragutin clashed with his father's army in Gacko, winning the battle. Afterwards, Dragutin took the throne and became king of Serbia. After King Stephen's death, his son, Ladislaus IV the Cuman, continued to support Dragutin, his brother-in-law. From 1270 onwards Cuman mercenaries and auxiliaries were present on both sides of the warring factions, sometimes ignoring the orders of the party they were fighting for, instead acting on their own and looting the countryside. The Cumans had also burned down Žiča, the former see of the archbishopric of the Serbian Church.[10]: 99–101 

By 1272, the region of Braničevo in Serbia had become a Hungarian banate, but soon afterwards, its rulers, Kudelin and Darman succeeded in making it an independent state. Kudelin and Darman were either Cuman warriors in Bulgarian service or Bulgarian nobles of Cuman origin. This move to independence had angered Ladislaus IV as well as Dragutin, who wanted to crush the rebellion. Darman and Kudelin were supported by the Tatars of the Golden Horde (Kipchak Khanate) against the Hungarians and Serbs. Subsequently, Dragutin attacked the brothers but failed to defeat them. After this attack the brothers hired Cuman and Tatar mercenaries. Dragutin in turn went to his brother, King Milutin for help. Dragutin battled the brothers again, this time with King Milutin's help as well as support from King Ladislaus IV (Cuman troops), and defeated them. After this King Ladislaus continued negotiations with Darman and Kudelin, but this had failed so he sent Transylvanian and Cuman troops against them. The Cumans had fought on both the Bulgarian and Hungarian-Serbian sides.[10]: 101–106 

The Cumans were also involved with the semi-independent Bulgarian Tsardom of Vidin between 1290 and 1300, which had become a target of Serbian expansion. In 1280, a Bulgarian noble of Cuman origin, Shishman, became the ruler of Vidin. He was perhaps granted the position of despot of Vidin soon after the accession of another Bulgarian noble of Cuman origin, the Tsar George Terter I (r. 1280–1292), to the Bulgarian throne in 1280. Shishman was either a close relative or a brother of George Terter I.[112] Shishman may have established his authority over the Vidin region as early as the 1270s, after the death of the previous ruler of that area, Jacob Svetoslav.[113] Danilo, a Serbian archbishop, reported, "At that time in the land of the Bulgars a prince called Shishman emerged. He lived in the town of Vidin, and obtained the adjacent countries and much of the Bulgarian land." Some years after, Shishman invaded Serbia and got as far as Hvosno. After failing to capture Ždrelo, he returned to Vidin, which was subsequently attacked and devastated by King Milutin. However, Milutin replaced him on his throne on the basis that he would become Shishman's ally. In fact, the alliance was strengthened by Shishman marrying the daughter of the Serbian grand župan Dragos. Further security came about when Milutin later gave his daughter Anna as a wife to Shishman's son Michael, who in 1323 became Tsar of Bulgaria.[10]: 107 

Golden Horde and Byzantine mercenaries

[edit]
The division of the Mongol Empire, c. 1300, with the Golden Horde in yellow

The Cumans who remained scattered in the prairie of what is now southwest Russia joined the Mongol Golden Horde Khanate, and their descendants became assimilated with local populations including the Tatars. The cultural heritage of those Cuman–Kipchaks who remained was transferred to the Mongols, whose élite adopted many of the traits, customs, and language of the Cumans and Kipchaks; the Cumans, Kipchaks, and Mongols finally became assimilated through intermarriage and became the Golden Horde. Those Cumans, with the Turko-Mongols, adopted Islam in the second half of the 13th and the first half of the 14th century.[75]

The Cuman-Kipchaks, who were first seen in Byzantine resources in 1078, began to serve as mercenaries in the Byzantine army from the reign of Emperor Alexios I Komnenos.[114] In 1086 Cumans devastated Byzantine settlements in the Balkans. Later the Cumans joined the Pechenegs and the former Hungarian king, Salomon, in plundering the Byzantine Balkan provinces. Subsequent to this, the Cumans gave aid to Tatos, the chief of Distra. In 1091 there was a disagreement in plunder shares between the Cumans and Pechenegs, which resulted in a breach between the two peoples; this contributed to the Cumans (led by Togortok/Tugorkan and Boniak, who had repeatedly raided Kievan Rus') joining Alexios I Komnenos against the Pechenegs in the Battle of Levounion.[7]: 120 

The Cumans invaded the Balkans a couple of weeks after the Battle of Kalka River large groups[115] Cumans invaded Thrace where they pillaged towns that had recently come under the control of the Nicaean Empire. This continued until 1242 when Nicaean emperor John III Doukas Vatatzes, in response to the situation, won their favour with "gifts and diplomacy". Later, he succeeded in settling a group of Cumans in Anatolia, in the Meander valley and the region east of Philadelphia, and another group in the regions of Anatolia near Constantinople.[116]

Cumans had served as mercenaries in the armies of the Byzantine Empire since the reign of Alexios I Komnenos (1081–1118)[6] and were one of the most important elements of the Byzantine army until the mid-14th century. They served as light cavalry (horse-archers) and as standing troops;[6] those in the central army were collectively called Skythikoi/Skythikon.[115] Other Cumans lived a more dangerous life as highlanders on the fringes of the empire, possibly being involved in a mixture of agriculture and transhumance, acting as a buffer between Nicaean farmers and Turkic nomads.

These Cumans were frequently mustered for Byzantine campaigns in Europe.[6] In 1242 they were employed by Vatatzes in his siege of Thessaloniki. In 1256 emperor Theodore II Laskaris left a force of 300 Cumans with the Nicaean governor of Thessaloniki. In 1259, 2000 Cuman light cavalry fought for the Nicaean Empire at the Battle of Pelagonia. Cumans were again involved in 1261, where the majority of the 800 troops under Alexios Strategopoulos that retook Constantinople, were Cumans. Large Cuman contingents were also part of the Byzantine Emperor Michael VIII Palaiologos' European campaigns of 1263–1264, 1270–1272 and 1275. Cumans were again employed by emperor Andronikos II Palaiologos in 1292, in his campaign against the Despotate of Epirus. The Cumans, together with Turk mercenaries, terminated the campaign by an unauthorized retreat.

In contrast to their light cavalry counterparts, Cuman standing troops appear as a distinct group only once, albeit very significantly.

An example of this influential group was Sytzigan (known as Syrgiannes after baptism), who before 1290 became Megas Domestikos (Commander-in-Chief of the Army) under Emperor Andronikos II.[115] His son, Syrgiannes Palaiologos, attained the title of Pinkernes and was a friend of Andronikos III Palaiologos and John Kantakouzenos. An act from the archive of the Lavra of Athanasios mentions Cuman Stratioti (mercenaries from the Balkans) in the region of Almopia who received two douloparoikoi in 'pronoia' (a Byzantine form of feudalism based on government assignment of revenue-yielding property to prominent individuals in return for military service) some time before 1184.[6][117]

Traces of Cumans in Anatolia

[edit]

In 1239–1240, large groups of Cumans fleeing from the Mongols crossed the Danube. These groups wandered for a long time to find a suitable place to settle in Thrace. John III Doukas Vatatzes who wanted to prevent Cumans invasion of Empire of Nicaea lands and to benefit from their military capabilities invited Cumans in Empire of Nicaea service. He settled some of them in Thrace and Macedonia, and some in Anatolia to the Meander (Menderes) valley and some to the Phrygia and Bithynia.[116][118][119][120] These Cumans preserved their identity after the Ottomans conquered the lands they lived in.[121][122][123][124] It is accepted that some of the Cumans who settled in West Anatolia during the reign of Emperor John III Dukas Vatatzes of Nicaea are the ancestors of a part of the community called Manavs living in Northwest Anatolia today.[125][121][126][127][128][122][120][129][130]

Traces of Cumans in Romania

[edit]

Toponyms pointing at a Cuman presence were preserved in names of villages and places in the Wallachian Plain, for example: Comana, Comanca, Câmpia Comancei and Valea Comancei in Olt County, Comanii Vechi, Comăneanca (Prahova County), Vadul Cumanilor (near Calafat).[131]

Culture

[edit]

Horses were central to Cuman culture and way of life,[25] and their main activity was animal husbandry. The knight Robert de Clari described the Cumans as nomadic warriors who raised horses, sheep, goats, camels, and cattle. They moved north with their herds in summer and returned south in winter. Some of the Cumans led a semi-settled life and took part in trading and farming, as well as blacksmithing, furriery, shoe making, saddle making, bow making, and clothes making.[132] They mainly sold and exported animals, mostly horses, and animal products. They attached feeding sacks to the bridles of their horses, allowing them to cover great distances. They could go on campaign with little baggage and carry everything they needed. They wore sheepskin and were armed with composite bows and arrows. They prayed to the first animal they saw in the morning.[133][134] Like the Bulgars, the Cumans were known to drink blood from their horse (they would cut a vein) when they ran out of water far from an available source. Their traditional diet consisted of soup with millet and meat and included beer, curdled mare's milk, kumis, and bread (though bread could be rare depending on location).[25]

The fundamental unit of Cuman society was the family, made up of blood relatives.[135] A group of families formed a clan, led by a chief; a group of clans formed a tribe, led by a khan. A typical Cuman clan was named after an object, animal, or a leader of the clan. The names of the leaders of clans or tribes sometimes ended in "apa/aba". Cuman names were descriptive and represented a personal trait or an idea. Clans lived together in movable settlements named 'Cuman towers' by Kievan Rus' chroniclers.

The Cuman–Kipchak tribes formed sub-confederations governed by charismatic ruling houses—they acted independently of each other and had opposing policies. The territory controlled distinguished each Cuman tribe: the "seashore" Cuman tribes lived in the steppes between the mouths of the Dnieper and the Dniester; the "coastal" tribes lived on the coast of the Sea of Azov; the "Dnieper" tribes lived on both banks of the bend in the Dnieper Valley; and the "Don" Cumans lived in the Don River Valley.[135] D. A. Rasovskii notes five separate independent Cuman groups: the central Asiatic, the Volga-Yayik (or Ural), the Donets-Don (between the Volga and the Dnieper), the lower course of the Dnieper, and the Danube.[56]: 200 

The Rus' grouped the Cuman–Kipchaks into two categories: the Non Wild Polvcians—'civilized' Cumans of the western part of the Cuman–Kipchak confederation who had friendly relations with Kievan Rus'—and the Wild Polvcians —who formed the eastern part of the confederation and who had hostile relations with Kievan Rus'.[13]: 13  As the Cuman–Kipchaks gained more territory, they drove off or dominated many tribes—such as the Oghuz, various Iranian and Finno-Ugric tribes, Pechenegs, and Slavs. They also raided the Byzantine Empire and a few times joined the Normans from southern Italy and the Hungarians in doing so. Over the course of time feudalism would take over the traditional social structure of the Cumans, and this led to the changing of identity from kinship to territory-based. Some of the Cumans eventually settled and led sedentary lives involved in agriculture and crafts such as leather and iron working and weapon making. Others became merchants and traded from their towns along the ancient trade routes to regions such as the Orient, Middle East, and Italy.[25]

The Cumans also played the role of middlemen in trade between Byzantium and the East, which passed through the Cuman- controlled ports of Sudak (Surozh), Oziv, and Saksyn. Several land routes between Europe and the Near East ran through Cuman territories: the Zaloznyi, the Solianyi, and the Varangian. Cuman towns—Sharukan, Suhrov/Sugrov, and Balin—appeared in the Donets River Basin; they were also inhabitted by other peoples besides the Cumans. Due to the practice of Cuman towns being named after their khans, town names changed over time—the town of Sharukan appears as Osenev, Sharuk, and Cheshuev. Rock figures called stone babas, which are found throughout southern Ukraine and other areas on the steppes of Russia, were closely connected with the Cuman religious cult of shamanism.

The Cumans tolerated all religions, and Islam and Christianity spread quickly among them. As they were close to the Kievan Rus' principalities, Cuman khans and important families began to slavicize their names—for example, Yaroslav Tomzakovych, Hlib Tyriievych, Yurii Konchakovych, and Danylo Kobiakovych. Ukrainian princely families were often connected by marriage with Cuman khans, lessening wars and conflicts. Sometimes the princes and khans waged joint campaigns; for example, in 1221 they attacked the trading town of Sudak on the Black Sea, which was held by the Seljuk Turks and which interfered with Rus'-Cuman trade.[75]

The Mamluks were warrior-slaves in the Islamic world. Many Mamluks were of Cuman origin.

Robert de Clari reported that the Cumans often wore a sleeveless sheepskin vest, usually worn in conjunction with bracers.[25] Underneath the vest was worn a short or long sleeved tunic/tabard, extended to the mid calf, splitting in the front and back between the legs. Men wore trousers and a kaftan, each fastened by a belt, which was the traditional costume.

The women also wore caftans, as well as pants, dresses, and tunics shorter than those worn by men, sometimes split along the front, back, and sides. Clothes were commonly coloured deep crimson for decoration. Cuman men wore distinguishing conical felt or leather hats, pointed at the top with a broad brim (if made of felt) or a fur trim around the base (if made of leather). The brim of the hat formed a sharp angle at the front and upturned on the rear and at the sides. Women wore a large variety of head dresses and also wore conical hats but with a felt top and a cloth veil extending down the back.

This veil only covered the back neck and not the hair or face; another source states that it did cover the hair and that sometimes one or two braids were visible. Women wore a variety of jewellery, such as torques, a type of neck ornament consisting of one or several metal strands attached to a ribbon or necklace and hung around the neck, and head dresses that were made of a series of silver rings on a solid, cylindrically shaped material that was fastened at the temples. The men shaved the top of their head, while the rest of the hair was plaited into several braids; they also had prominent moustaches. Other Cumans also wore their hair very long, without shaving the top. The women had their hair loose or braided with buns twisting at the side. Both men and women followed a tradition of braiding coloured ribbons into their hair. For footwear, Cuman men and women wore long leather or felt boots with support straps connected to their belt. Both men and women wore cloth or metal arm bands.[25][109]: 255 [115]: 43 

A modern reenactment of Cumans

When the Cuman–Kipchaks swore oaths, it was done with swords in the hands that touched the body of a dog cut in two. The Italian Franciscan friar, traveler, and historian, John of Plano Carpini, says that when the Hungarian prince married the Cuman princess, ten Cumans swore over a dog cut in half with a sword that they would defend the Kingdom of Hungary. The Christian writer and historian of the crusades, Jean de Joinville (c. 1224–c. 1317), mentions that when the Cumans and Byzantines made an alliance, the Cumans made a dog pass between both sides and cut it with a sword, obliging the Byzantines to do the same; the Cumans said that both they and the Byzantines should be cut in pieces if they failed each other. Joinville described a Cuman noble's funeral: he was buried seated on a chair whilst his best horse and best sergeant were placed beside him alive.

Prior to this the sergeant was given a large sum of money by the Cuman leaders for the purpose of handing it back to them when they too would come into the afterlife. The Cuman khan also gave a letter of recommendation to the sergeant, which was addressed to the first king of the Cumans, in which the present king testified to the sergeant's good character. After these proceedings a huge mound was raised above the tomb. Cumans were buried in their warrior outfits.[109]: 255 [136] Wolves were greatly respected by the Cuman–Kipchaks, and they would sometimes howl along with them in commune. The personal bodyguard of the khan were called Bori (wolf in Turkic). Like other nomadic nations, the Cuman–Kipchaks initiated blood bonds (with the purpose of symbolically cementing a bond) by the drinking or mixing of each other's blood. Amongst the Cuman–Kipchaks ethnic names often became personal names—this was also practiced amongst the Mongols. This practice involved naming newborns after the names of conquered tribes and people. Names such as 'Baskord' (from the Bashkirs), 'Imek' (from the Kimeks), 'Kitan' (from the Mongol Khitan people), and 'Urus' were used by the Cumans.[10]: 28 

Friar William of Rubruck, a Franciscan traveler who visited the Mongols in 1253–55, provides another account of Cuman customs. He mentions that Cumans built statues for dead notables, facing east and holding a cup (these statues are not to be confused with the balbals, which represent the enemies that were killed by him). He also notes that for richer notables, the Cumans built tombs in the form of houses. Rubruk gives an eyewitness account of a man who had recently died: the Cumans had hung up sixteen horses' hides, in groups of four, between high poles, facing the four points of the compass. The mourners then also placed kumis for the dead man to consume. Other graves had plenty of stones statues placed around them (balbals), with four tall ones placed to face the points of the compass.

Rubrick also wrote "Here the Cumans, who are called Chapchat [Kipchak] used to pasture their flocks, but the Germans call them Valans and their province Valania, and Isidorus calls (the region stretching) from the river Don as far as the Azov Sea and the Danube, Alania. And this land stretches from the Danube as far as the Don, the borderline of Asia and Europe; one can reach there in two months with quick riding as the Tatars ride.... and this country which extends from the Danube to the Tanais [Don] was all inhabited by the Chapcat Comans, and even further from the Don to the Volga, which rivers are at a distance of ten days' journey...And in the territory between these two rivers [i.e. the Don and the Volga] where we continued our way, the Cuman Kipchaks lived."[10]: 6 [136][137]

For many years before the Mongol invasion, the Cuman–Kipchaks were in ambiguous relationships with their neighbours (often through marital and martial alliances), the Kwarizmians, Byzantines, Georgians, and the Rus'; at a given time they could be at peace with one, at war with another.[138] The Byzantine Empire hesitated to go to war with the Cuman–Kipchaks north of the Danube River; instead, like the Hungarians, they chose to bribe them. Since Kwarizm had more important enemies, they hired the Cuman–Kipchaks for garrison duty.[25] There were numerous ways the Cuman–Kipchaks could make a living as nomadic warriors. One could partake in questing and raiding with their tribe and subsequently keep the spoils. Another avenue was to seek employment as a mercenary in exchange for the guarantee of loot. One could serve in a garrison, although this caused those Cumans to eventually forget their light cavalry skills and become poor infantry. This was fully exploited when the Mongol army destroyed the Cuman–Kipchak garrison in Samarkand.[139] Cuman–Kipchak women fought beside their fellow male warriors. Women were shown great respect and would often ride on a horse or wagon while the men walked.[25][132][140]: 52 

In their travels, the Cumans used wagons to transport supplies as well as weapons such as mangonels and ballistas. Light felt tents with a frame consisting of wooden laths could be carried on top of wagons and easily be placed on the ground. The windows of the tents were "grilled" in such a way that it was difficult to see in but easy to see out. As the Cumans became more settled, they constructed forts for defence and settlement purposes.[25] The Cuman–Kipchaks used dung for fires when firewood was not available. The Cumans had very strict rules (taboos) against theft, and thus would, without prohibition, loosen their horses, camels, and livestock (sheep, oxen) without shepherds or guards when they were stationary. The law of blood vengeance was common among the Cuman–Kipchaks.[132] The Cuman calendar was atypical, as it showed neither specific Christian influences nor any trace of the Chinese–Turkic twelve-year animal cycle; it appeared to be an archaic system.[72]: 51 

Military tactics

[edit]
Battle between the Cumans and Grand Duke Andrei Bogolyubsky

Up until the late 11th and early 12th centuries, the Cumans fought mainly as light cavalry, later developing heavy cavalry. The main weapons of the Cumans were the recurved and, later, the composite bow (worn on the hip with the quiver), and the javelin, curved sword (a sabre less curved than a scimitar), mace, and heavy spear for lancing. Due to European influence, some of the later period Cumans wielded war hammers and axes. For defense they used a round or almond shaped shield, short sleeved mail armour, consisting of commonly alternating solid and riveted rows, Lamellar armour (iron or leather), leather cuirass, shoulder spaulders, conical or dome shaped iron helmet with a detachable iron or bronze anthropomorphic face plate (gold for princes and khans), and at times a camail suspended from the helmet, consisting of chain or leather.

The armour was strengthened by leather or felt disks that were attached to the chest and back. The items suspended from the belts were a bow case with bow, a quiver, a knife and a comb. They also wore elaborate masks in battle, shaped like and worn over the face. The Cuman Mamluks in Egypt were, in general, more heavily armed than Mongol warriors, sometimes having body armour and carrying a bow and arrow, axe, club, sword, dagger, mace, shield, and a lance. The Cuman Mamluks rode on larger Arabian horses in comparison to steppe ones.[25][141][109]: 255 

The commonly employed Cuman battle tactic was repeated attacks by light cavalry archers, facing and shooting to the rear of the horse, then a feigned retreat and skilled ambush. To maintain this tactic to optimum efficiency, the Cumans kept a large number of reserve horses (10–12 remounts) to replace fatigued ones, so that a fresh horse was available at all times. The horsemen used oval shaped stirrups and employed a large bridle for their horses. Another important accessory was a small whip attached to the rider's wrist. Tribal banners were either made of cloth with tribal emblems or dyed horse hair—with more tails signifying greater importance of the warrior or group. Some of the Cumans who moved west were influenced by Western heraldry, and they eventually displayed hybridized European-Cuman heraldry.[115]

Niketas Choniates, while describing a Battle of Beroia in the late 12th century, gave an interesting description of the nomadic battle techniques of the Cumans:

They [The Cumans] fought in their habitual manner, learnt from their fathers. They would attack, shoot their arrows and begin to fight with spears. Before long they would turn their attack into flight and induce their enemy to pursue them. Then they would show their faces instead of their backs, like birds cutting through the air, and would fight face to face with their assailants and struggle even more bravely. This they would do several times, and when they gained the upper hand over the Romans [Byzantines], they would stop turning back again. Then they would draw their swords, release an appalling roar, and fall upon the Romans quicker than a thought. They would seize and massacre those who fought bravely and those who behaved cowardly alike."[10]: 55–56 

Robert de Clari gave another description:

Each one has at least ten or twelve horses, and they have them so well-trained that they follow them wherever they want to take them, and they mount first on one and then on another. When they are on a raid, each horse has a bag hung on his nose, in which his fodder is put, and he feeds as he follows his master, and they do not stop going by night or by day. And they ride so hard that they cover in one day and one night fully six days' journey or seven or eight. And while they are on the way they will not seize anything or carry it along, before their return, but when they are returning, then they seize plunder and make captives and take anything they can get. Nor do they go armed, except that they wear a garment of sheepskin and carry bows and arrows.[56]: 200 

Religion

[edit]

The Cuman people practiced the shamanistic religion of Tengrism. Their belief system had animistic and shamanistic elements; they celebrated their ancestors and provided the dead with objects whose lavishness was considered an indicator to the recipient's social rank.

The Cumans referred to their shamans as Kam (female: kam katun); their activities were referred to as qamlyqet, meaning "to prophesy". The Cumans used Iranian words to designate certain concepts: uchuchmak (a native Turkic word cognate with Turkish uçuşmak) meaning "fly away, paradise" and keshene meaning "nest" (an Iranian borrowing; the concept was that the soul has the form of a bird).[136]

Funerals for important members involved firstly creating a mound, then placing the dead inside, along with various items deemed useful in the afterlife, a horse (like the Bulgars), and sometimes a servant or slave.[25]

Cuman divination practices used animals, especially the wolf and dog. The dog "It/Kopec" was sacred to the Cuman–Kipchaks, to the extent that an individual, tribe, or clan would be named after the dog or type of dog. Cumans had shamans who communicated with the spirit world; they were consulted for questions of outcomes.[102]

The Cumans in Christian territories were baptized in 1227 by Robert, Archbishop of Esztergom, in a mass baptism in Moldavia on the orders of Bortz Khan,[142] who swore allegiance to King Andrew II of Hungary.[101]: 48 

Codex Cumanicus

[edit]

The Codex Cumanicus, which was written by Italian merchants and German missionaries between 1294 and 1356,[64]: 173  was a linguistic manual for the Turkic Cuman language of the Middle Ages, designed to help Catholic missionaries communicate with the Cumans.[136] It consisted of a Latin–Persian–Cuman glossary, grammar observations, lists of consumer goods and Cuman riddles.[64]: 176 [136] The first copy was written in the monastery of St. John near Saray. A later copy (1330–1340) is thought to have been written in a Franciscan friary. Later, different sections of the codex, such as the Interpreter's Book (which was for commercial, merchant use) and the Missionaries' Book (which contains sermons, psalms and other religious texts along with Cuman riddles) were combined.[143]

The Interpreter's Book consists of 110 pages; pages 1–63 contain alphabetically arranged verbs in Latin, Persian and Cuman. The Missionaries' Book contains vocabulary listings, grammatical notes, Cuman riddles, religious texts and some Italian verses. The Cuman riddles are the oldest documented material of Turkic riddles and constitute Turkic folklore. Some of the riddles have almost identical modern equivalents (for example Kazakh). The Codex Cumanicus is composed of several Cuman–Kipchak dialects.[143]

The Cumans' language was a form of Kipchak Turkic and was, until the 14th century, a lingua franca over much of the Eurasian steppes.[144][145] A number of Cuman–Kipchak–Arabic grammar glossaries appeared in Mamluk lands in the 14th and 15th centuries. It is supposed that the Cumans had their own writing system (mentioned by the historian Gyárfás), which could have been a runic script. The supposition that the Cumans had a runic script is also suggested by the academic Hakan Aydemir, who mentioned a buckle with runic writing from a Cuman grave[64]: 176  There was also some Khazar Jewish linguistic influence upon the Cumans—the Cuman words shabat and shabat kun (meaning Saturday) are related to the Hebrew word Shabbat (meaning Sabbath). These Hebrew influences in the language may have resulted from contact or intermarriage between Khazars and some of the Cumans in the mid-11th century.[143][146]

Cuman leaders

[edit]
  • Iskal or Eskel (compare OTrk 𐰔𐰏𐰠 Izgil, the endonym of a Western Turkic Nushibi tribe who would later join and be assimilated into the Volga Bulgars) who were mentioned by Ahmad ibn Fadlan after visiting Volga region in 921–922. They also were mentioned by Abu Saʿīd Gardēzī in his Zayn al-Akhbār. According to Bernhard Karlgren, Eskels became the Hungarian people Székelys. Yury Zuev thought that Iskal who is mentioned in the Laurentian Codex about the first military encounter of Cumans against the Ruthenians on February 2, 1061, is personification of a tribal name.
  • Sharukan/Sharagan (also known as Sharukan the Elder), grand father of Konchak. He was another Polovotsian khan who was victorious against the Ruthenian army of Yaroslavichi at the Alta river (Battle of the Alta River). According to the Novgorod First Chronicle Sharukan was taken as prisoner by Svyatoslav II of Kiev in 1068, while no such information is provided in the Laurentian Codex. In May 1107 along with Bonyak, Sharukan raided a couple of Ruthenian cities (Pereyaslav and Lubny); however, already in August of the same year the collective Ruthenian army led by Svyatoslav carried out a devastating defeat to the Cuman Horde forcing Sharukan to flee.
  • Bonyak/Maniak,[147] Cuman khan who was actively involved in civil conflicts of Ruthenia. He had a brother Taz who perished at the battle on the Sula River in 1107. Bonyak was last mentioned in 1167 when he was defeated by Oleg of Siveria. Bonyak was a leader of the Cuman tribe Burchevichi that resided in steppes of the East Ukraine between modern cities of Zaporizhia and Donetsk.
  • Tugorkan (1028–1096), was mentioned in essays of the Byzantine Princess Anna Komnene along with his compatriot Bonyak. He perished with his son at the battle on the Trubizh River against the Ruthenian army.
  • Syrchan, a son of Sharukan. He was a leader of a Cuman tribe that lived on the right banks of Siversky Donets. Chronicles mentioned that after the death of Vladimir II Monomakh, grand prince of Kiev, Syrchan sent out an emissary and a singer Orev to Georgia after his brother Atrak/Otrok (who, with 40,000 Cuman troops, was in Georgia at the time), urging him to return. Khan Otrok agreed (giving up the fame and security he had won in Georgia), after smelling eyevshan, the grass of his native steppe.[14]: 281  Syrchan was mentioned in the poem of Apollon Maykov (1821–1897) "Emshan".
  • Otrok/Atrak, a son of Sharukan and a brother of Syrchan. In 1111 he, along with his brother, withdrew to the Lower Don region after losing a battle against the Ruthenians. There Atrak's horde joined the local Alans. In 1117 his army sacked Sarkel and 5 other cities belonging to the Torkils and Berendei forcing the local Pechenegs, Berendei and Torkils to flee to Ruthenia. Around the same time Atrak invaded the Northern Caucasus where he entered into conflict with local Circassians pushing them beyond the Kuban River. The conflict was settled by a Georgian King David IV of Georgia who offered military service to Atrak against Seljuks in 1118. David also married the daughter of Atrak—Gurandukht. After withdrawal of Atrak away from the Don region, the Alan's duchy in East Ukraine was liquidated in 1116–17. Atrak returned after the death of Vladimir Monomakh in 1125.
  • Khan Konchek/Konchak/Kumcheg (meaning 'trousers'), grandson of Sharukan, son of Khan Otrok. He united the tribes of the eastern Cumans in the later half of the 12th century, after which in the 1170s and 1180s he launched a number of particularly destructive attacks on the settlements in the Duchy of Kiev, the Principality of Chernigov and the Principality of Pereyaslavl. Konchak gave aid to the princes of the Principality of Novgorod-Seversk in their struggle for control with the other Rus' princes. Along with Khan Kobiak/Kobek, Khan Konchak was routed on the Khorol River in 1184 during an assault on Kievan Rus'. In 1185, he defeated the army of Ihor Sviatoslavych, who was taken as a prisoner. Later, Konchak laid siege to Pereiaslav and ravaged the Chernihiv and Kyiv areas. His daughter married prince Vladimir Igorevich of Putivl (Igor's son). It is hypothesized that Konchek was with the Cumans who helped Riurik Rostislavovich seize and sack of Kiev in 1202.[14]: 283  Khan Konchek is credited with certain technological advancements, such as Greek fire and a special bow that needed 50 men to operate.[14]: 283  Konchek was noted by the Rus' to be "greater than all the Cumans".[14]: 283  He died in a skirmish that preceded the Battle of Kalka River. The struggle to repel Khan Konchak and his army by Ihor Sviatoslavych and the Rus' princes is immortalized in the epic The Tale of Igor's Campaign ("Slovo o polku Ihorevi)."
  • Syrgiannés/Sıçğan It is seen that some of the Cumans, who were on the way to prevent the Seljuk Turks expansion and were taken into Byzantine service after a Mongolian invasion, also served in the imperial palace and rose to high positions in time. As a matter of fact, Syrgiannés (Sytzigan: Sıçğan: Rat), who was the son of one of the Cuman begs, was baptized and married a woman from the Palaiologos family, and later received the title of Megas Domestic. The presence of his descendants in the Byzantine Empire continued for nearly 100 years. The last representative of this The Cuman Family, which was later assimilated into Byzantine Culture was also named Syrgiannés, just like the first member of the family. Syrgiannés, who was the governor of Macedonia and Thrace, was the elder emperor II. After participating in the struggles between Andronikos and his grandson that started in 1320, he fell out of favor and led a dull life until he was killed by the emperor's men in 1334.[121][130][148]

Appearance

[edit]

The craniometric and genetic data, as well as contemporary art, support the image of a people highly heterogenous in appearance. Skulls with East Asian features are often found in burials associated with the Cumans and Pechenegs in Europe.[149]

The genetic material is mixed, albeit that European matrilineal DNA predominates[150] (see also below). Unlike the written sources, paintings and miniatures from between the 12th and 14th century (close in time to the settlement of Cumans to Central Europe) tend to support the picture of a mixed population that is suggested by the craniometric and genetic analyses. In the Anjou Legendarium Cumans are depicted with East Asian features and dark hair, while a fresco in the Kraskovo church in Slovakia depicts Cumans with Caucasian features.[151]

There are also depictions of Cumans with Caucasian features, but dark complexion (e.g. in the Képes Krónika Pictum). Notably, all of these phenotypes can be traced to groups described in Chinese and Arab sources, that are assumed to have later merged in the Cuman–Kipchak confederation. Fair complexion, e.g. red hair and blue or green eyes, were already noted by the Chinese among the Qincha (Kipchak), while the Tiele (to whom the Qun belonged) were not described as foreign looking, i.e. they were likely East Asian in appearance.[151] A dark complexion was attributed to the Pechenegs by Ibn Fadlan, who did not specify, however, if their features are European or Asian.[152] The Kipchak, Qun and Pechenegs all assimilated into the Cuman–Kipchak confederation, eventually.

Legacy

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Monument to the Asen dynasty in their capital Veliko Tarnovo, Bulgaria. The dynasty was of Cuman origin[10] or Bulgarian or Vlach origin [153][154] and was responsible for establishing the Second Bulgarian Empire. Sculptor: prof. Krum Damianov

As the Cumans ceased to have a state of their own, they were gradually absorbed into Eurasian populations (certain families in Hungary, Bulgaria, North Macedonia, Turkey, Romania, Georgia, Kazakhstan, Tatars in Crimea).[15] The Cumans in Dobruja were assimilated into Bulgarian and Romanian people.[64]: 176  Traces of the Cumans can still be found in placenames stretching from China to the Balkans, such as:

Some famous Crimean Tatar historians such as Halil Inalcik and Ilber Ortayli refused to use the term Tatar, Crimean Tatars are direct descendants of Cumans who were settled in Pontic Steppes before the Tatar migration.[158][159] Historically, Cuman language is considered the direct ancestor of the current language of the Crimean Tatars with possible incorporations of the other languages, like Crimean Gothic.[160][161][162][163]

Representation of a war between Rus and Cumans in the Radziwiłł Chronicle.

By the end of the 15th century, the main prerequisites that led to the formation of an independent Crimean Tatar ethnic group were created: the political dominance of the Crimean Khanate was established in Crimea, the Turkic languages (Cuman–Kipchak on the territory of the khanate) became dominant, and Islam acquired the status of a state religion throughout the Peninsula. By a preponderance Cumanian population of the Crimea acquired the name "Tatars", the Islamic religion and Turkic language, and the process of consolidating the multi-ethnic conglomerate of the Peninsula began, which has led to the emergence of the Crimean Tatar people.[164] Over several centuries, on the basis of Cuman language with a noticeable Oghuz influence, the Crimean Tatar language has developed.[165][166][167][168]

The flower, Kumoniga (melilot), is also a relic of the Cumans.[84] The Gagauz people are believed by some historians to be descendants of the Cumans; the name Qipcakli occurs as a modern Gagauz surname.[21]: 47 [84] The etymology of the Sea of Azov is popularly said to derive from a certain Cuman prince named Azum or Asuf, who was killed defending a town in this region in 1067.[169]

As the Mongols pushed westward and devastated their state, most of the Cumans fled to Hungary, as well as the Second Bulgarian Empire since they were major military allies. The Cuman participation in the creation of the Second Bulgarian Empire in 1185 and thereafter brought about basic changes in the political and ethnic sphere of Bulgaria and the Balkans.[10] Bulgarian Tsar Ivan-Asen II was descended from Cumans and settled them in the southern parts of the country, bordering the Latin Empire and the Despotate of Thessalonica.[84] Those territories are in present-day Turkish Europe, Bulgaria, and North Macedonia.

Kunság (Cumania) in the 18th century within the Kingdom of Hungary. It was divided into Greater Cumania and Little Cumania.

The Cumans who settled in Hungary had their own self-government in a territory that bore their name, Kunság, that survived until the 19th century. Two regions—Little Cumania and Greater Cumania—exist in Hungary. The name of the Cumans (Kun) is preserved in county names Bács-Kiskun and Jász-Nagykun-Szolnok and several municipalities such as Kunbaja or Kunhegyes. The Cumans were organized into four tribes in Hungary: Kolbasz/Olas in upper Cumania around Karcag and the other three in lower Cumania.

Historical coat of arms of Cumania. Stained glass window in the southern nave of the St Elisabeth Cathedral, Košice, Slovakia.

The Cuman language disappeared from Hungary in the 17th or 18th century, possibly following the Turkish occupation. The last person who was able to speak some Cumanian on a decaying level was István Varró from Karcag, who died in 1770. During the 1740s, when Cuman was no longer spoken, a Cuman version of the Lord's Prayer suddenly surfaced. It was taught in schools in Greater Cumania and Little Cumania until the mid-20th century, in turn becoming a cornerstone of Cuman identity. In the 20th century enthusiastic self-styled Cumans collected 'Cuman folklore', which consisted of elements such as a traditional Cuman dance, Cuman characteristics such as pride and staunch Calvinism[clarification needed] (by religion, as may be seen by figures for religion in Hungary, the Kiskunság is almost entirely Roman Catholic, whereas in Nagykunság, Protestants do outnumber Catholics, but only narrowly). This ethnic consciousness was linked to the legal privileges attached to the Cumans' territory.[109]: 265  Their 19th-century biographer, Gyárfás István, in 1870 was of the opinion that they originally spoke Hungarian, together with the Iazyges population. Despite this mistake, he has the best overview on the subject[citation needed] concerning details of material used. Cuman influence is also present in the modern Hungarian language in the form of loanwords, particularly in the areas of horse-breeding, eating, hunting and fighting.[109]: 265 

In 1918, after World War I, the Cuman National Council was formed in Hungary, which was an attempt to separate the Kunság region (Greater Cumania and Little Cumania) from the Hungarian state, with the aim of forming a new independent Cuman state in Europe. The Cuman National Council declared the independence of Kunság, and elected its president Count Gedeon Ráday on 18 December.[170] However, the council's efforts remained unsuccessful. In 1939, Cuman descendants organized celebrations for the 700th anniversary of their arrival in Hungary, where they emphasized their separate ethnic existence and identity with ceremonial speeches.[171] In 1995, The Cuman Memorial Site was inaugurated as a tribute to the Cuman ancestors and the redemption of the former Nagykun District. In 2009, and subsequently 2012, a World Meeting of the Cumans was held in Karcag.[106] During the first meeting, which lasted two weeks, academic conferences, historical exhibitions, publications, presentations of traditional and cultural festivals and lectures in relation to the Cumans were held. In the 2012 meeting, the minister for rural development, Sándor Fazekas, mentioned how Cuman traditions are still kept alive, such as costumes, folk songs, and food.[172]

Toponyms of the Cuman language origin can be found in some Romanian counties of Galați (debatable), Teleorman and Vaslui, including the names of those three counties. When some of the Cumans moved to Hungary, they brought with them their Komondor dogs. The Komondor breed has been declared one of Hungary's national treasures, to be preserved and protected from modification. The name Komondor derives from Koman-dor, meaning "Cuman dog".[173]

Cuman sculpture in Kharkiv, Ukraine

In the countries where the Cumans were assimilated, family surnames derived from the words for "Cuman" (such as coman or kun, "kuman") are not uncommon. Traces of the Cumans are the Bulgarian surnames Kunev or Kumanov (feminine Kuneva, Kumanova) and Asenov, its variants in North Macedonia Kunevski, Kumanovski (feminine Kumanovska); the Kazakh surname Kumanov; the widespread Hungarian surname Kun; the Hungarian surnames of Csertan, Csoreg, Kokscor, Karacs, Kekcse; the Hungarian surname of Kangur—a byname of one of the families of Karcag (the words Kangur and Karcag derive from Qongur and Qarsaq respectively, and occur as modern day clan names of the Kazakhs—the Kipchak tribes Qongur and Qarsaq, as well as names used by the Kirgyz in the Manas epic—mentioned as Kongur-bay, lord of the Mongol Kalmyk people and the warrior Kongrolu); the Hungarian surname of Kapscog (from "Kipchak")—Kapsog Tojasos Kovacs, a byname of Kovacs family, as well as the name of Eszenyi Kopscog of Hungary; and the Greek surname Asan.[10]: 40 [21]: 54 [106] The names "Coman" in Romania and its derivatives, however, do not appear to have any connection to the medieval Cumans, as it was unrecorded until very recent times and the places with the highest frequency of such names has not produced any archaeological evidence of Cuman settlement.[174]

Over time, Cuman culture exerted an influence on the Ceangăi/Hungarian Csangos and Romanian culture in Moldavia, due to the Hungarians in Moldavia socializing and mingling with the Cumans between the 14th and 15th centuries.[175] Hakan Aydemir, a Turkic linguist, states that the 'ir' of the Ceangăi/Csangos and Székelys dialect, which means 'carve', 'notch', as well as the words 'urk/uruk' (meaning 'lasso', 'noose'), 'dszepu (meaning 'wool') and 'korhany' (meaning 'small mountain', 'hill') are of Cuman–Kipchak origin.[175] Additionally, the Cumans could have also had some connection with Székelys runes. Several Romanian as well as Hungarian academics believe that a significant Cuman population lived in Moldavia in the 15th century; these Cumans later assimilated into the Romanian population.[175] People in Hungary with the surname Palóc are descended from the Cumans (and possibly Kabars and Pechenegs)—Palóc origintates from the Slavic word Polovets/Polovtsy.[176] Although the Palócs were similar to the Hungarians in origins and culture, they were considered distinct groups by the Turks. The first written record of the word "palóc" as the name of a people appears in the Mezőkövesd register in 1784. Some scholars believe there is also no connection between the Cumans and the Dutch surnames Kooman(s), Koman(s), Koeman(s), (De) Cooman(s) and Coman(s), used particularly in the Flemish area and the Dutch county of Zeeland. They believe these surnames are medieval and were used in the meaning of 'merchant'.[177] However, other scholars believe the Coumans surname found in the Low Countries and France has its origins in the Cumans.[citation needed]

The Cumans appear in Rus' culture in the Rus' epic poem The Tale of Igor's Campaign and are the military enemies of the Rus' in Alexander Borodin's opera Prince Igor, which features a set of Polovtsian Dances.[citation needed]

The name Cuman is the name of several villages in Turkey, such as Kumanlar, including the Black Sea region. The indigenous people in the Altai Republic, Kumandins (Kumandy), are descended from the Cumans.[178] By the 17th century, the Kumandins lived along the river Charysh, near its confluence with the river Ob. A subsequent relocation to the Altai was driven by their unwillingness to pay yasak (financial tribute) to the Russian sovereign.[citation needed] N. Aristov linked the Kumandins—and the Chelkans—to the ancient Turks, "who in the 6th–8th century AD created in Central Asia a powerful nomadic state, which received ... the name Turkic Kaganate".[179]

Persons of Cuman/Kipchak origin also became Mamluk leaders: a prominent Cuman Sultan of the Egyptian Mamluk Sultanate, Sultan Baibars (reigned 1260–1277), defeated King Louis IX of France, and resisted the Mongol invasion, defeating the Mongol army at the Battle of Ain Jalut (1260) and the Battle of Elbistan (1277) (by using the feigned-retreat tactic).[11]: 156 [141] Mamluks in the empire retained a particularly strong sense of Cuman identity, to the degree that the biography of Sultan Baibars, as reflected by Ibn Shaddad, focused on his birth and early years in Desht-i-Kipchak ("Steppe of the Kipchaks"/Cumania), as well as enslavement and subsequent travels to Bulgaria and the Near East.

The historian Dimitri Korobeinikov relates how Baibars' story sums up the tragic fate of many Cumans after the Battle of the Kalka River (1223) and the Mongol invasion of Europe (1223–1242). Roman Kovalev states that this story can further be seen as a mechanism for the preservation of a collective memory broadly reflecting a sense of Cuman identity in the Mamluk Sultanate.[180] In the latter part of the 1260s the Mamluks were allied with the Golden Horde against the Ilkhanate.[143] The creation of this specific warrior class, described as the "mamluk phenomenon" by David Ayalon, was of great political importance.[181]

In the Hungarian village of Csengele, on the borders of what is still called Kiskunsag ("Little Cumania"), an archeological excavation in 1975 revealed the ruins of a medieval church with 38 burials. Several burials had all the characteristics of a Cumanian group: richly jeweled, non-Hungarian, and definitely Cumanian-type costumes; the 12-spiked mace as a weapon; bone girdles; and associated pig bones.[182] In view of the cultural objects and the historical data, the archeologists concluded that the burials were indeed Cumanian from the mid-13th century; hence some of the early settlers in Hungary were from that ethnic group. In 1999 the grave of a high-status Cumanian from the same period was discovered about 50 meters from the church of Csengele; this was the first anthropologically authenticated grave of a Cumanian chieftain in Hungary,[96] and the contents are consistent with the ethnic identity of the excavated remains from the church burials. A separated area of the chieftain grave contained a complete skeleton of a horse.[17]

Genetics

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The ethnic origins of the Cumans are uncertain.[14]: 279 [72]: 30 [183] According to some contemporary sources, the Cumans were reported to have had blond hair, fair skin and blue eyes (which set them apart from other groups and later puzzled historians),[15]: 36 [26]: 43  however, craniometric and genetic data, as well as contemporary art, support a picture of a people who were very heterogeneous in appearance.[151]

A genetic study analyzing putatively Cuman specimens in Hungary determined that they had a high frequency of western Eurasian mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) lineages.[17] In a 2005 study by Erika Bogacsi-Szabo et al. of the mtDNA of the Cuman nomad population that migrated into the Carpathian basin during the 13th century, six haplogroups were revealed.

One of these haplogroups belongs to the M lineage (haplogroup D) and is characteristic of Eastern Asia, but this is the second most frequent haplogroup in southern Siberia too. All the other haplogroups (H, V, U, U3, and JT) are West Eurasian, belonging to the N macrohaplogroup. Out of the eleven remains, four samples belonged to haplogroup H, two to haplogroup U, two to haplogroup V, and one each to the JT, U3, and D haplogroups. In comparison to the Cumans, modern Hungarian samples represent 15 haplogroups. All but one is a West Eurasian haplogroup [the remaining one is East Asian (haplogroup F)], but all belong to the N lineage. Four haplogroups (H, V, U*, JT), present in the ancient samples, can also be found in the modern Hungarians, but only for haplogroups H and V were identical haplotypes found. Haplogroups U3 and D occur exclusively in the ancient group, and 11 haplogroups (HV, U4, U5, K, J, J1a, T, T1, T2, W, and F) occur only in the modern Hungarian population. Haplogroup frequency in the modern Hungarian population is similar to other European populations, although haplogroup F is almost absent in continental Europe; therefore the presence of this haplogroup in the modern Hungarian population can reflect some past contribution.[184] "The results suggested that the Cumanians, as seen in the excavation at Csengele, were far from genetic homogeneity. Nevertheless, the grave artifacts are typical of the Cumanian steppe culture; and five of the six skeletons that were complete enough for anthropometric analysis appeared Asian rather than European (Horváth 1978, 2001), including two from the mitochondrial haplogroup H, which is typically European. It is interesting that the only skeleton for which anthropological examination indicated a partly European ancestry was that of the chieftain, whose haplotype is most frequently found in the Balkans."[184]

The study concluded that the mitochondrial motifs of Cumans from Csengele show the genetic admixtures with other populations rather than the ultimate genetic origins of the founders of Cuman culture. The study further mentioned, "This may be the result of the habits of the Cumanian nomads. Horsemen of the steppes formed a political unit that was independent from their maternal descent or their language and became members of a tribal confederation. According to legends, Cumanians frequently carried off women from raided territories. So the maternal lineages of a large part of the group would reflect the maternal lineage of those populations that had geographic connection with Cumanians during their migrations. Nevertheless, the Asian mitochondrial haplotype in sample Cu26 may still reflect the Asian origins of the Cumanians of Csengele. However, by the time the Cumanians left the Trans-Carpathian steppes and settled in Hungary, they had acquired several more westerly genetic elements, probably from the Slavic, Ugric, and Turkic-speaking peoples who inhabited the regions north of the Black and Caspian Seas." The results from the Cuman samples were plotted on a graph with other Eurasian populations, showing the genetic distances between them. The Eurasian populations were divided into two distinct clusters. One cluster contained all the Eastern and Central Asian populations and can be divided into two subclusters; one subcluster includes mainly Eastern Asian populations (Buryat, Korean and Kirghiz Lowland populations), and the other subcluster harbors mainly Central Asian populations (Mongolian, Kazakh, Kirghiz Highland and Uyghur populations). The second cluster contained the European populations. Inside the second cluster, based on HVS I motifs, a clear structure was not detectable, but almost all European populations, including the modern Hungarians, assembled in one section with small distances between each other. Cumans were outside this section; they were found to be above the abscissa of the graph—this is the population from the second cluster, which is closest to the East-Central Asian cluster. The modern Cumans of Csengele, Hungary are genetically nearest to the Finnish, Komi and Turkish populations.[185] The modern day Cuman descendants in Hungary are differentiated genetically from the Hungarians and other European populations.[186]

In relation to the Kumandins, Pankratov regarded the Kumandins as being related anthropologically to the Urals, and suggested that they were less East Asian than the Altaians proper.[187] A majority of mitochondrial DNA lines belonged to the North East Asian haplogroups C or D with also a large minority of west Eurasian lineages such as U.

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Cumans appear as one of the civilizations that players can play as in the 2019 strategy game Age of Empires II: Definitive Edition. In addition, players can play a campaign which tells the story of their flight westwards as they retreat from the Mongols.

Cumans appear as antagonists in the 2018 role-playing game Kingdom Come: Deliverance and also in the 2025 sequel Kingdom Come: Deliverance II.

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See also

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References

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Further reading

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
The Cumans were a Turkic-speaking nomadic people comprising the western branch of the Kipchak confederation, who dominated the Pontic-Caspian steppe from the 11th to the early 13th century. Originating from regions possibly including the , southern , or , they migrated westward across the Eurasian steppes, integrating diverse tribal elements and displacing predecessors such as the . Renowned for their equestrian prowess and archery, the Cumans conducted raids on settled societies while forging alliances and providing mercenary forces to entities like Kievan Rus' principalities, the , and the Kingdom of . Their confederation, lacking centralized state structures, relied on tribal khans and facilitated trade in horses, furs, and slaves across steppe networks. The Mongol invasions commencing in 1223 fragmented Cuman power, culminating in the destruction of their steppe dominance by 1239; survivors, numbering tens of thousands under khan , sought refuge in , where King Béla IV granted them autonomy and lands in the in exchange for military service against renewed Mongol threats. In , Cumans established semi-autonomous sedes (seats) such as Greater and Lesser , initially maintaining pagan Tengrist practices and yurt-based , though mass baptisms in 1239 initiated . Tensions arose from cultural clashes, leading to a late-13th-century revolt and partial exodus, but surviving groups progressively adopted sedentary agriculture, intermarried with Hungarians, and contributed to the kingdom's traditions. Their Kipchak Turkic language persisted in limited form, documented in the 13th-century Codex Cumanicus—a missionary compendium of vocabulary reflecting both nomadic and emerging settled terms—before fading by the 17th century amid full linguistic assimilation. Archaeological evidence from Cuman burials, such as those at Csengele, corroborates genetic admixture of western Eurasian and eastern steppe ancestries, underscoring their role as cultural intermediaries between and .

Nomenclature and Etymology

Designations in Primary Sources

In Rus' chronicles, including the Primary Chronicle (Povest' vremennykh let), the Cumans are consistently referred to as Polovtsy or Polovtsiane, a Slavic term derived from polova ("chaff" or "straw"), interpreted as denoting their pale or yellowish hair color or possibly the light hue of their felt tents. This designation appears in entries from the 11th century onward, such as the 1055 record of their first major raids into Rus' territories. Western European and Latin sources, including annals and papal correspondence from the , employ Cumani or Comani, derived by most scholars from the Turkic root qu, qun, or quman, meaning "pale," "sallow," "straw-colored," or "yellowish-grey," with the suffix -man often functioning as an augmentative or intensive (cf. Turkmen). This ethnonym reflects their self-perception as "pale" or "yellowish" in complexion and is paralleled by cross-linguistic evidence where other cultures' designations also connoted paleness or yellowness: Slavic Polovtsy from Old East Slavic polovъ ("pale/yellow"), Germanic Folban or Falven from High German falbe ("pale/fallow"), and Armenian Xartešk'n ("blond" or "fair"). Byzantine Greek texts similarly use Koumanoi or variants, as seen in chronicles documenting their alliances and conflicts around 1091–1185. Eastern Islamic sources, such as Persian and histories from the 11th–12th centuries, identify them primarily as Qipchaq or Kipchak, encompassing a broader of which the Cumans formed the western segment; this term appears in works like those of al-Idrisi and Rashid al-Din, denoting steppe nomads from the River to the . Some German accounts from the 11th–12th centuries, including those by , render variants like Folban or Vallani/Valwe, possibly corruptions of Polovtsy or local adaptations tied to early encounters in the Baltic or Hungarian frontiers. Among settled Cumans in 13th-century Hungary, the self-designation Cuni emerges in legal and ecclesiastical records, indicating retention of core ethnonyms post-migration.

Relation to Kipchak Identity and Tribal Confederations

The Cumans' nomenclature aligns closely with Kipchak designations in eastern sources, reflecting their integration into a westward-migrating tribal horizon during the 10th and 11th centuries. Arabic and Persian geographers, such as those in Hudud al-'Alam (ca. 982 CE), identify the Kipchaks as a nomadic group originating as an offshoot of the Kimak confederation in the Irtysh River region, with early expansions linking them to the Ural steppes by the late 10th century. These accounts portray Kipchak territories—later termed Desht-i Kipchak—as encompassing areas from Siberia to the Volga, into which Cuman groups appear to have fused through alliance and displacement. Chinese annals provide indirect corroboration via references to proto-Kipchak entities under variants like Knyushe in Tang dynasty records (7th-9th centuries), tracing eastern roots before the 11th-century migrations that brought these populations into contact with Pechenegs and Oghuz. Scholarly debate centers on whether Cumans represented a discrete tribe or a Kipchak , with linguistic data prioritizing shared Kipchak Turkic substrate over notions of isolated ethnic origins. The , preserved in the Codex Cumanicus (late ), demonstrates phonological and morphological traits—such as patterns and ablaut alternations—hallmarks of the West Kipchak , aligning it phylogenetically with languages like rather than eastern Oghuz branches. This evidence, derived from comparative reconstruction, indicates that Cuman nomenclature likely denoted western Kipchak factions post-migration, as steppe polities absorbed and rebranded without implying genetic discontinuity; romanticized views of "pure" tribes overlook the causal dynamics of nomadic adaptation, where intermarriage and conquest homogenized identities. Primary texts underscore the confederative structure of Kipchak-Cuman polities, emphasizing alliances over fixed tribal monoliths. of the Mongols (ca. 1240) enumerates Kipchak adversaries as comprising subgroups like the Qangli, integrated into a loose union that Mongols fragmented through targeted campaigns, revealing internal hierarchies led by khans rather than unified ethnicity. Persian sources similarly depict the Kipchak as a multi-component entity blending Turkic cores with Mongolic and Iranian fringes, sustained by mobility and tribute networks across subregions from the to the . Such fluidity in tribal listings—evident in 11th-century Arabic itineraries equating western "Cumans" with eastern "Kipchaks"—highlights how served political utility in denoting allied hordes, adapting to conquests and ecological pressures rather than denoting immutable descent.

Origins and Early History

Hypotheses on Pre-Cuman Roots Including Qun

Hypotheses linking the Cumans to the , a nomadic group recorded in Chinese annals (618–907 CE) as inhabiting regions near the northern borders of , posit these as potential proto-Cumans based on phonetic correspondences and shared nomadic lifestyles. Chinese sources describe the Qun as part of eastern confederations engaging in raids and alliances during the 7th–8th centuries, preceding the Kipchak-Cuman expansion westward. This view interprets Qun migrations amid pressures from Uyghur and Karluk expansions as early phases of the same population movements that formed the Cuman-Kipchak entity, though direct genealogical links remain conjectural without confirmatory inscriptions or artifacts. The Cumans' emergence in the Pontic-Caspian steppe around 1050–1060 CE stemmed from Central Asian migrations, driven by displacements following Oghuz Turk incursions into Kimak territories along the Irtysh River in the 10th century. These dynamics displaced proto-Kipchak bands westward, filling vacuums left by Pecheneg retreats toward and the . Verifiable textual evidence from Persian geographers like (d. 1048 CE) notes Kipchak presence east of the by the early , aligning with archaeological evidence of transitional nomadic sites in the southern Urals exhibiting Turkic-style and horse gear. Non-Turkic origin hypotheses, such as Iranian or Mongolic primacy, are unsubstantiated by linguistic data; the attested belongs to the Northwestern (Kipchak) Turkic subgroup, with vocabulary and grammar continuous from attested Orkhon Turkic inscriptions ( CE). Onomastic analysis of Cuman names in Rus' and Hungarian chronicles yields Turkic roots (e.g., qun denoting "pale" or "yellowish," matching descriptive ethnonyms), precluding significant non-Turkic substrates. Genetic studies of medieval steppe remains further indicate East Eurasian paternal lineages (e.g., Q1a and R1a-Z93 subclades) consistent with Turkic nomadic gene pools from the Altai region, rather than local Pontic indigenes. Diffusionist claims of cultural borrowing without ethnic replacement ignore causal realities of nomadic conquests, where linguistic dominance follows military , as seen in prior Oghuz overlays.

Formation of the Cuman-Kipchak Confederation

The Kipchak tribes, originating from the River region in southwestern , initiated westward migrations in the early , expanding into territories held by Oghuz groups during the preceding 9th and 10th centuries and achieving independence from the . These movements culminated in the mid-11th century with the collapse of the Kimak state, prompting Kipchaks to advance across the and into the Pontic-Caspian steppe, where they encountered and clashed with Pecheneg tribes, displacing them westward. By 1055, Kipchak and Cuman elements had merged into a political in the s, establishing dominance as neighbors to Kievan Rus' principalities and extending their influence from to the . This loose alliance of tribal units, led by independent khans rather than a centralized authority, controlled the steppe from the River to the , including the , with further expansion to the and by the 1120s. The confederation's decentralized structure, sustained by pastoral nomadism and reliance on horse-mounted warfare, prioritized military flexibility and raiding economies over fixed state institutions, enabling effective exploitation of the steppe's vast grazing lands and superiority over less mobile settled polities. Interactions with preceding nomads like the and Oghuz involved both conquest and selective alliances, such as temporary Byzantine pacts against common foes, which facilitated the ' consolidation of power without requiring unified governance.

Political Organization and Steppe Conquests

The Cumans maintained a decentralized political characterized by a of semi-autonomous tribes, each led by a khan whose authority derived from military prowess and clan loyalty rather than hereditary succession. Nobles known as begs formed an advisory elite, facilitating decisions through informal councils during assemblies (qurultai-like gatherings), which allowed for rapid reconfiguration of alliances amid the steppe's volatile . This fluid contrasted sharply with the rigid bureaucracies of neighboring sedentary states, enabling the Cumans to prioritize mobility and tactical opportunism over administrative permanence. By the mid-11th century, Cuman tribes had consolidated control over the Pontic-Caspian through systematic displacement of preceding nomads, notably the , whom they outmaneuvered in open-field engagements leveraging composite bows and horse archery. Historical records indicate that Pecheneg power waned from the early onward, with Cuman incursions forcing westward migrations and culminating in the Cumans' dominance west of the by 1055. This expansion demonstrated the confederation's adaptive realism, as tribal autonomy permitted decentralized scouting and strikes without the logistical burdens of unified command structures. Cuman forces extended their influence eastward and southward, raiding repeatedly from the late to extract tribute and disrupt trade routes, though without establishing lasting territorial conquests due to the ' fortified urban defenses. Similarly, in the , Cumans conducted predatory campaigns against the during the 1080s and 1090s, often in coordination with Rus' princes, exploiting vulnerabilities in the rugged terrain while avoiding prolonged sieges. These operations underscored tactical superiority in steppe warfare, where enabled far more effective than the of settled foes. The confederation's eschewal of —relying instead on portable felt tents, vast herds, and seasonal migrations—bolstered resilience against counterattacks, as there were no fixed capitals to capture, rendering the Cumans elusive to empires burdened by static . This nomadic , rooted in causal dependencies of economics and equine , sustained their across Dasht-i-Kipchak until external pressures mounted.

Expansion and Conflicts in Eastern Europe

Raids and Battles Against Kievan Rus'

The Cumans, known as Polovtsians in Rus' sources, initiated raids into Kievan Rus' territory as early as 1055, establishing initial peaceful relations that deteriorated by 1061 with renewed incursions that disrupted southern principalities. These nomadic assaults exploited the mobility of Cuman horse archers, allowing rapid strikes on settlements and retreats that outpaced Rus' heavy infantry responses, demonstrating the efficacy of asymmetric steppe warfare. A pivotal engagement occurred in 1068 at the Battle of the Alta River, where a Cuman force decisively defeated the combined armies of Iziaslav I, Sviatoslav II, and Vsevolod I, comprising thousands of Rus' warriors; the princes fled, enabling Cuman plunder near and triggering the Kiev uprising due to perceived princely incompetence. This victory underscored Cuman tactical superiority in open terrain, where their composite bows and feigned retreats inflicted heavy casualties on pursuing Rus' forces. Throughout the late 11th century, Cuman khans frequently allied with rival Rus' princes, providing auxiliary in internecine conflicts while betraying others through sudden raids, as documented in the ; such opportunistic partnerships amplified nomadic leverage over fragmented Rus' polities. Prince Vladimir Monomakh countered these threats with coalition campaigns, notably defeating Cuman forces in 1103 and at the Salnitsa River in 1111, where Rus' armies numbering over 50,000 inflicted significant losses, forcing temporary retreats but not eliminating the raid threat. In the , Svyatoslavich of Novgorod-Seversky launched an unauthorized expedition in May 1185 against Cuman encampments along the River, engaging in a three-day battle that ended in Rus' defeat, Igor's capture, and the death of many warriors, as chronicled in the and immortalized in . Subsequent coordinated Rus' offensives under Svyatoslav Vsevolodovich in 1183, 1185, and 1187 repelled Cuman incursions, capturing khans and securing southern borders temporarily through superior numbers and fortified river defenses. These engagements highlight how Cuman raid success relied on surprise and dispersion, yielding territorial gains and , though pitched coalitions often reversed gains via attrition.

Incursions into the Balkans and Hungary

In the early , following the Byzantine Empire's decisive victory over the at the in 1091, the Cumans emerged as the primary nomadic threat to imperial territories in and the lower region. By the 1120s, Cuman warbands crossed the in significant numbers, launching raids that penetrated deep into , exploiting the empire's stretched defenses amid internal recovery efforts. These incursions, characterized by rapid leveraging superior horse archery, devastated rural areas and smaller settlements, highlighting the limitations of Byzantine static fortifications against mobile forces. During the 1180s, Cumans forged opportunistic alliances with Vlach pastoralists in and the Asenid brothers—Peter and Asen—who initiated rebellions against Byzantine overlordship in 1185. This partnership enabled coordinated raids into , where Cuman cavalry supported Vlach-Bulgarian forces in sacking key outposts and disrupting supply lines, contributing to the erosion of Byzantine control south of the . By 1187, these joint expeditions had compelled Emperor to negotiate truces, though violations persisted, with Cumans plundering as far as Adrianople's outskirts; their nomadic agility allowed evasion of , underscoring feudal armies' vulnerability to dispersed, high-mobility assaults that prioritized over pitched battles. Parallel to Balkan forays, Cuman groups probed Hungary's eastern frontiers from the late , with a notable invasion in 1068 ravaging Transylvanian territories and defeating Hungarian forces under King near the River, compelling temporary retreats and exposing gaps in border defenses. Renewed clashes in the saw Cumans serving intermittently as Rus' auxiliaries against Hungarian expeditions, further straining the kingdom's feudal levies ill-suited to counter incursions. By the 1220s, under King Andrew II, Hungarian campaigns pushed into Cuman-held lands east of the Carpathians, culminating in 1227 when tribes between the Olt and rivers submitted to annual tribute payments, marking a shift from unchecked raids to coerced vassalage amid Hungary's southward expansions. These encounters repeatedly demonstrated sedentary kingdoms' challenges in securing vast frontiers, as Cuman forces sacked undefended villages and evaded pursuit, destabilizing local economies reliant on fixed agrarian structures.

Internal Dynamics and Defensive Alliances

The Cumans maintained a decentralized political structure characterized by a loose confederation of tribes and clans, each governed by independent khans whose rivalries fostered internal factionalism and opportunistic power struggles. Absent a centralized empire or overarching authority, these khans operated autonomously, often aligning with or opposing one another based on immediate gains, which fragmented collective action against external pressures. This tribal autonomy, rooted in nomadic kinship networks, enabled rapid mobilization for raids but hindered unified defense, as evidenced by the distinct regional groups referenced in Rus' chronicles, such as those active along the Don River versus the Dnieper steppe. Facing existential threats from rival nomads and consolidating sedentary powers, Cumans resorted to pragmatic, short-term defensive alliances with neighbors to preserve their dominance. In the western steppe, individual khan-led contingents allied with Kievan Rus' princes against internal Rus' rivals or residual nomadic foes, exemplified by pacts between Chernigov-based Olgovichi princes and Cuman leaders in the 1140s–1160s to counter the influence of forces, thereby stabilizing frontiers amid inter-princely wars. These coalitions were causal responses to the Cumans' vulnerability post-Rus' victories, such as the 1103 Battle of Dolobsk and 1111 Battle of Salnitsa, which compelled a pivot from unilateral offensives to mutual defense arrangements for mutual deterrence. Further west, Cumans forged tactical partnerships with the against the , who posed a direct threat to shared borders. Cuman horsemen reinforced armies in the 1091 , where their archery superiority contributed to the decisive rout of approximately 80,000 on April 29, exploiting the invaders' wagon-fort vulnerabilities and securing the frontier. Such alliances underscored the Cumans' adaptive realism: by leveraging resources against depleting Pecheneg remnants, they neutralized a competitor while gaining plunder and temporary imperial favor, though these pacts dissolved once immediate threats subsided. By the early 1200s, escalating eastern incursions and Rus' consolidation accelerated this defensive orientation, prioritizing survival coalitions over expansion amid khan-level infighting.

Mongol Conquest and Subsequent Dispersal

The 1230s-1240s Invasions and Subjugation

, grandson of , led the western expedition starting in 1236, initially targeting the , which fell after a series of sieges and battles by early 1237. Following this victory, tumens advanced into the Kipchak-Cuman territories of Desht-i-Kipchak, where the nomadic confederation had dominated since the early . Cuman forces, disorganized across tribal lines and numbering in the tens of thousands of mounted archers, attempted localized resistance against the invaders, but lacked the unified command structure of the . Mongol tactics, emphasizing mobility, feigned retreats, and massed volleys, exploited the Cumans' similar but less coordinated warfare style, leading to repeated defeats in skirmishes across the Pontic-Caspian region from 1237 to 1239. Batu's , reinforced to approximately 120,000-150,000 warriors drawn from multiple uluses, overwhelmed Cuman khans through and pursuit, forcing many clans into submission as vassals obligated to provide and auxiliary troops. Empirical accounts from Persian chronicler Juvayni highlight the Cumans' flight and dispersal rather than sustained battles, underscoring numerical and logistical inferiority against the Mongol host's sustained campaign logistics. Khan Köten, leading a significant faction, evaded subjugation by migrating westward with tens of thousands of followers toward in 1239, prompting Mongol vanguard probes into border regions. This partial escape did not halt the broader confederation's collapse; by 1240, surviving Cuman groups either integrated into the as subjects or scattered, with resistance crumbling under relentless Mongol pressure. The subsequent 1241 incursion into , culminating in the on April 11, where Cuman auxiliaries fought alongside King Béla IV's forces but suffered rout against Batu's flanking maneuvers, exemplified the futility of fragmented defenses against the invaders' superior horde.

Mass Migrations and Settlements in Hungary

In the wake of Mongol conquests in the Pontic steppes during the late 1230s, Khan led a large group of Cumans seeking refuge into the in 1239, with the migration intensifying amid the 1241 Mongol invasion. King Béla IV, anticipating further steppe threats, permitted their entry and settlement primarily in the between the and rivers, granting lands sufficient to support their while integrating them into the realm's defense structure. Estimates based on land allocations and contemporary accounts place the influx at around Cuman families, equivalent to individuals, though the precise figure remains debated due to varying interpretations of medieval for family units. In return, Köten pledged collective and auxiliary , with royal charters formalizing territorial grants and privileges such as tax exemptions conditional on these obligations. Cultural clashes quickly emerged between the semi-nomadic Cumans and Hungary's agrarian populace, exacerbated by suspicions of divided loyalties during the Mongol onslaught. In March 1241, amid rising unrest in Pest, and his entourage were assassinated by Hungarian nobles, reportedly over fears of or failure to fully abandon pagan rites, prompting a Cuman backlash of pillaging and southward flight toward the . Béla IV, having fled the Mongol advance, pursued and reasserted control over surviving groups post-withdrawal in 1242, resettling them under stricter oversight to prevent further disorder. To mitigate persistent revolts and ensure loyalty, Béla mandated accelerated , including mass baptisms and missionary oversight, though enforcement proved uneven as traditions lingered. The Cumans' assimilation, though fraught, yielded strategic benefits, as their expertise in bolstered the royal army's wing, critical for post-invasion recovery and border defense. Charters from Béla's affirmed their in campaigns, with Cuman contingents providing mobile forces that complemented heavy knightly units, while their herds contributed to economic revitalization in depopulated plains regions. These policies, balancing inducements like in internal affairs with demands for cultural , gradually curbed nomadic unrest, though full integration spanned generations amid ongoing noble grievances over land encroachments.

Involvement in Serbia, Bulgaria, and Byzantine Mercenary Service

In the 13th century, Cuman groups formed alliances with Serbian rulers of the , serving as auxiliary forces amid regional conflicts with and ; these nomadic warriors provided mobile cavalry support, integrating partially into the Serbian military elite despite tensions arising from their steppe customs and pagan practices. Such alliances were pragmatic, leveraging Cuman horsemanship for border defense, though primary chronicles note occasional unreliability due to tribal loyalties. Cuman settlements emerged in Bulgarian territories during the Second Bulgarian Empire (1185–1396), where displaced groups from the Pontic sought refuge and were absorbed as settlers and warriors; archaeological evidence from sites like Rahovets Fortress in central northern includes a headless skeleton unearthed in 2024, indicative of nomadic burial rites, alongside a 2017 skeleton analyzed as Cuman-origin based on cranial features and grave goods. These findings, dated to the late 12th–mid-13th centuries, reveal semi-permanent dwellings adapted from yurt-like structures, reflecting gradual sedentarization while maintaining pastoral economy. Cuman auxiliaries bolstered Bulgarian armies against Byzantine incursions, contributing to victories like those in the 1190s uprisings, but their integration faced resistance from Orthodox clergy over shamanistic rituals. Byzantine emperors increasingly recruited Cuman mercenaries in the 13th century to replenish depleted tagmata, valuing their expertise in hit-and-run tactics; at the in 1259, Cuman , alongside Turkish horsemen, outmaneuvered Latin heavy knights, securing a decisive victory for Emperor . Historian George Pachymeres documented their service in imperial campaigns through the early , noting deployments as flankers in mixed armies, though disciplinary issues—stemming from nomadic indiscipline and conversion pressures—led to revolts and purges by the 1320s. Their role declined with the empire's shrinking resources and rising Ottoman threats, as native levies and Western adventurers supplanted steppe hires.

Integration into the Golden Horde

Following the Mongol subjugation of the in the 1240s, surviving Kipchak (Cuman) elites and warriors were integrated into the Ulus of Jochi's military hierarchy, receiving territories known as uluses that permitted limited under Jochid overlords. These ulus assignments, often in the and Crimean regions, allowed Kipchak beks to maintain nomadic retinues and levy forces, blending confederative traditions with Mongol decimal organization while subordinating them to khanal authority. By the 1260s, formed a core component of Nogai Khan's western ulus forces, comprising much of his 30,000–50,000-strong that projected power into Crimean mint operations and trade routes, as well as influencing internal Horde successions through alliances against rival Jochids like Töle Buqa in 1287. Nogai's control over these areas until his defeat by in 1299 relied on Kipchak loyalty, evident in joint campaigns that stabilized politics amid border skirmishes. Kipchak Turkic emerged as the administrative of the by the late 13th century, used in military dispatches and court correspondence alongside initial Mongolian scripts, reflecting the numerical dominance of Turkic-speakers in the ulus bureaucracy. This linguistic shift paralleled broader Turkicization, verifiable in coinage evolution: early dirhams struck at Bolgar circa 1240–1250 bore Arabic caliphal tamgas, but by Özbeg Khan's reign (1313–1341), issues from and Sarai incorporated Turkic khanal titles like "" alongside personal names such as Özbeg, signaling Kipchak elites' fiscal integration and erosion of pure Mongol terminologies.

Society, Culture, and Economy

Military Tactics, Warfare, and Horse Archery Superiority

The Cumans, as Kipchak Turkic nomads, centered their warfare on light cavalry horse archers, leveraging the inherent advantages of steppe mobility to outpace and outmaneuver infantry-dependent armies of sedentary foes. Core to their operations were composite recurve bows, crafted from layered wood, animal horn, and sinew, which delivered high-velocity arrows—up to 300 meters in range—while compact enough for firing from horseback without dismounting. This setup enabled sustained hit-and-run harassment, where warriors could loose volleys in rapid succession, often employing the Parthian shot technique: twisting backward to fire during gallops, maximizing disruption during advances or withdrawals. Their ponies, bred for endurance rather than speed, supported multi-day operations with minimal resupply, allowing tactical feigned retreats to draw pursuers into kill zones where encirclement by flanking tumens (units of 10,000) could annihilate disorganized infantry. From first-principles, this system's efficiency stemmed from causal asymmetries in open terrain: amplified human , permitting archers to maintain distance from melee-range threats while projectiles inflicted attrition without risking close-quarters losses. formations—lacking or phalanxes—prioritized dispersion and reformation, evading countercharges and exploiting gaps in enemy lines through superior and signaling via flags or horns. Armor emphasized mobility over protection; warriors favored leather or minimal lamellar scales, though archaeological evidence indicates selective use of chain hauberks and iron for riders, as evidenced by 13th-century fragments from a Cuman horseman's grave at in , including a spangenhelm-style and links alongside a . Similarly, a 13th–14th-century and chain from the Ludoška mound near reveal adoption of Byzantine-influenced gear without sacrificing . These methods yielded rapid conquests across unfortified plains, where nomadic forces could cover 100 kilometers daily to raid supply lines or force battles on favorable terms, depleting foes through and before engagement. However, vulnerabilities emerged against entrenched defenses; lacking specialized engineers or massed for breaching walls, Cumans often bypassed fortified cities, content with extorting rather than sieges, which exposed their dispersed formations to concentrated or boiling oil from above. This limitation underscored the tactical realism of steppe warfare: dominance in fluid, field-based conflicts but reliance on psychological intimidation or alliances for urban subjugation.

Religious Beliefs and Shamanistic Practices

The Cumans, as part of the broader , practiced , a shamanistic and animistic that elevated as the supreme sky god and creator. This system emphasized harmony with natural forces, including veneration of sacred sites such as holy mountains and rivers, where shamans conducted rituals to invoke spirits and ensure communal prosperity. Ancestor worship and protective deities like Umay-ana, associated with and , further characterized these beliefs, drawing from longstanding traditions. Shamanistic practices involved blood rituals and ecstatic , with shamans glorifying deeds through sacrificial that reinforced tribal cohesion and ethos..pdf?dl=1) burials, typical of Cuman funerary rites, often included horse sacrifices—evidenced in steppe as selective slaughter of steeds to accompany the deceased—symbolizing the horse's spiritual role in shamanic journeys to the and affirming the nomadic bond between rider and mount. Post-Mongol dispersal led to partial conversions, with approximately 40,000 Qipchaq warriors and families adopting in Georgia by 1118 under Nestorian influence, and elites later embracing through alliances. Despite these shifts, animistic residues endured, as pagan terminology like "tamu" for persisted in Islamicized contexts, indicating superficial overlays rather than wholesale abandonment of indigenous . Such , while enabling political integration, arguably attenuated the pure martial discipline rooted in unadulterated Tengrist fatalism and ritual purity.

Nomadic Economy, Animal Husbandry, and Material Culture

The Cumans sustained their nomadic economy primarily through , herding large flocks of sheep, , , goats, and camels across the Pontic-Caspian prior to their 13th-century migrations. held central economic value, often traded as a premium commodity equivalent to multiple in contemporary Kievan Rus' legal norms, such as one unbroken stallion matching two head of . This system was supplemented by raiding for loot and limited opportunistic cultivation, with trade networks extending to Rus' principalities, , and Levantine markets for slaves—capturing up to 5,000 in single campaigns—and animal products like , , and skins. Slaves integrated into herds management, performing labor unsuited to nomadic mobility, while and alliances with sedentary states provided to offset pastoral shortfalls. Animal husbandry demanded intensive oversight tailored to species: sheep required year-round daytime to prevent straying, while horses necessitated nocturnal guarding for five months after foaling to deter , alongside seasonal for both. Large herds relied on networks or dependent herdsmen, enabling households to amass through surplus production, dowries, and gifts. Archaeozoological analyses from medieval Hungarian Cuman sites, such as Csengele and Kiskunhalas, reveal faunal assemblages dominated by (up to 60%), followed by sheep/ (20%), pigs (15%), and (5%), indicating continuity in pastoral focus amid integration, with and as ancillary pursuits. By the , specialization emerged to meet feudal market demands, though core practices persisted in the Carpathian Basin post-arrival. Upon settling in after the 1239 arrival under Khan Kötény and Béla IV's 1241 invitation, Cumans adapted toward semi-sedentary patterns, establishing permanent winter camps and commissioning small-scale farming of millet and by dependents or slaves within restricted mobility zones of 40-50 km² per family. This shift supplemented herds with yields, aligning with 1279 Cuman laws regulating slave releases and , yet remained dominant, resisting full sedentarization. Material culture emphasized portability and status, with elite kurgan burials among Kipchak-Cuman groups featuring horse sacrifices, bone tools like skates and gaming pieces, and ornaments reflecting pastoral wealth hierarchies. Daily artifacts included felt-lined tents displayed with silver dishes on carts, caftans, belts, and high caps, often buried with steppe saddles to signify equestrian economic prowess. In Hungarian contexts, these persisted into the 14th century, blending with local elements under Christianization pressures from rulers like Louis the Great.

Linguistic and Literary Artifacts Like the Codex Cumanicus

The Codex Cumanicus, a compiled primarily in the early , serves as a key linguistic artifact documenting the Kipchak Turkic language spoken by the Cumans. It consists of two main sections: a trilingual dictionary featuring Kipchak terms alongside Latin and Persian equivalents, dated to July 11, 1303, and a later "Missionaries' Book" with religious texts, grammar notes, and German glosses assembled around 1330–1340. The dictionary, oriented toward practical vocabulary for commerce and daily life, includes over 1,300 Kipchak words, emphasizing terms related to such as breeds (at for , yay for ), equestrian gear, and structures (ata for father, ana for mother, qarındaş for sibling), which highlight the centrality of equine husbandry and familial clans in Cuman society. Compiled by Franciscan missionaries and Italian merchants active among Cuman communities in the Black Sea region and steppes, the facilitated communication for evangelical efforts and Genoese-Venetian trade networks, where Cumans acted as intermediaries in fur, slave, and exchanges. The missionary section incorporates translated sermons, psalms, and riddles adapted into Kipchak, demonstrating efforts to convey Christian doctrine while incorporating local idioms, though the Persian influence suggests mediation via Mongol cultural exchanges. This compilation indicates limited but functional in Kipchak among or converted Cumans in contact with literate Europeans and , rather than widespread native script use, as the text employs transliterations. While providing invaluable phonological and lexical data—such as verb conjugations reflecting agglutinative Turkic grammar—the codex's utilitarian focus limits its representation of Cuman oral traditions, excluding or beyond a few aphoristic riddles. Its content, shaped by external compilers' priorities, prioritizes transactional and proselytizing needs over indigenous literary forms, thus offering a filtered glimpse into Kipchak rather than a comprehensive cultural archive.

Physical Anthropology and Genetics

Contemporary Accounts of Appearance and Physique

Rus' chronicles, such as the Primary Chronicle, referred to the Cumans as Polovtsy, a term derived from the Slavic word polový meaning "blond" or "pale," reflecting observations of their light hair and complexion among steppe nomads otherwise associated with eastern origins. This portrayal emphasized their distinctive appearance as tall and fair-haired warriors, contrasting with darker-featured neighbors and underscoring their visibility in conflicts from the 11th century onward. Byzantine sources similarly noted their imposing stature and savage demeanor in battle, as recorded by historians like Niketas Choniates during 12th-century incursions, portraying them as physically formidable horsemen capable of swift, enduring campaigns. Early European accounts, including that of Adam of Bremen in the 11th century, corroborated the fair-skinned and light-haired traits, attributing these features to Kipchak groups encountered in northern contexts. Chinese chronicles from the Tang and Song eras further described Kipchaks as having fair hair and blue eyes, traits uncommon among central Asian peoples, suggesting a heterogeneous physique shaped by steppe migrations. These textual depictions align with skeletal evidence from kurgan burials, where remains exhibit robust bone structures, enlarged muscle attachments on limbs, and pelvic adaptations consistent with lifelong horsemanship and archery demands, indicating physiques optimized for mobility and combat endurance on the open plains. Facial reconstructions from Kipchak kurgans, such as a 2025 anthropological effort on a 10th-13th century in Znam'yanka, , reveal mixed Europoid and East Eurasian features, including prominent brows and robust jaws, supporting contemporary notes on varied yet predominantly light complexions among warriors. Such evidence highlights adaptations for harsh conditions, with taller statures—averaging over 170 cm for males based on measurements—and dense cortical bone indicative of physical resilience forged through nomadic rigors rather than settled labor.

Ancient DNA Evidence and Paternal East Eurasian Lineages

Ancient DNA analyses of Cuman remains from , particularly from the Csengele site dated to the 13th century, revealed (mtDNA) profiles dominated by Western Eurasian haplogroups such as H, U, J, and T, comprising over 90% of the sampled lineages, which contrasts with their culturally Asian nomadic origins and suggests substantial maternal admixture with local European populations prior to or during settlement. This 2006 study, the first characterization of eastern pastoral nomads migrating into , indicated that while mtDNA showed limited East Asian affinity (e.g., minor D and M lineages), the genetic trace emphasized from indigenous groups rather than direct maternal continuity from core territories. In contrast, Y-chromosome (Y-DNA) studies highlight persistent paternal East Eurasian lineages among Cuman elites and their descendants, underscoring male-mediated Turkic input. A 2024 archaeogenetic analysis of the medieval Hungarian Aba noble family, associated with steppe migrant origins including possible Cuman ties, identified shared East Eurasian Y-haplogroups (e.g., branches under N1a1) among four male burials from prominent graves, linking them to broader Árpád-era dynasties and refuting notions of complete genetic dilution through assimilation. Similarly, a 2022 examination of paternal in the Hungarian-speaking Rétköz population, a region with historical Cuman settlement influences, detected Y-haplotypes shared with ancient , Avars, and Caucasian nomadic groups, including East Eurasian markers like those in Q and C2 sublineages prevalent in Kipchak confederations. These findings counter claims of rapid over-assimilation by demonstrating the endurance of Cuman-specific paternal haplogroups such as Q-M242 and C2-M217 in relic populations and elite contexts, with frequencies persisting into modern Hungarian subgroups despite maternal European dominance. Recent 2025 relic analyses further corroborate this, identifying East Eurasian Y-signals in steppe-derived Hungarian lineages that align with Kipchak nomadic profiles, emphasizing elite male continuity over broader population replacement. Such patterns reflect patrilineal transmission of Turkic genetic elements, consistent with historical accounts of Cuman warrior clans maintaining endogamous structures amid settlement.

Notable Leaders and Dynasties

Prominent Khans and Their Strategic Victories


Boniak, a prominent Cuman khan active in the late 11th century, orchestrated devastating raids on Kievan Rus' during the 1090s, capitalizing on princely infighting to plunder key sites. In 1096, his forces assaulted Kiev itself, sacking the Pechersk Monastery and seizing captives while Grand Prince Sviatopolk II was absent, demonstrating tactical exploitation of enemy disunity as recorded in the Russian Primary Chronicle. This incursion inflicted severe losses on Rus' territories, temporarily asserting Cuman dominance in the steppe frontier.
Boniak further showcased strategic acumen through opportunistic alliances, notably aiding against the at the on April 29, 1091, where combined forces annihilated the Pecheneg host of approximately 80,000, securing Byzantine frontiers and enhancing Cuman leverage in regional diplomacy. In 1099, Boniak's warriors repelled Hungarian King Coloman's invasion near the Transylvanian borders, forcing a retreat and affirming Cuman military prowess against sedentary powers. However, such successes were undermined by internal Cuman factionalism, with khans like Boniak facing later defeats, such as 's victories in 1103 and 1111, highlighting the confederation's vulnerability to unified opposition. Tugorkan, another key leader in the early , conducted raids into Rus' lands around 1093, leading roughly 8,000 horsemen in incursions that pressured southern principalities before clashing at the Battle of the Stuhna River on May 26, 1093. Though Rus' forces under Sviatopolk II and Vladimir Monomakh prevailed, with Tugorkan drowning in the river during retreat, his prior depredations exemplified Cuman that disrupted and . Tugorkan's diplomatic maneuvering included marrying his daughter to Sviatopolk II in 1094, a short-lived pact aimed at stabilizing borders but reflective of recurring Cuman betrayals amid shifting alliances. Köten (Kotyan), khan in the early , pursued survival strategies amid Mongol expansion, forging alliances with Rus' princes against the invaders, including appeals before the disastrous in 1223. Facing relentless Mongol pressure, Köten orchestrated the mass migration of up to 40,000 Cumans westward to in 1239, securing asylum from King Béla IV in exchange for feudal oaths and , thereby integrating Cuman into Hungarian defenses prior to the 1241 Mongol onslaught. This maneuver temporarily preserved Cuman autonomy and bolstered allied forces at the , though ensuing unrest—fueled by suspicions of Cuman-Mongol collusion—led to Köten's assassination by Hungarian nobles in 1241, underscoring the fragility of nomadic-sedentary pacts marred by mutual distrust and factional intrigue.

Ruling Clans in Settled Contexts

In , Cuman clans settled primarily in the after the Mongol invasion of 1241–1242, receiving royal grants of land totaling over 1 million hectares in exchange for military obligations to the Árpád kings. King Béla IV (r. 1235–1270) formalized these arrangements through charters, such as the 1250 extension, which preserved Cuman tribal jurisdictions under clan heads who functioned as both military commanders and local arbitrators, often exempt from standard feudal taxes but required to supply mounted warriors for campaigns. These clans, including groups like the Olás, Csertán, and Kór, contributed forces that bolstered the kingdom's defenses during reconstruction efforts, notably aiding in border skirmishes against Mongol remnants and internal rivals. Integration into the saw select Cuman-linked families, such as the Aba and Rátót, ascend to influential positions in the late and early Angevin courts, where they held ispánates (county governorships) and participated in royal councils. The Aba clan, for instance, led early resistances against Mongol incursions in northeastern counties like Sáros and Borsod around 1241–1242, leveraging their estates' strategic locations, while Rátót kin like Roland I (d. after 1272) served as bans of and accumulated vast domains through service. Post-Mongol, these clans supported kings like Stephen V (r. 1270–1272) in civil wars, providing troops that exploited Cuman horse archery expertise against heavier European knights. However, privileges were conditional on loyalty, with clan heads expected to enforce sedentarization and , though empirical records show uneven compliance. Tensions arose from cultural clashes, culminating in the 1280–1282 Cuman rebellion under leaders resisting Árpád-era assimilation mandates, including bans on nomadic herding and pagan rites. King Ladislaus IV (r. 1272–1290), of partial Cuman descent via his mother Elizabeth, initially sympathized but ultimately suppressed the uprising at the Battle of Lake Hód near , where Hungarian-Cuman loyalists routed the rebels, resulting in thousands of deaths and renewed land redistributions to compliant clans. In , the Basarab clan—whose name derives from a Turkic term for "master ruler" linked to Cuman titles—established a dynastic line under Basarab I (r. ca. 1310–1352), who defeated Hungarian forces at Posada in 1330 to assert , with descendants ruling until 1659 through strategic alliances and military prowess inherited from traditions.

Legacy and Modern Assessments

Archaeological Traces in , , and the

Archaeological evidence of Cuman presence in Romania's region includes tumuli and settlement features linked to their 12th-13th century activities in southern Dobrudja, overlapping with the Second Bulgarian Empire's territory between the and . These traces, such as burial mounds and dispersed nomadic encampments, reflect the Cumans' integration into local polities while maintaining traditions. In adjacent , 2024 excavations at Ryahovets Fortress near revealed a probable Cuman settlement from the 13th century , marking the first such identified site. The digs exposed approximately 70 structures, including semi-subterranean dwellings, hearths, storage pits, and a headless consistent with ritual horse sacrifices in Turkic nomadic cultures. These findings, dated via ceramics and to the mid-13th century, indicate semi-sedentary near fortified Byzantine-influenced outposts. Across the , Cuman military influence appears in artifacts like composite spherical helmets and iron lamellar rider armors, recovered from 12th-13th century contexts in and , mirroring Kipchak designs with reinforced skull caps and scale protections. These items, often found in warrior graves, suggest technology transfer via Cuman auxiliaries in local armies. In , direct Cuman traces are sparse, primarily tied to their role as Byzantine mercenaries from the late onward, potentially garrisoned in frontier forts against Seljuk incursions. While no dedicated Cuman forts have been conclusively identified, Byzantine military sites in western yield steppe-style arrowheads and horse gear attributable to Turkic auxiliaries, including Cumans, active since ' reign (1081–1118). Romanian toponyms like "Cumănie" in further hint at enduring settlement patterns from Cuman migrations, corroborated by 13th-century documentary references to their lands east of the Carpathians. Recent 2025 discoveries in Hungary, such as the Tázlár mass grave in Bács-Kiskun County containing invasion victims from the 1241–1242 Mongol campaigns, align with Cuman refugee movements into the region, where they faced allied destruction alongside locals; skeletal trauma and arrow types match composite bows used in steppe warfare.

Genetic Contributions to Hungarian and Eastern European Populations

Genetic analyses of modern Hungarian populations reveal an estimated 5-7.4% admixture from Central and Inner Asian sources, attributable in part to the settlement of Cuman groups in the Kingdom of Hungary following their arrival in 1239–1241 CE. This component is higher among isolated subgroups, such as Szeklers in Transylvania at approximately 7.3–7.4% and Csangos at 6.3%, compared to 5.1% in Hungarians from Hungary proper, reflecting differential preservation due to endogamy and geographic isolation. The Cuman contribution aligns with broader Turkic steppe nomadic inputs, modeled via autosomal markers against reference populations like Kazakhs and Uzbeks, though exact partitioning from earlier Magyar or later Ottoman influences remains unresolved without Cuman-specific ancient DNA baselines. Ancient DNA from Cuman burials indicates that the migrants themselves carried substantial pre-existing West Eurasian maternal ancestry, with mitochondrial haplogroups predominantly European (e.g., H, U, J) and only about 10% East Eurasian lineages, suggesting admixture during their westward migrations prior to reaching . In modern descendants, this pattern implies paternal persistence of Cuman Y-chromosomal lineages—such as haplogroups Q-M242 and R1a-Z93 associated with nomads—amid maternal dilution through intermarriage with local Slavic, Germanic, and Romance populations. Elevated frequencies of these markers in Hungarian elites and noble families claiming Cuman descent underscore selective transmission in social strata, countering assumptions of complete genetic erasure despite linguistic and by the 14th–15th centuries. Across , Cuman genetic signals appear in Romanian paternal lines, particularly among Transylvanian Hungarian-speakers exhibiting higher Turkic components than core Hungarian groups, potentially linked to Cuman polities in the and regions. However, broader Romanian populations show limited admixture, with Y-DNA studies of purported Cuman-descended dynasties like the Basarabs yielding predominantly Balkan haplogroups (e.g., I2a), indicating rapid local integration or founder effects limited to elites. This resilience of low-level ancestry demonstrates the enduring demographic impact of 13th-century migrations, traceable via genome-wide SNPs and challenging narratives of nomadic groups' total dissolution without trace.

Historiographical Debates on Ethnic Identity and Cultural Impact

Historiographers have debated the ethnic cohesion of the Cumans, frequently equated with and Polovtsians (Quns), with prevailing scholarly consensus affirming their identity as a singular Turkic nomadic originating from Central Asian steppes rather than fragmented groups diluted by dominant Iranian or Slavic admixtures. Regional variations in nomenclature—Cumans in Western sources, Kipchaks in Arabic-Persian texts, and Polovtsians in —stem from geographic dispersal west of the by the 11th century, yet evidence from multilingual sources like (10th century) and William of Rubruck's accounts (1253) links these as denoting one ethnolinguistic entity with Turkic linguistic hallmarks, as preserved in the Codex Cumanicus. Earlier hypotheses positing primary Iranian roots, analogous to Scytho-Sarmatian remnants, or Slavic integrations have been largely rejected in favor of post-6th-century Turkic migrations establishing dominance, with confederative structures comprising autonomous clans bound by shared pastoral mobility rather than strict hierarchy. This steppe-centric identity underpinned Cuman cultural impacts, particularly in military spheres, where their integration into Hungary after the 1241 Mongol transmitted tactics of , feigned retreats, and swarms that enhanced Hungarian forces against subsequent threats. Cumans supplied mounted archers requiring up to 100,000 horses for armies of 40,000 by 1260, bolstering Béla IV's campaigns in and through superior equestrian logistics derived from herding economies, with archaeological horse remains (withers heights 134.5–148.3 cm) attesting to specialized breeds. These elements prefigured the mobility and emphasis in later Hungarian evolutions, including 15th–16th-century formations, countering sedentary biases that branded Cumans "barbarians" for disrupting phalanxes—biases critiqued in modern analyses as overlooking nomadic causal edges in open terrain, such as maneuverability outpacing European knights' armor-bound advances. Recent scholarship, drawing on comparative steppe warfare studies, underscores these advantages as empirically grounded in environmental adaptation—vast horse herds enabling sustained raids and encirclements—rather than innate savagery, rejecting pre-20th-century narratives that minimized Cuman agency to exalt settled civilizations. Victories over Rus' principalities (e.g., 1068–1185 alliances turned conquests) and Byzantine forces exemplify tactical superiority via archery ranges exceeding 300 meters, persisting until disrupted steppe asymmetries by the . Such reevaluations prioritize first-hand chronicles' tactical descriptions over ideologically laden dismissals, affirming Cuman confederations' role in reshaping Eastern European martial paradigms without romanticizing or denigrating their nomadic ethos.

Representations in Folklore and Contemporary Scholarship

In Russian folklore, the Cumans, known as Polovtsians, are prominently featured in the 12th-century epic The Lay of Igor's Campaign, which recounts Svyatoslavich's ill-fated 1185 expedition against them, portraying the Polovtsians as formidable steppe warriors whose raids threatened Kievan Rus' principalities and symbolized the perils of disunity among Russian princes. This narrative influenced later cultural works, including Alexander Borodin's unfinished opera (1890), where the depict the Cumans as exotic captors entertaining prisoners with rhythmic, orientalized choreography that evokes their nomadic vitality, though the portrayal romanticizes their ferocity for dramatic effect rather than historical fidelity. Hungarian folklore similarly romanticizes encounters with the Cumans (Kunok), embedding tales of King Ladislaus I's legendary combats against Cuman incursions in the late 11th century, such as the Canticle of Saint Ladislaus, which casts the king as a Christian defender slaying pagan nomads, thereby framing Cumans as chaotic outsiders subdued by royal valor. These legends contributed to a dual legacy: initial antagonism giving way to integration after the 13th-century Mongol invasions prompted Cuman settlement in , where regions like preserve toponyms evoking their presence and foster local pride in heritage. Contemporary scholarship tempers these folkloric idealizations by emphasizing the Cumans' pragmatic adaptability, as seen in analyses of their rapid and feudal incorporation in by the 1270s, countering persistent myths of unassimilated nomadism. Recent studies, including 2024 reconstructions of Cuman musical instruments like the qobyz from archaeological exemplars, highlight their cultural sophistication beyond warrior stereotypes, informing ethnomusicological reevaluations of Kipchak Turkic traditions. However, such representations face politicization in modern identity debates, particularly in where nationalist narratives invoke Cuman descent to underscore Eastern affinities and critique Western-centric histories, though historians caution that full ethnolinguistic assimilation by the 14th century renders claims of distinct continuity unsubstantiated and prone to anachronistic projection.

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