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Samuel Taylor Coleridge
Samuel Taylor Coleridge
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Samuel Taylor Coleridge (/ˈk.lə.rɪ/ KOH-lə-rij;[1] 21 October 1772 – 25 July 1834) was an English poet, literary critic, philosopher, and theologian who was a founder of the Romantic Movement in England and a member of the Lake Poets with his friend William Wordsworth. He also shared volumes and collaborated with Charles Lamb, Robert Southey, and Charles Lloyd.

Key Information

He wrote the poems The Rime of the Ancient Mariner and "Kubla Khan", as well as the major prose work Biographia Literaria. His critical works were highly influential, especially in relation to William Shakespeare, and he helped introduce German idealist philosophy to English-speaking cultures. Coleridge coined many familiar words and phrases, including "suspension of disbelief".[2] He had a major influence on Ralph Waldo Emerson and American transcendentalism. Throughout his adult life, Coleridge had crippling bouts of anxiety and depression; it has been speculated that he had bipolar disorder, which had not been defined during his lifetime.[3] He was physically unhealthy, which may have stemmed from a bout of rheumatic fever and other childhood illnesses. He was treated for these conditions with laudanum, which fostered a lifelong opium addiction.

Coleridge had a turbulent career and personal life with a variety of highs and lows, but his public esteem grew after his death, and he became considered one of the most influential figures in English literature. For instance, a 2018 report by The Guardian labelled him "a genius" who had progressed into "one of the most renowned English poets". Organisations such as the Church of England celebrate his work during public events, such as a "Coleridge Day" in June, with activities including literary recitals.[4]

Early life and education

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Coleridge was born on 21 October 1772 in the town of Ottery St Mary in Devon, England.[5] Samuel's father was the Reverend John Coleridge, the well-respected vicar of St Mary's Church, Ottery St Mary, and was headmaster of the King's School, a free grammar school established by King Henry VIII in the town. He had previously been master of Hugh Squier's School in South Molton, Devon, and lecturer of nearby Molland.[6]

John Coleridge had three children by his first wife. Samuel was the youngest of ten by the Reverend Mr. Coleridge's second wife, Anne Bowden (1726–1809),[7] probably the daughter of John Bowden, mayor of South Molton, Devon, in 1726.[8] Coleridge suggests that he "took no pleasure in boyish sports" but instead read "incessantly" and played by himself.[9]

After John Coleridge died in 1781, 8-year-old Samuel was sent to Christ's Hospital, a charity school which was founded in the 16th century in Greyfriars, London, where he remained throughout his childhood, studying and writing poetry. At that school Coleridge became friends with Charles Lamb, a schoolmate, and studied the works of Virgil and William Lisle Bowles.[10]

In one of a series of autobiographical letters written to Thomas Poole, Coleridge wrote: "At six years old I remember to have read Belisarius, Robinson Crusoe, and Philip Quarll – and then I found the Arabian Nights' Entertainments – one tale of which (the tale of a man who was compelled to seek for a pure virgin) made so deep an impression on me (I had read it in the evening while my mother was mending stockings) that I was haunted by spectres whenever I was in the dark – and I distinctly remember the anxious and fearful eagerness with which I used to watch the window in which the books lay – and whenever the sun lay upon them, I would seize it, carry it by the wall, and bask, and read."[11]

Coleridge seems to have appreciated his teacher, as he wrote in recollections of his school days in Biographia Literaria:

I enjoyed the inestimable advantage of a very sensible, though at the same time, a very severe master...At the same time that we were studying the Greek Tragic Poets, he made us read Shakespeare and Milton as lessons: and they were the lessons too, which required most time and trouble to bring up, so as to escape his censure. I learnt from him, that Poetry, even that of the loftiest, and, seemingly, that of the wildest odes, had a logic of its own, as severe as that of science; and more difficult, because more subtle, more complex, and dependent on more, and more fugitive causes...In our own English compositions (at least for the last three years of our school education) he showed no mercy to phrase, metaphor, or image, unsupported by a sound sense, or where the same sense might have been conveyed with equal force and dignity in plainer words...In fancy I can almost hear him now, exclaiming Harp? Harp? Lyre? Pen and ink, boy, you mean! Muse, boy, Muse? your Nurse's daughter, you mean! Pierian spring? Oh aye! the cloister-pump, I suppose!...Be this as it may, there was one custom of our master's, which I cannot pass over in silence, because I think it ...worthy of imitation. He would often permit our theme exercises...to accumulate, till each lad had four or five to be looked over. Then placing the whole number abreast on his desk, he would ask the writer, why this or that sentence might not have found as appropriate a place under this or that other thesis: and if no satisfying answer could be returned, and two faults of the same kind were found in one exercise, the irrevocable verdict followed, the exercise was torn up, and another on the same subject to be produced, in addition to the tasks of the day.[12]

He later wrote of his loneliness at school in the poem Frost at Midnight: "With unclosed lids, already had I dreamt/Of my sweet birth-place."[13]

From 1791 until 1794, Coleridge attended Jesus College, Cambridge.[14] In 1792, he won the Browne Medal for an ode he wrote attacking the Atlantic slave trade.[15] In December 1793, he left the college and enlisted in the British Army's 15th Light Dragoons using the false name "Silas Tomkyn Comberbache",[16] perhaps because of debt accrued from studying at Jesus College or because the girl that he loved, Mary Evans, had rejected him. His brothers arranged for his discharge a few months later under the reason of "insanity" and he was readmitted to Jesus College, though he would never receive a degree from the university.[17]

Pantisocracy and marriage

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Mary Matilda Betham, Sara Coleridge (Mrs. Samuel Taylor Coleridge), Portrait miniature, 1809
Image of Coleridge, from The Rime of the Ancient Mariner and The Vision of Sir Launfal (by Coleridge and James Russell Lowell), published by Sampson Low, 1906.
Plaque commemorating Coleridge at St Mary's Church, Ottery St Mary

Cambridge and Somerset

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At Jesus College, Coleridge was introduced to political and theological ideas then considered radical, including those of the poet Robert Southey with whom he collaborated on the play The Fall of Robespierre. Coleridge joined Southey in a plan, later abandoned, to found a utopian commune-like society, called Pantisocracy, in the wilderness of Pennsylvania.

In 1795, the two friends became engaged to sisters Sara and Edith Fricker, with Sara becoming the subject of Coleridge's poem The Eolian Harp. They wed that year in St Mary Redcliffe, Bristol,[18] but Coleridge's marriage with Sara proved unhappy. By 1804, they were separated. When Coleridge wrote to his brother he laid all the blame on Sara: "The few friends who have been Witnesses of my domestic life have long advised separation as the necessary condition of everything desirable for me..." Subsequent biographers have not agreed with Coleridge's negative view of the wife he called his 'Sally Pally' when he first married her.[19][20]

A third sister, Mary, had already married a third poet, Robert Lovell, and both became partners in Pantisocracy. Lovell also introduced Coleridge and Southey to their future patron Joseph Cottle, but died of a fever in April 1796. Coleridge was with him at his death.

In 1796, he released his first volume of poems entitled Poems on Various Subjects, which also included four poems by Charles Lamb as well as a collaboration with Robert Southey [21] and a work suggested by his and Lamb's schoolfriend Robert Favell. Among the poems were Religious Musings, "Monody on the Death of Chatterton" and an early version of "The Eolian Harp" entitled Effusion 35. A second edition was printed in 1797, this time including an appendix of works by Lamb and Charles Lloyd, a young poet to whom Coleridge had become a private tutor.

In 1796, he also privately printed Sonnets from Various Authors, including sonnets by Lamb, Lloyd, Southey and himself as well as older poets such as William Lisle Bowles.

Coleridge made plans to establish a journal, The Watchman, to be printed every eight days to avoid a weekly newspaper tax.[22] The first issue of the short-lived journal was published in March 1796. It had ceased publication by May of that year.[23]

The years 1797 and 1798, during which he lived in what is now known as Coleridge Cottage, in Nether Stowey, Somerset, were among the most fruitful of Coleridge's life. In 1795, Coleridge met poet William Wordsworth and his sister Dorothy. (Wordsworth, having visited him and being enchanted by the surroundings, rented Alfoxton Park, a little over three miles [5 km] away.) Besides The Rime of the Ancient Mariner, Coleridge composed the symbolic poem "Kubla Khan", written—Coleridge claimed—as a result of an opium dream, in "a kind of a reverie"; and the first part of the narrative poem Christabel. The writing of "Kubla Khan", written about the Mongol emperor Kublai Khan and his legendary palace at Xanadu, was said to have been interrupted by the arrival of "a person on business from Porlock" – an event that has been embellished upon in such varied contexts as science fiction and Nabokov's Lolita. During this period, he also produced his much-praised "conversation poems" "This Lime-Tree Bower My Prison", Frost at Midnight, and The Nightingale.

In 1798, Coleridge and Wordsworth published a joint volume of poetry, Lyrical Ballads, which proved to be the starting point for the English romantic age. Wordsworth may have contributed more poems, but the real star of the collection was Coleridge's first version of The Rime of the Ancient Mariner. It was the longest work and drew more praise and attention than anything else in the volume. In the spring Coleridge temporarily took over for Rev. Joshua Toulmin at Taunton's Mary Street Unitarian Chapel[24] while Rev. Toulmin grieved over the drowning death of his daughter Jane. Poetically commenting on Toulmin's strength, Coleridge wrote in a 1798 letter to John Prior Estlin, "I walked into Taunton (eleven miles) and back again, and performed the divine services for Dr. Toulmin. I suppose you must have heard that his daughter, (Jane, on 15 April 1798) in a melancholy derangement, suffered herself to be swallowed up by the tide on the sea-coast between Sidmouth and Bere [sic] (Beer). These events cut cruelly into the hearts of old men: but the good Dr. Toulmin bears it like the true practical Christian, – there is indeed a tear in his eye, but that eye is lifted up to the Heavenly Father."[25]

West Midlands and the North

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Coleridge also worked briefly in Shropshire, where he came in December 1797 as locum to its local Unitarian minister, Dr. Rowe, in their church in the High Street at Shrewsbury. He is said to have read his Rime of the Ancient Mariner at a literary evening in Mardol. He was then contemplating a career in the ministry, and gave a probationary sermon in High Street church on Sunday, 14 January 1798. William Hazlitt, a Unitarian minister's son, was in the congregation, having walked from Wem to hear him. Coleridge later visited Hazlitt and his father at Wem but within a day or two of preaching he received a letter from Josiah Wedgwood II, who had offered to help him out of financial difficulties with an annuity of £150 (approximately £13,000 in today's money[26]) per year on condition he give up his ministerial career. Coleridge accepted this, to the disappointment of Hazlitt who had hoped to have him as a neighbour in Shropshire.[27]

From 16 September 1798, Coleridge and the Wordsworths left for a stay in Germany; Coleridge soon went his own way and spent much of his time in university towns. In February 1799 he enrolled at the University of Göttingen, where he attended lectures by Johann Friedrich Blumenbach and Johann Gottfried Eichhorn.[28] During this period, he became interested in German philosophy, especially the transcendental idealism and critical philosophy of Immanuel Kant, and in the literary criticism of the 18th-century dramatist Gotthold Lessing. Coleridge studied German and, after his return to England, translated the dramatic trilogy Wallenstein by the German Classical poet Friedrich Schiller into English. He continued to pioneer these ideas through his own critical writings for the rest of his life (sometimes without attribution), although they were unfamiliar and difficult for a culture dominated by empiricism.

In 1799, Coleridge and the Wordsworths stayed at Thomas Hutchinson's farm on the River Tees at Sockburn, near Darlington.

Samuel Taylor Coleridge's daughter Sara Coleridge – 1830. Portrait by Richard James Lane

It was at Sockburn that Coleridge wrote his ballad-poem Love, addressed to Sara Hutchinson. The knight mentioned is the mailed figure on the Conyers tomb in ruined Sockburn church. The figure has a wyvern at his feet, a reference to the Sockburn Worm slain by Sir John Conyers (and a possible source for Lewis Carroll's "Jabberwocky").[a][b] The worm was supposedly buried under the rock in the nearby pasture; this was the "greystone" of Coleridge's first draft, later transformed into a "mount". The poem was a direct inspiration for John Keats' famous poem "La Belle Dame Sans Merci".[31]

Coleridge's early intellectual debts, besides German idealists like Kant and critics like Lessing, were first to William Godwin's Political Justice, especially during his Pantisocratic period, and to David Hartley's Observations on Man, which is the source of the psychology which is found in Frost at Midnight. Hartley argued that one becomes aware of sensory events as impressions, and that "ideas" are derived by noticing similarities and differences between impressions and then by naming them. Connections resulting from the coincidence of impressions create linkages, so that the occurrence of one impression triggers those links and calls up the memory of those ideas with which it is associated (See Dorothy Emmet, "Coleridge and Philosophy").

Coleridge was critical of the literary taste of his contemporaries, and a literary conservative insofar as he was afraid that the lack of taste in the ever growing masses of literate people would mean a continued desecration of literature.

In 1800, he returned to England and shortly thereafter settled with his family and friends in Greta Hall at Keswick in the Lake District of Cumberland to be near Grasmere, where Wordsworth had moved. He stayed with the Wordsworths for eighteen months, but was a difficult houseguest, as his dependency on laudanum grew and his frequent nightmares would wake the children. He was also a fussy eater, to the frustration of Dorothy Wordsworth, who had to cook. For example, not content with salt, Coleridge sprinkled cayenne pepper on his eggs, which he ate from a teacup.[32] His marital problems, nightmares, illnesses, increased opium dependency, tensions with Wordsworth, and a lack of confidence in his poetic powers fuelled the composition of "Dejection: An Ode" and an intensification of his philosophical studies.[33]

In 1802, Coleridge took a nine-day walking holiday in the fells of the Lake District. Coleridge is credited with the first recorded descent of Scafell to Mickledore via Broad Stand, although this may have been more due to his getting lost than a purposeful new route. He coined the term 'mountaineering'.[34]

Later life and increasing drug use

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Coleridge at age 42, portrait by Washington Allston

Travel and The Friend

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In 1804, he travelled to Sicily and Malta, working for a time as Acting Public Secretary of Malta under the Civil Commissioner, Alexander Ball, a task he performed successfully. He lived in San Anton Palace in the village of Attard. He gave this up and returned to England in 1806. Dorothy Wordsworth was shocked at his condition upon his return.

From 1807 to 1808, Coleridge returned to Malta and then travelled in Sicily and mainland Italy, in the hope that leaving Britain's damp climate would improve his health and thus enable him to reduce his consumption of opium. Thomas De Quincey alleges in his Recollections of the Lakes and the Lake Poets that it was during this period that Coleridge became a full-blown opium addict, using the drug as a substitute for the lost vigour and creativity of his youth. It has been suggested that this reflects De Quincey's own experiences more than Coleridge's.[35]

His opium addiction (he was using as much as two quarts of laudanum a week) now began to take over his life: he separated from his wife Sara in 1808, quarrelled with Wordsworth in 1810, lost part of his annuity in 1811, and put himself under the care of Dr. Daniel in 1814. His addiction caused severe constipation, which required regular and humiliating enemas.[36]

In 1809, Coleridge made his second attempt to become a newspaper publisher with the publication of the journal entitled The Friend. It was a weekly publication that, in Coleridge's typically ambitious style, was written, edited, and published almost entirely single-handedly. Given that Coleridge tended to be highly disorganised and had no head for business, the publication was probably doomed from the start. Coleridge financed the journal by selling over five hundred subscriptions, over two dozen of which were sold to members of Parliament, but in late 1809, publication was crippled by a financial crisis and Coleridge was obliged to approach "Conversation Sharp",[37] Tom Poole and one or two other wealthy friends for an emergency loan to continue. The Friend was an eclectic publication that drew upon every corner of Coleridge's remarkably diverse knowledge of law, philosophy, morals, politics, history, and literary criticism.

Although it was often turgid, rambling, and inaccessible to most readers, it ran for 25 issues and was republished in book form a number of times. Years after its initial publication, a revised and expanded edition of The Friend, with added philosophical content including his 'Essays on the Principles of Method', became a highly influential work and its effect was felt on writers and philosophers from John Stuart Mill to Ralph Waldo Emerson.

London: final years and death

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Blue plaque, 7 Addison Bridge Place, West Kensington, London

From 1810 to 1820, Coleridge gave a series of lectures in London and Bristol – those on Shakespeare renewed interest in the playwright as a model for contemporary writers. Much of Coleridge's reputation as a literary critic is founded on the lectures that he undertook in the winter of 1810–11, which were sponsored by the Philosophical Institution and given at Scot's Corporation Hall off Fetter Lane, Fleet Street. These lectures were heralded in the prospectus as "A Course of Lectures on Shakespeare and Milton, in Illustration of the Principles of Poetry." Coleridge's ill-health, opium-addiction problems, and somewhat unstable personality meant that all his lectures were plagued with problems of delays and a general irregularity of quality from one lecture to the next.

As a result of these factors, Coleridge often failed to prepare anything but the loosest set of notes for his lectures and regularly entered into extremely long digressions which his audiences found difficult to follow. However, it was the lecture on Hamlet given on 2 January 1812 that was considered the best and has influenced Hamlet studies ever since. Before Coleridge, Hamlet was often denigrated and belittled by critics from Voltaire to Dr. Johnson. Coleridge rescued the play's reputation, and his thoughts on it are often still published as supplements to the text.

In 1812, he allowed Robert Southey to make use of extracts from his vast number of private notebooks in their collaboration Omniana; Or, Horae Otiosiores.

In August 1814, Coleridge was approached by John Murray, Lord Byron's publisher, about the possibility of translating Goethe's classic Faust (1808). Coleridge was regarded by many as the greatest living writer on the demonic and he accepted the commission, only to abandon work on it after six weeks. Until recently, scholars were in agreement that Coleridge never returned to the project, despite Goethe's own belief in the 1820s that he had in fact completed a long translation of the work. In September 2007, Oxford University Press sparked a heated scholarly controversy by publishing an English translation of Goethe's work that purported to be Coleridge's long-lost masterpiece (the text in question first appeared anonymously in 1821).[38]

From 1814 to 1816, Coleridge rented from a local surgeon, Mr Page, in Calne, Wiltshire. He seemed able to focus on his work and manage his addiction, drafting Biographia Literaria. A blue plaque marks the property today.[39][40]

In April 1816, Coleridge, with his addiction worsening, his spirits depressed, and his family alienated, took residence in the Highgate homes, then just north of London, of the physician James Gillman, first at South Grove and later at the nearby 3, The Grove.[41] It is unclear whether his growing use of opium (and the brandy in which it was dissolved) was a symptom or a cause of his growing depression. Gillman was partially successful in controlling the poet's addiction. Coleridge remained in Highgate for the rest of his life, and the house became a place of literary pilgrimage for writers including Carlyle and Emerson.

In Gillman's home, Coleridge finished his major prose work, the Biographia Literaria (mostly drafted in 1815, and finished in 1817), a volume composed of 23 chapters of autobiographical notes and dissertations on various subjects, including some incisive literary theory and criticism. He composed a considerable amount of poetry, of variable quality. He published other writings while he was living at the Gillman homes, notably the Lay Sermons of 1816 and 1817, Sibylline Leaves (1817), Hush (1820), Aids to Reflection (1825), and On the Constitution of the Church and State (1830).[42] He also produced essays published shortly after his death, such as Essay on Faith (1838)[43] and Confessions of an Inquiring Spirit (1840).[44] A number of his followers were central to the Oxford Movement, and his religious writings profoundly shaped Anglicanism in the mid-nineteenth century.[45]

Coleridge also worked extensively on the various manuscripts which form his Opus Maximum, a work which was in part intended as a post-Kantian work of philosophical synthesis.[46] The work was never published in his lifetime, and has frequently been seen as evidence for his tendency to conceive grand projects which he then had difficulty in carrying through to completion. But while he frequently berated himself for his "indolence", the long list of his published works calls this myth into question. Critics are divided on whether the Opus Maximum, first published in 2002, successfully resolved the philosophical issues he had been exploring for most of his adult life.[47]

Coleridge died in Highgate, London on 25 July 1834 as a result of heart failure compounded by an unknown lung disorder, possibly linked to his use of opium. Coleridge had spent 18 years under the roof of the Gillman family, who built an addition onto their home to accommodate the poet.[48]

Faith may be defined as fidelity to our own being, so far as such being is not and cannot become an object of the senses; and hence, by clear inference or implication to being generally, as far as the same is not the object of the senses; and again to whatever is affirmed or understood as the condition, or concomitant, or consequence of the same. This will be best explained by an instance or example. That I am conscious of something within me peremptorily commanding me to do unto others as I would they should do unto me; in other words a categorical (that is, primary and unconditional) imperative; that the maxim (regula maxima, or supreme rule) of my actions, both inward and outward, should be such as I could, without any contradiction arising therefrom, will to be the law of all moral and rational beings. Essay on Faith

Carlyle described him at Highgate: "Coleridge sat on the brow of Highgate Hill, in those years, looking down on London and its smoke-tumult, like a sage escaped from the inanity of life's battle...The practical intellects of the world did not much heed him, or carelessly reckoned him a metaphysical dreamer: but to the rising spirits of the young generation he had this dusky sublime character; and sat there as a kind of Magus, girt in mystery and enigma; his Dodona oak-grove (Mr. Gilman's house at Highgate) whispering strange things, uncertain whether oracles or jargon."[49]

Remains

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Coleridge's grave in St Michael's Church, Highgate, London

Coleridge is now buried in St Michael's Church, Highgate, London. He was originally buried at the Old Highgate Chapel, next to the main entrance of Highgate School. Coleridge could see the red door of the then new St Michael's Church from his last residence across the green, where he lived with a doctor he had hoped might cure him (in a house owned by Kate Moss until 2022).

When it was discovered Coleridge's vault had become derelict, the coffins – Coleridge's and those of his wife Sarah, daughter Sara Coleridge, son-in-law Henry Nelson Coleridge, and grandson Herbert Coleridge, were moved to St Michael's Highgate after an international fundraising appeal in 1961.[50][4][51]

A recent excavation revealed the coffins were not in the location most believed, the far corner of the crypt, but below a memorial slab in the nave inscribed with: "Beneath this stone lies the body of Samuel Taylor Coleridge".[4][52] St Michael's plans to restore the crypt and allow public access.[53]

Poetry

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Coleridge is one of the most important figures in English poetry. His poems directly and deeply influenced all the major poets of the age. He was known by his contemporaries as a meticulous craftsman who was more rigorous in his careful reworking of his poems than any other poet, and Southey and Wordsworth were dependent on his professional advice. His influence on Wordsworth is particularly important because many critics have credited Coleridge with the very idea of "Conversational Poetry". The idea of utilising common, everyday language to express profound poetic images and ideas for which Wordsworth became so famous may have originated almost entirely in Coleridge's mind. It is difficult to imagine Wordsworth's great poems, The Excursion or The Prelude, ever having been written without the direct influence of Coleridge's originality.

As important as Coleridge was to poetry as a poet, he was equally important to poetry as a critic. His philosophy of poetry, which he developed over many years, has been deeply influential in the field of literary criticism. This influence can be seen in such critics as A. O. Lovejoy and I. A. Richards.[54]

The Rime of the Ancient Mariner, Christabel, and "Kubla Khan"

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Coleridge draft of the poem "Kubla Khan"

Coleridge is arguably best known for his longer poems, particularly The Rime of the Ancient Mariner and Christabel. Even those who have never read the Rime have come under its influence: its words have given the English language the metaphor of an albatross around one's neck, the quotation of "water, water everywhere, nor any drop to drink" (almost always rendered as "but not a drop to drink"), and the phrase "a sadder and a wiser man" (usually rendered as "a sadder but wiser man"). The phrase "All creatures great and small" may have been inspired by The Rime: "He prayeth best, who loveth best;/ All things both great and small;/ For the dear God who loveth us;/ He made and loveth all." Millions more who have never read the poem nonetheless know its story thanks to the 1984 song "Rime of the Ancient Mariner" by the English heavy metal band Iron Maiden. Christabel is known for its musical rhythm, language, and its Gothic tale.[citation needed]

"Kubla Khan", although shorter, is also widely known. Both "Kubla Khan" and Christabel have an additional "Romantic" aura because they were never finished. Stopford Brooke characterised both poems as having no rival due to their "exquisite metrical movement" and "imaginative phrasing".[citation needed]

Conversation poems

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These eight poems are now often referred to as "Conversation poems". The term was coined in 1928 by George McLean Harper, who borrowed the subtitle of The Nightingale: A Conversation Poem to describe the seven other poems as well.[55][56] The poems are considered by many critics to be among Coleridge's finest verses; Harold Bloom wrote, "With Dejection, The Ancient Mariner, and "Kubla Khan", Frost at Midnight shows Coleridge at his most impressive."[57] They are also among his most influential poems, as discussed further below.

Harper considered that the eight poems represented a form of blank verse that is "...more fluent and easy than Milton's, or any that had been written since Milton".[58] In 2006, Robert Koelzer wrote about another aspect of this apparent "easiness", noting that Conversation poems such as "Coleridge's The Eolian Harp and The Nightingale maintain a middle register of speech, employing an idiomatic language that is capable of being construed as un-symbolic and un-musical: language that lets itself be taken as 'merely talk' rather than rapturous 'song'."[59]

A statue of the Ancient Mariner at Watchet Harbour, Somerset, England

The last ten lines of Frost at Midnight were chosen by Harper as the "best example of the peculiar kind of blank verse Coleridge had evolved, as natural-seeming as prose, but as exquisitely artistic as the most complicated sonnet."[60] The speaker of the poem is addressing his infant son, asleep by his side:

Therefore all seasons shall be sweet to thee,
Whether the summer clothe the general earth
With greenness, or the redbreast sit and sing
Betwixt the tufts of snow on the bare branch
Of mossy apple-tree, while the nigh thatch
Smokes in the sun-thaw; whether the eave-drops fall
Heard only in the trances of the blast,
Or if the secret ministry of frost
Shall hang them up in silent icicles,
Quietly shining to the quiet Moon.

In 1965, M. H. Abrams wrote a broad description that applies to the Conversation poems: "The speaker begins with a description of the landscape; an aspect or change of aspect in the landscape evokes a varied by integral process of memory, thought, anticipation, and feeling which remains closely intervolved with the outer scene. In the course of this meditation the lyric speaker achieves an insight, faces up to a tragic loss, comes to a moral decision, or resolves an emotional problem. Often the poem rounds itself to end where it began, at the outer scene, but with an altered mood and deepened understanding which is the result of the intervening meditation."[61] In fact, Abrams was describing both the Conversation poems and later poems influenced by them. Abrams' essay has been called a "touchstone of literary criticism".[62] As Paul Magnuson described it in 2002, "Abrams credited Coleridge with originating what Abrams called the 'greater Romantic lyric', a genre that began with Coleridge's 'Conversation' poems, and included Wordsworth's "Lines Written a Few Miles above Tintern Abbey", Shelley's "Stanzas Written in Dejection" and Keats's "Ode to a Nightingale", and was a major influence on more modern lyrics by Matthew Arnold, Walt Whitman, Wallace Stevens, and W. H. Auden."[56]

Literary criticism

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Biographia Literaria

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In addition to his poetry, Coleridge also wrote influential pieces of literary criticism including Biographia Literaria, a collection of his thoughts and opinions on literature which he published in 1817. The work delivered both biographical explanations of the author's life as well as his impressions on literature. The collection also contained an analysis of a broad range of philosophical principles of literature ranging from Aristotle to Immanuel Kant and Schelling and applied them to the poetry of peers such as William Wordsworth.[63][64] Coleridge's explanation of metaphysical principles were popular topics of discourse in academic communities throughout the 19th and 20th centuries, and T.S. Eliot stated that he believed that Coleridge was "perhaps the greatest of English critics, and in a sense the last." Eliot suggests that Coleridge displayed "natural abilities" far greater than his contemporaries, dissecting literature and applying philosophical principles of metaphysics in a way that brought the subject of his criticisms away from the text and into a world of logical analysis that mixed logical analysis and emotion. However, Eliot also criticises Coleridge for allowing his emotion to play a role in the metaphysical process, believing that critics should not have emotions that are provoked by the work being studied.[65] Hugh Kenner in Historical Fictions, discusses Norman Fruman's Coleridge, the Damaged Archangel and suggests that the term "criticism" is too often applied to Biographia Literaria, which both he and Fruman describe as having failed to explain or help the reader understand works of art. To Kenner, Coleridge's attempt to discuss complex philosophical concepts without describing the rational process behind them displays a lack of critical thinking that makes the volume more of a biography than a work of criticism.[66]

In Biographia Literaria and his poetry, symbols are not merely "objective correlatives" to Coleridge, but instruments for making the universe and personal experience intelligible and spiritually covalent. To Coleridge, the "cinque spotted spider," making its way upstream "by fits and starts," [Biographia Literaria] is not merely a comment on the intermittent nature of creativity, imagination, or spiritual progress, but the journey and destination of his life. The spider's five legs represent the central problem that Coleridge lived to resolve, the conflict between Aristotelian logic and Christian philosophy. Two legs of the spider represent the "me-not me" of thesis and antithesis, the idea that a thing cannot be itself and its opposite simultaneously, the basis of the clockwork Newtonian world view that Coleridge rejected. The remaining three legs—exothesis, mesothesis and synthesis or the Holy trinity—represent the idea that things can diverge without being contradictory. Taken together, the five legs—with synthesis in the center, form the Holy Cross of Ramist logic. The cinque-spotted spider is Coleridge's emblem of holism, the quest and substance of Coleridge's thought and spiritual life.

Coleridge and the influence of the Gothic

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Engraving of a scene from The Rime of the Ancient Mariner. The frozen crew and the albatross by Gustave Doré (1876)

Coleridge wrote reviews of Ann Radcliffe's books and The Mad Monk, among others. He comments in his reviews: "Situations of torment, and images of naked horror, are easily conceived; and a writer in whose works they abound, deserves our gratitude almost equally with him who should drag us by way of sport through a military hospital, or force us to sit at the dissecting-table of a natural philosopher. To trace the nice boundaries, beyond which terror and sympathy are deserted by the pleasurable emotions, – to reach those limits, yet never to pass them, hic labor, hic opus est." and "The horrible and the preternatural have usually seized on the popular taste, at the rise and decline of literature. Most powerful stimulants, they can never be required except by the torpor of an unawakened, or the languor of an exhausted, appetite...We trust, however, that satiety will banish what good sense should have prevented; and that, wearied with fiends, incomprehensible characters, with shrieks, murders, and subterraneous dungeons, the public will learn, by the multitude of the manufacturers, with how little expense of thought or imagination this species of composition is manufactured."

However, Coleridge used these elements in poems such as The Rime of the Ancient Mariner (1798), Christabel and Kubla Khan (published in 1816, but known in manuscript form before then) and certainly influenced other poets and writers of the time. Poems like these both drew inspiration from and helped to inflame the craze for Gothic romance. Coleridge also made considerable use of Gothic elements in his commercially successful play Remorse.[67]

Mary Shelley, who knew Coleridge well, mentions The Rime of the Ancient Mariner twice directly in Frankenstein, and some of the descriptions in the novel echo it indirectly. Although William Godwin, her father, disagreed with Coleridge on some important issues, he respected his opinions and Coleridge often visited the Godwins.[citation needed] Mary Shelley later recalled hiding behind the sofa and hearing his voice chanting The Rime of the Ancient Mariner.[68]

C. S. Lewis also makes mention of his name in The Screwtape Letters (as a poor example of prayer, in which the devils should encourage).

Religious beliefs

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His father was an Anglican vicar; although Coleridge worked as a Unitarian preacher from 1796 to 1797, he eventually returned to the Church of England in 1814. His most noteworthy writings on religion are Lay Sermons (1817), Aids to Reflection (1825) and The Constitution of Church and State (1830).[69]

Theological legacy

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Despite being mostly remembered today for his poetry and literary criticism, Coleridge was also a theologian. His writings include discussions of the status of scripture, the doctrines of the Fall, justification and sanctification, and the personality and infinity of God. A major figure in the Anglican theology of his day, his writings are still regularly referred to by contemporary Anglican theologians. F. D. Maurice, F. J. A. Hort, F. W. Robertson, B. F. Westcott, John Oman and Thomas Erskine (once called the "Scottish Coleridge") were all influenced by him.[69]

Political thinking

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Coleridge was also a political thinker. Early in life he was a political radical, and an enthusiast for the French Revolution. However, he subsequently developed a more conservative view of society, somewhat in the manner of Edmund Burke.[70] He was critical of the French Constitution of 1799, adopted following the Coup of 18 Brumaire, which he regarded as oligarchic.[71]

Although seen as cowardly treachery by the next generation of Romantic poets,[72] Coleridge's later thought became a fruitful source for the evolving radicalism of J. S. Mill.[73] Mill found three aspects of Coleridge's thought especially illuminating:

  1. First, there was Coleridge's insistence on what he called "the Idea" behind an institution – its social function, in later terminology – as opposed to the possible flaws in its actual implementation.[74] Coleridge sought to understand meaning from within a social matrix, not outside it, using an imaginative reconstruction of the past (Verstehen) or of unfamiliar systems.[75]
  2. Secondly, Coleridge explored the necessary conditions for social stability – what he termed Permanence, in counterbalance to Progress, in a polity[76] – stressing the importance of a shared public sense of community, and national education.[77]
  3. Coleridge also usefully employed the organic metaphor of natural growth to shed light on the historical development of British history, as exemplified in the common law tradition – working his way thereby towards a sociology of jurisprudence.[78]

Coleridge also rejected the ideas of Adam Smith and Thomas Malthus.[79]

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Collected works

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The current standard edition is The Collected Works of Samuel Taylor Coleridge, edited by Kathleen Coburn and many others from 1969 to 2002. This collection appeared across 16 volumes as Bollingen Series 75, published variously by Princeton University Press and Routledge & Kegan Paul.[82] The set is broken down as follows into further parts, resulting in a total of 34 separate printed volumes:

  1. Lectures 1795 on Politics and Religion (1971);
  2. The Watchman (1970);
  3. Essays on his Times in the Morning Post and the Courier (1978) in 3 vols;
  4. The Friend (1969) in 2 vols;
  5. Lectures, 1808–1819, on Literature (1987) in 2 vols;
  6. Lay Sermons (1972);
  7. Biographia Literaria (1983) in 2 vols;
  8. Lectures 1818–1819 on the History of Philosophy (2000) in 2 vols;
  9. Aids to Reflection (1993);
  10. On the Constitution of the Church and State (1976);
  11. Shorter Works and Fragments (1995) in 2 vols;
  12. Marginalia (1980 and following) in 6 vols;
  13. Logic (1981);
  14. Table Talk (1990) in 2 vols;
  15. Opus Maximum (2002);
  16. Poetical Works (2001) in 6 vols (part 1 – Reading Edition in 2 vols; part 2 – Variorum Text in 2 vols; part 3 – Plays in 2 vols).

In addition, Coleridge's letters are available in: The Collected Letters of Samuel Taylor Coleridge (1956–71), ed. Earl Leslie Griggs, 6 vols. (Oxford: Clarendon Press).

See also

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References

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Further reading

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia

Samuel Taylor Coleridge (21 October 1772 – 25 July 1834) was an English poet, literary critic, philosopher, and theologian who co-initiated the Romantic movement in English poetry through his collaboration with William Wordsworth on Lyrical Ballads (1798).
His most celebrated poems, such as "The Rime of the Ancient Mariner", "Kubla Khan", and "Christabel", feature supernatural narratives, vivid imagery, and explorations of guilt, imagination, and the sublime, establishing benchmarks for Romantic expression.
In prose, Coleridge's Biographia Literaria (1817) articulated distinctions between fancy and imagination, promoting an organic theory of poetry that profoundly shaped literary criticism, while his engagement with German idealists like Kant and Schelling introduced transcendental philosophy to Britain.
Despite these achievements, Coleridge's career was overshadowed by opium addiction, initially sought for pain relief but escalating into dependency that fueled hallucinatory creativity yet eroded his health, output, and relationships, culminating in lifelong residence under medical supervision from 1816.
Accusations of unacknowledged borrowings in works like Biographia Literaria further complicated his legacy, raising questions about intellectual integrity amid his philosophical defenses of originality.

Early Life and Education

Family Background and Childhood Influences

Samuel Taylor Coleridge was born on 21 October 1772 in the rural village of , England, as the tenth and youngest child of Reverend John Coleridge and his second wife, Ann Bowden Coleridge. The family resided in the vicarage adjacent to the , where John Coleridge served as vicar and headmaster of the local , fostering an atmosphere of intellectual and religious rigor amid modest circumstances. Ann Bowden, from a farming background, managed the household for their ten children, though the family's resources were stretched by the size of the brood and John's clerical salary. John Coleridge (1718–1781), a self-taught proficient in , Latin, Greek, Hebrew, and Syriac, exerted a formative influence on through evening family readings of the and classical texts, instilling a reverence for learning and imaginative interpretation of scripture that shaped the boy's early . later described his as an ideal figure of paternal , whose lectures and sermons emphasized moral philosophy and , contrasting with the more austere domestic discipline under his mother's oversight. This paternal legacy, rooted in Anglican orthodoxy, provided Coleridge's initial exposure to metaphysical inquiry, though the rural isolation of also encouraged solitary wanderings in the Exe Valley, blending familial piety with sensory engagement with nature. The sudden death of John Coleridge on 19 October 1781, when Samuel was eight years old, disrupted this environment, plunging the family into financial hardship as Ann struggled to support the remaining children without her husband's income. In the ensuing years, Samuel experienced a of abandonment, exacerbated by his temporary placement with a maternal uncle in before boarding school, fostering a lifelong for the lost paternal amid emerging feelings of familial detachment. These early losses and contrasts—scholarly inspiration versus material precarity—contributed to Coleridge's mature reflections on as a compensatory faculty against childhood's disruptions.

Schooling at Christ's Hospital and Early Reading

Coleridge entered , a charitable in founded by King Edward VI in 1552 for the education of poor and orphaned children, on July 18, 1782, approximately one year after his father's death in 1781. At age nine, he joined the ranks of the "blue-coat boys," undergoing a rigorous regimen that included religious services, classical studies in Latin and Greek, and communal living in the school's Newgate Street premises. The institution's emphasis on piety and discipline shaped his early environment, with daily prayers and a rooted in the and scriptural texts. During his nearly decade-long tenure from 1782 to 1791, Coleridge demonstrated exceptional aptitude in , rising through the school's to become a "Grecian"—the designation for its top classical scholars—in 1788. This elite group prepared for university by delving into ancient authors such as , , and , fostering Coleridge's command of languages and rhetoric. He formed a lasting friendship with fellow pupil , who later chronicled the school's austere yet intellectually stimulating atmosphere in essays praising its communal ethos despite corporal punishments and spartan conditions. Coleridge's time at ignited a voracious reading habit, surrounded by the school's and his own instinctive drive toward imaginative . He immersed himself in the , fairy tales, and select classical works accessible within the curriculum, which nourished his precocious intellect and visionary tendencies from . This early exposure to depth and —evident in his 1789 composition of "Anthem for the Children of ," a verse extolling charity—influenced his later poetic sensibilities, though the school's formal studies prioritized rote mastery over unfettered exploration. By his departure in September 1791, these foundations had honed his analytical mind, setting the stage for university pursuits.

Time at Cambridge University

Coleridge matriculated as a at , in October 1791, entering with the initial aim of preparing for ordination in the . During his first year, he immersed himself in classical studies and university debates, producing occasional poetry that showcased rhetorical flair influenced by contemporary models. In 1792, he won the university's Browne Gold Medal for a Greek Sapphic ode condemning the Atlantic slave trade, demonstrating his early command of ancient forms and engagement with moral issues. This success, awarded at the end of his first academic year, highlighted his scholarly promise amid a period of intense reading in philosophy and literature. His second year began in November 1792, marked by continued academic involvement but growing personal disquiet, including unrequited affections and financial strains from accumulating debts. Coleridge's intellectual pursuits shifted toward radical ideas, influenced by the , leading him to question orthodox Anglicanism and explore , though he did not formally abandon his clerical aspirations at this stage. Despite another attempt at the Browne Medal in 1793, he did not secure it, as the prize went to other competitors. By December 1793, mounting debts and emotional turmoil prompted Coleridge to abruptly leave without completing his degree; on 2 December, he enlisted in the 15th (King's) under the Silas Tomkyn Comberbache, a name possibly derived from fragmented elements of his identity and family references. His brothers intervened to secure his discharge in 1794, allowing a brief return to the university, but he departed permanently without graduating, citing disillusionment with institutional constraints. This episode underscored the instability of his Cambridge years, characterized by intellectual brilliance overshadowed by personal and financial imprudence.

Radical Period and Ideological Experiments

Formation of Jacobin Sympathies and

During his matriculation at , in October 1791, Coleridge encountered radical political ideas through English and debates inspired by the , fostering sympathies with Jacobin principles of and . These views positioned him against William Pitt's repressive policies, including the suspension of and suppression of dissent, while aligning him with early revolutionary ideals before widespread disillusionment with the . His engagement intensified in 1793 when he publicly defended William Frend, a fellow student and Unitarian tutor expelled from the university for a advocating with and criticizing Anglican ; Coleridge's support reflected his emerging critique of monarchical authority and enthusiasm for democratic experimentation. Coleridge's Jacobin leanings, characteristic of English radicals who admired the Revolution's initial , manifested in his opposition to the slave trade and advocacy for free speech amid government crackdowns on assemblies. By late 1793, mounting debts led him to enlist pseudonymously in the 15th on December 2, an ironic act for a radical fleeing creditors rather than ideological commitment, from which his brothers secured his release after four months. He briefly returned to but departed without a degree in December 1794, carrying forward these sympathies into his post-university life in , where radical networks amplified his political rhetoric. Parallel to his political radicalism, Coleridge's adoption of emerged from influences like Frend and chemist-theologian , whose materialist psychology and rejection of Trinitarian doctrine appealed to his rationalist leanings. By , after relocating to , he fully embraced Unitarian dissent, viewing it as compatible with progressive politics; he delivered lectures and to Unitarian congregations starting in , preaching in at least six locations through 1798. In a surviving 1796 to Nottingham Unitarians, Coleridge portrayed as a human moral reformer emphasizing love and over divinity, intertwining religious with anti-war that drew government surveillance. This phase marked as a vehicle for his Jacobin-inspired critique of established religion and state power, prioritizing reason and benevolence amid Britain's reactionary climate.

The Pantisocracy Project and Its Collapse

In June 1794, Samuel Taylor Coleridge met Robert Southey in Bristol, where the two young radicals, both in their early twenties and influenced by the French Revolution's ideals of liberty and equality, conceived the Pantisocracy scheme—a utopian community governed by "as many as possible" (the etymological root of the term). The plan envisioned twelve families pooling resources to purchase land, abolishing private property, and sustaining themselves through communal manual labor such as farming and crafting, with decisions made democratically to foster moral and intellectual improvement. Southey later recalled that the core idea predated Coleridge's involvement, originating from discussions with his Oxford friend George Burnett, but Coleridge's enthusiasm rapidly shaped it into a transatlantic venture. The proposed site was the banks of the in , selected partly from optimistic accounts in American travel literature and Joseph Priestley's writings, which portrayed the region as fertile and sparsely settled, ideal for self-sufficient agrarian life without aristocratic oppression. To finance the emigration, each male participant was expected to contribute £125 toward land acquisition and passage, with Coleridge delivering public lectures in on radical topics to attract subscribers and recruits; these included Southey's fiancée Fricker, Coleridge's fiancée Sara Fricker (sister to Edith), poet Robert Lovell, and Burnett. A prospectus circulated in late outlined the commune's principles, emphasizing in labor—women to handle domestic tasks alongside men—and rejection of luxury, drawing from Rousseauvian naturalism and Unitarian ethics. By November 1794, fissures emerged as practical hurdles mounted: fundraising stalled amid Britain's economic strains and war with , which inflated emigration costs, while misleading promotional literature from America underestimated the rigors of labor, including clearing and contending with . Ideological rifts deepened when Southey, more pragmatic, advocated purchasing land to secure tenure—contradicting the no-property ethos—leading to debates over whether to relocate the scheme to or instead. Coleridge's impulsive enlistment in the 15th Dragoons that December, amid personal despair, further disrupted momentum, though he was quickly extracted by family intervention. The project collapsed definitively by mid-1795, with Southey renouncing the American plan due to its infeasibility and shifting focus to domestic studies by 1796, while Coleridge married Sara Fricker on 4 October 1795 despite the failure, relocating to for a brief, debt-ridden "mini-pantisocracy" attempt. Retrospective analyses attribute the demise to over-idealized assumptions about human cooperation and physical toil—Coleridge later admitted in an 1803 letter that would have devolved into factionalism—compounded by the duo's inexperience and external pressures like British anti-Jacobin sentiment. The episode marked an early lesson in the chasm between radical theory and causal realities of , influencing Coleridge's subsequent pivot toward literary and philosophical pursuits.

Marriage to Sara Fricker and Early Financial Struggles

Samuel Taylor Coleridge married Sara Fricker on 4 October 1795 at Church in . The union formed part of the scheme devised with , wherein Coleridge paired with Fricker, Southey's fiancée's sister, to establish a communal settlement emphasizing equality and agrarian labor. Fricker, born in 1770, had met Coleridge through her family connections in , and the aligned with the idealistic plans for transatlantic relocation that ultimately collapsed due to insufficient funding and logistical challenges. Following the wedding, the couple relocated to a rented cottage in , , intending a simple, self-sustaining existence reminiscent of their utopian aspirations. However, the damp conditions proved unhealthy, and the costs exceeded their limited means, prompting a return to after approximately six weeks. Coleridge's income derived sporadically from , public lectures on and , and minor poetic publications, but these yielded insufficient stability to support a household amid the Pantisocracy's failure. Persistent debts from Coleridge's Cambridge years, previously covered by family, compounded early marital pressures, as he lacked a degree or steady . In September 1796, their first child, Hartley, was born, increasing financial demands while Sara managed domestic responsibilities amid precarious circumstances. By December 1796, the family moved to a low-rent in Nether Stowey, , where local supporter Thomas Poole provided occasional aid, yet overall earnings remained inadequate for consistent support. Sara's frugality sustained the household on the brink of during these years, as Coleridge's pursuits prioritized intellectual and literary endeavors over reliable employment.

Literary Collaboration and Peak Creativity

Friendship with Wordsworth and Lyrical Ballads

In 1795, Coleridge met in , marking the beginning of what would become one of the most influential literary partnerships in English history. Their initial acquaintance, facilitated by mutual contacts in radical intellectual circles, laid the groundwork for deeper collaboration, though the friendship intensified later. The relationship solidified in July 1797, when Coleridge visited Wordsworth and his sister Dorothy at Racedown Lodge in Dorset, engaging in extended discussions on , , and the role of . Impressed by Coleridge's eloquence, Wordsworth soon relocated with Dorothy to Alfoxden House, approximately three miles from Coleridge's home in Nether Stowey, , in the summer of 1797. This proximity enabled frequent walks across the , where the poets exchanged ideas, critiqued each other's work, and composed verses amid the natural landscape, fostering a symbiotic creative environment. Coleridge's metaphysical depth complemented Wordsworth's focus on ordinary experience, while both rejected the artificiality of neoclassical conventions in favor of authentic emotion and observation. Out of these interactions emerged the plan for , conceived as an experiment to renew poetry by drawing on incidents from common life, employing the plain language of rural folk to stir profound feelings. Wordsworth handled poems grounded in everyday rustic scenes to illustrate moral and emotional truths, while Coleridge undertook those involving the or fantastic to evoke wonder and secondary imagination. The collection, comprising twenty-three poems, was published anonymously in October 1798 by Bristol printer Joseph Cottle for London bookseller Joseph Arch, with an initial print run of around 500 copies that sold slowly at first. Wordsworth contributed nineteen poems, including "Lines Written a Few Miles above " and ""; Coleridge provided four: "The Rime of the Ancyent Marinere" (the volume's opening piece, a of supernatural retribution at sea), "The Foster-Mother's Narration" (an excerpt from his play Osorio), "The Nightingale: A Conversation Poem," and "The Dungeon." This joint venture, devoid of a formal in its 1798 edition, challenged prevailing poetic norms by prioritizing spontaneity, nature's influence on the mind, and the democratized voice over ornate diction or elevated subjects. Coleridge later reflected in (1817) that the collaboration stemmed from a deliberate division of poetic labor, though he noted Wordsworth's evolving theories sometimes diverged from their original intent. achieved modest contemporary reception but retrospectively signaled the dawn of , emphasizing individual sensibility and the sublime in the ordinary. The friendship's creative peak during this phase propelled both poets' reputations, though underlying tensions in their aesthetic visions foreshadowed later divergences.

Composition of Major Poems: The Rime of the Ancient Mariner, Christabel, and

The composition of The Rime of the Ancient Mariner took place between the autumn of 1797 and the spring of 1798, amid Samuel Taylor Coleridge's close collaboration with at Alfoxden House in . This period marked intensive literary partnership for the volume , where Coleridge agreed to compose poems evoking the supernatural through "persons and characters supernatural, or at least romantic," informed by "fitting shadows of " and wide reading, contrasting Wordsworth's focus on ordinary life elevated by . The poem drew from diverse influences, including accounts of exploratory voyages like James Cook's, medieval and , and contemporary Gothic elements, though Coleridge emphasized original invention over direct imitation. Completed in form with archaic to evoke antiquity, it opened the 1798 first edition of , anonymously published in on October 4, 1798, though initial critical reception questioned its archaic style and moral ambiguity. Coleridge initiated Christabel concurrently with The Rime of the Ancient Mariner, drafting the first part—comprising 337 lines—in 1797 during his residence in Nether Stowey, . Envisioned as a Gothic-inflected tale of innocence corrupted by a serpentine female figure, it employed irregular meter and rhyme to mimic , reflecting Coleridge's experiments in blending form with psychological depth. By 1800, he added a second part for potential inclusion in the expanded second edition of , but withheld it due to incomplete revisions and concerns over its metrical novelty, which he later described as derived from "the hesitating rhythms of a person's voice under strong feelings." The poem remained unfinished despite plans for additional parts, with Coleridge citing dependency and creative blocks as factors in its abandonment; it was finally published in 1816, prompted by Lord Byron's advocacy after hearing excerpts recited by . Kubla Khan; or, A Vision in a Dream originated in an opium-induced reverie in the autumn of , while Coleridge recuperated from at a near , , after reading Samuel Purchas's Purchas His Pilgrimage (1625), which described the Mongolian emperor's Xanadu palace. He claimed the central 54-line fragment—evoking a visionary landscape of creation and destruction—unfolded in his mind as coherent lines during the dream, which he transcribed upon waking, estimating 200 to 300 lines before an interruption by "a " disrupted recall, rendering the rest irrecoverable. This account, detailed in the 1816 preface, underscores Coleridge's interest in the subconscious as a source of poetic genius, though scholars note the poem's structural echoes of Miltonic sublime and Orientalist travelogues, suggesting deliberate craft over pure transcription. Withheld from publication for nearly two decades due to self-doubt and incomplete state, it appeared in 1816 bundled with Christabel, where its fragmentary nature symbolized the fragility of inspiration amid personal afflictions like escalating use.

Conversation Poems and Nature's Moral Lessons

Coleridge's conversation poems, composed primarily between 1795 and 1802, represent a meditative lyric form in which a speaker addresses an intimate companion—often a friend or family member—while immersed in a natural setting, progressing from sensory observation to philosophical or moral introspection. These works, including "The Eolian Harp" (1795), "This Lime-Tree Bower my Prison" (1797), and "Frost at Midnight" (1798), typically begin with a specific scene of repose amid rural tranquility, employing blank verse to mimic the organic flow of thought and dialogue. Nature serves not merely as backdrop but as an active moral instructor, revealing principles of unity, sympathy, and divine order through harmonious imagery and symbolic processes like wind or frost formation. In "The Eolian Harp," the speaker, reclining with his fiancée Sara Fricker beside their cottage, contemplates the wind-harped instrument as emblematic of a "one Life" animating all creation, suggesting nature's lesson in pantheistic interconnectedness where "the stilly murmur of the distant " and vegetable vitality evince a "plastic" divine intellect. This reverie yields a moral caution against speculative overreach, as the speaker defers to orthodox faith upon Sara's reproof, affirming nature's role in tempering imagination toward ethical humility and relational piety. The poem's structure enacts this lesson: initial ecstasy in natural flux resolves into moral restraint, prioritizing domestic virtue over abstract unity. "This Lime-Tree Bower my Prison," written after a lime-kiln accident temporarily blinded Coleridge, transforms enforced isolation into a moral exercise in empathetic expansion, as the speaker mentally accompanies friends Charles Lamb and William Wordsworth on a countryside ramble. Through vivid evocations of mossy streams, walnut leaves, and choughs wheeling above ocean cliffs, nature imparts the lesson of sympathetic imagination, enabling transcendence of physical limits to share others' joys and recognize inherent beauty in the overlooked—here, the bower itself becomes a site of "rich attire" revealing moral contentment amid constraint. This reflective pivot underscores nature's didactic power to foster resilience and communal harmony, countering initial resentment with grateful acceptance. "" exemplifies 's moral in a paternal context, with the speaker, alone by a cottage fire on a wintry night in 1798, observing frost films on windowpanes as harbingers of gentle, continuous for his infant son Hartley. Contrasting his own urban schooling—marked by rote "loud clock" recitals and mechanical piety—with visions of Hartley's future communion with "the lovely shapes and sounds intelligible" of brooks, clouds, and sea birds, the poem posits as an unfettered moral tutor instilling wonder, freedom, and intuitive faith over institutionalized discipline. This aspiration reflects Coleridge's evolving Unitarian-influenced view of creation as a living text for ethical formation, where natural processes like frost secretion symbolize divine ministry fostering self-reliant virtue. Across these poems, nature's moral lessons emphasize causal links between and inner transformation: sensory prompts unity with the divine order, isolation yields sympathetic growth, and rhythmic natural phenomena model organic learning against rigid convention. Coleridge's depictions prioritize empirical attunement—wind's , bower's textures, frost's secrecy—as pathways to truths of interdependence and restraint, though later revisions, such as in "Dejection: An Ode" (1802), reveal tensions with personal despondency undermining sustained insight. This form influenced Wordsworth's meditative style, yet Coleridge's versions retain a distinctive , grounding Romantic idealization in accountable reflection.

Development of Literary Criticism

Biographia Literaria: Theory of Imagination versus Fancy

In Biographia Literaria (1817), Samuel Taylor Coleridge delineates his theory of imagination in Chapter XIII, titled "On the Imagination, or Esemplastic Power," positing it as a vital, unifying faculty essential to poetic creation, in opposition to the mechanistic operations of associationist psychology prevalent in empiricist thought. Coleridge critiques the reductive view of mind as mere passive reception and mechanical association, as advanced by thinkers like David Hartley, arguing instead for an active, creative power that shapes perception and art. He introduces the term "esemplastic," derived from the Greek esemplastikos meaning "shaping into one," to describe imagination's capacity to mold disparate elements into organic wholes, a process he deems fundamental to both human cognition and artistic genius. Coleridge bifurcates into primary and secondary forms to underscore its hierarchical operation. The primary imagination he defines as "the living Power and prime Agent of all human , and as a repetition in the finite mind of the eternal in the infinite I AM," an involuntary, universal faculty that enables basic sensory apprehension and posits the external world as coherent amid flux. In contrast, the secondary imagination "co-exists with the conscious will," mirroring the primary in essence but elevated in degree and mode: it "dissolves, diffuses, dissipates, in order to re-create," actively idealizing and unifying sensory data into novel forms, as manifested in the poet's transformative vision. This secondary power, Coleridge asserts, distinguishes genuine from mere description, fostering a reconciliation of opposites—such as the finite and infinite—through vital synthesis rather than superficial linkage. Opposed to both is fancy, which Coleridge portrays as a derivative, aggregative mode akin to "a mode of emancipated from the order of time and space," playfully rearranging fixed images without true fusion or vitalization. Fancy operates mechanically, "aggregat[ing] images" through loose associations while preserving their discrete identities, yielding decorative or whimsical effects but lacking the organic depth of ; he illustrates this via contrasts in Shakespeare's Venus and Adonis, where fancy juxtaposes elements episodically, unlike 's cohesive molding. This distinction elevates as an act of secondary , capable of revealing underlying realities and moral truths, influencing subsequent Romantic by prioritizing creative autonomy over empirical fragmentation. Coleridge's formulation, while echoing Kantian productive and Schelling's intellectual intuition, innovates by applying it specifically to literary , emphasizing 's role in embodying divine creativity within human limits.

Engagement with Shakespeare, Wordsworth, and German Idealism

Coleridge delivered a series of lectures on Shakespeare between 1811 and 1819, including the 1811–12 series on Shakespeare and Milton at the London Philosophical and the 1818–19 lectures focused solely on Shakespeare, emphasizing the dramatist's psychological depth and organic unity of form and content. In these, he praised Shakespeare's characters as embodiments of universal human motives, such as Hamlet's paralysis stemming from an excess of intellect over will, contrasting it with a mere structure. Coleridge argued that Shakespeare's genius lay in intuitive judgment rather than rule-bound imitation, viewing plays like as exemplars of imaginative power where plot, character, and language fuse into a living whole, superior to neoclassical constraints. In (1817), Coleridge engaged deeply with Wordsworth's poetic theory from the 1800 Preface to , endorsing the core idea of as "the spontaneous overflow of powerful feelings" recollected in tranquility but critiquing its overreliance on rustic life and "the real language of men" as insufficient for expressing profound passions or abstract truths. He contended that Wordsworth's , while effective for his own meditative style, risked prosaic limitation when generalized, as demands a selective elevation of language to match the 's transformative role, a point he illustrated by distinguishing Wordsworth's successful rustic poems from their theoretical absolutism in chapters 14 and 17. Despite the critique, Coleridge affirmed Wordsworth's practice as a pinnacle of imaginative insight, crediting their 1798 collaboration on for mutual elevation, though he positioned his own "esemplastic" (shaping) as broader than Wordsworth's focus on nature's moral influence. Coleridge's encounter with , particularly during his 1798–99 German sojourn and subsequent readings, profoundly shaped his critical framework, drawing on Immanuel Kant's for the mind's active role in and Friedrich Schelling's *System of (1800) for the notion of artistic genius as unconscious revelation of the absolute. In , he adapted these to define primary imagination as the living power of (echoing Kant's synthesis) and secondary imagination as artistic recreation, applying it to Shakespeare as a poet-seer who intuitively grasps the ideal in , unlike mechanical fancy. For Wordsworth, this Idealist lens highlighted strengths in organic unity but exposed theory's empirical bias against metaphysical depth, positioning Coleridge's criticism as a synthesis privileging dynamic reason over mere sensation.

Accusations of Plagiarism from Schelling and Others

Coleridge's (1817), particularly Chapter 12, contains extended passages on the philosophy of that reproduce ideas and phrasing from Friedrich Wilhelm Joseph Schelling's System des transcendentalen Idealismus (1800) and Philosophische Untersuchungen über das Wesen der menschlichen Freiheit (1809) without acknowledgment or . For instance, Coleridge's distinction between primary and secondary echoes Schelling's concepts of intellectual and productive , with verbal parallels such as Schelling's description of the as "the pure I am" mirrored in Coleridge's formulation of the soul as an "act of -will." These borrowings extended to structural elements, where Coleridge adapted Schelling's transcendental arguments for subjectivity into his critique of associationist , comprising up to 20-30% of the chapter's content in translated form. Schelling himself never leveled a direct accusation against Coleridge, who had encountered his works through English intermediaries like anonymous translations and discussions in journals during Coleridge's 1811-1812 immersion in German idealism; Schelling died in 1854, two decades after Coleridge, without referencing the issue in his writings. Posthumous scrutiny began in 1834, when an unsigned article in Blackwood's Edinburgh Magazine identified verbatim lifts from Schelling in Biographia Literaria, arguing that Coleridge's defenses of originality—claiming ideas as "common property" or coincidental convergence—failed to excuse the absence of attribution amid his professed familiarity with the sources. The controversy intensified in 1840 with James Frederick Ferrier's essay "The Plagiarisms of S. T. Coleridge" in Blackwood's, which systematically compared texts and accused Coleridge of appropriating Schelling's core doctrines on , , and the absolute, presenting them as insights while preemptively dismissing parallels as universal truths accessible via independent reason. Ferrier contended that Coleridge's method of "assimilation" masked deliberate uncredited translation, especially given Coleridge's notebooks documenting direct engagements with Schelling's German originals. , a contemporary acquaintance, similarly charged Coleridge with "bare-faced " upon the Biographia's release, highlighting failures to cite Schelling despite Coleridge's public lectures crediting German influences broadly but not specifically. Accusations extended beyond Schelling to other German idealists, including unacknowledged derivations from on and in The Statesman's Manual (1816), and from on the ego's productive activity, though Schelling's case dominated due to the scale of textual overlap. Defenders, such as Julius Charles in 1840, argued that De Quincey's comparisons were imprecise and that Romantic-era practices tolerated idea-sharing without rigid footnotes, emphasizing Coleridge's transformative application over mechanical copying; 's analysis, based on re-examining originals, found some alleged parallels overstated. Later , including Norman Fruman's 1971 collation of and drafts, substantiated extensive uncredited use of German texts across Coleridge's oeuvre, attributing it to psychological factors like dependency and intellectual dependency rather than mere opportunism, though affirming ethical lapses by contemporary standards. These charges have persisted in , underscoring tensions between Coleridge's claims of organic genius and of derivativeness.

Opium Addiction and Personal Decline

Origins in Medical Use and Escalation to Dependency

Coleridge initially turned to , administered as —a tincture of opium dissolved in alcohol—for the treatment of chronic physical ailments, including , , and gastrointestinal disorders, which plagued him from the onward. These conditions were common in the era and often managed with opiates, as pharmacological alternatives were limited, with laudanum widely prescribed for pain relief and as a without recognition of its addictive potential. Historical records, including Coleridge's correspondence, indicate that his first documented reliance on the substance followed illnesses in the mid-1790s, such as a severe bout of that left him debilitated and seeking relief from acute discomfort. The transition from therapeutic use to dependency stemmed from opium's dual effects: while it mitigated physical , it also induced and imaginative stimulation, prompting Coleridge to exceed prescribed doses. By the late 1790s, habitual intake had begun, with Coleridge noting in letters the drug's capacity to alleviate not only bodily pain but also anxiety and , though he later acknowledged its insidious hold. This escalation aligned with the pharmacological reality of opium's tolerance-building properties, where repeated exposure necessitates higher quantities to achieve the same relief or pleasure, a mechanism unobserved or underappreciated in contemporary medical practice. By the early 1800s, Coleridge's consumption had intensified dramatically, reaching pints of daily, far beyond any medical justification and marking full dependency that persisted lifelong despite intermittent attempts at . Letters and biographical accounts from the period reveal a pattern of withdrawal symptoms—intense , restlessness, and psychological torment—driving renewed use, underscoring the causal chain from initial palliation to compulsive without external enablers like social or recreational contexts predominating. This progression, while not unique to Coleridge, highlighted the era's naive therapeutic optimism toward opiates, where empirical outcomes of were evident but systematically downplayed in .

Impact on Productivity, Family Relations, and Mental Health

Coleridge's dependency, which escalated from medicinal use for rheumatic pains and gastrointestinal issues starting in the mid-1790s, severely curtailed his literary after the initial burst of around 1797–1800. Periods of intense composition gave way to prolonged inertia, with major projects like the completion of Christabel abandoned after and Zapolya left fragmentary despite promises to publishers, as the drug induced lethargy and impaired sustained focus. By the , his output shifted toward fragmentary notes, lectures, and theological works, often dictated rather than written, reflecting diminished capacity for original poetic invention. The addiction strained family relations, particularly his marriage to Sara Fricker, wed in 1795, as his increasing consumption—reaching pints daily by the early 1800s—led to emotional withdrawal and physical absence from their home at Greta Hall after 1803. Sara managed household finances, child-rearing for their four offspring (including the early death of Berkeley in 1815 amid family hardships), and his debts alone, culminating in informal separation by 1806–1807, after which Coleridge lived itinerantly while she endured public scrutiny and financial precarity. Relations with children, such as Hartley and Derwent, deteriorated due to his and opium-fueled unreliability, contributing to Hartley's later institutionalization for and mental instability in 1833. Mentally, opium exacerbated Coleridge's pre-existing anxiety and depressive episodes, forming a vicious cycle where guilt over dependency prompted further ingestion for temporary relief, intensifying self-loathing and creative self-doubt documented in his notebooks from 1802 onward. Physical withdrawal symptoms, including tremors and insomnia, compounded psychological torment, leading to paranoid ideation and hallucinations by the 1820s, as noted in correspondence with physicians like James Gillman, under whose care he resided from 1816 until death in 1834. This dependency likely amplified underlying vulnerabilities, such as possible bipolar tendencies, hindering rational self-control and theological pursuits despite periods of lucidity. Coleridge's escalating dependency, beginning as a remedy for and gastrointestinal ailments around 1796 but deepening into habitual overuse by the early s, fostered a profound impairment in his volitional capacity, often self-diagnosed as a "want of strength of will" that rendered sustained composition untenable. This manifested in the abandonment of extended works such as the full realization of Christabel, which remained incomplete after despite initial bursts of productivity, as opium-induced lethargy and depressive cycles interrupted the disciplined revision required for completion. Similarly, ambitious prose projects like the projected expansion of The Friend (1809–1810) into a comprehensive philosophical system faltered amid recurrent "fits of indolence" attributed to the drug's aftereffects, which Coleridge likened to a of initiative. The addiction's physiological toll—encompassing , , and heightened anxiety—interacted with psychological factors to perpetuate a pattern of initiation without culmination, evident in unfinished philosophical treatises and the fragmentary nature of later notebooks from 1810 onward. Biographers note that laudanum's initial often spurred creative ideation, as in the opium dream inspiring (composed circa 1797 but unpublished until 1816 in truncated form), yet the ensuing crashes eroded the resolve needed to refine and expand such visions into cohesive wholes. This same dependency fueled a restless nomadism, with Coleridge undertaking purposeless relocations and extended sojourns—such as his 1804–1806 residence in as British Secretary to the Governor, ostensibly for health recovery but entangled with evasion of domestic creditors and familial strains amplified by his unreliability. withdrawal symptoms, including acute agitation and "incipient bewilderment," drove further itinerancy, including returns to the Lake District in 1807 only to depart again for by 1812, where he sought transient stability under Gillman's care but continued erratic movements until settling in in 1816. Such wanderings, documented in correspondence as symptomatic of an inner "restlessness," diverted energy from literary closure toward perpetual displacement, compounding the addiction's sabotage of productivity.

Political Evolution from Radicalism to Conservatism

Disillusionment with French Revolution and Jacobin Ideals

Coleridge initially sympathized with the 's early promises of and , as evidenced in his 1789 ode "The Destruction of the ," which celebrated the storming of the prison as a harbinger of enlightened progress. This enthusiasm aligned with his radical associations in the early , including plans for a pantisocratic commune with in 1794, inspired by egalitarian ideals akin to those of the Revolution's initial phase. However, by early 1795, amid reports of the Reign of Terror's atrocities—executions totaling over 16,000 under the from September 1793 to July 1794—Coleridge began critiquing the Revolution's trajectory in his lectures. In his "A Moral and Political Lecture" delivered in Bristol around February 1795, Coleridge argued that the French events demonstrated the peril of political upheaval without prior moral and spiritual regeneration, stating that "the annals of the French Revolution have recorded in letters of blood" the failure of liberty divorced from virtue. He condemned Jacobin excesses as a descent into tyranny, attributing them to a mechanistic view of human nature that ignored innate moral capacities and divine order, contrasting this with Burkean emphasis on organic societal evolution. This marked an early pivot, where Coleridge rejected abstract Jacobin universalism—rooted in Rousseauvian social contract theory—for its causal link to violence, as the Revolution's rejection of tradition and religion enabled unchecked power consolidation under figures like Robespierre. The Directory's aggressive expansions, including the 1798 invasion of , deepened Coleridge's repudiation, prompting "France: An Ode" in April 1798, where he apostrophized 's betrayal: from "giant-limbs upreared" in oath to freedom, to a "murderous" force trampling liberty abroad. In the ode, Coleridge causally linked Jacobin ideology's materialist to imperial conquest, arguing it perverted reformist zeal into , as 's armies imposed egalitarian rhetoric while enforcing subjugation—evident in the Helvetic Republic's coercive establishment. This work encapsulated his view that revolutionary ideals, unanchored by constitutional restraint and Christian ethics, inevitably bred the very oppression they claimed to oppose, a theme echoed in his concurrent "Fears in Solitude," which affirmed British liberties against French threat. By the late 1790s, Coleridge's lectures and writings framed Jacobinism not as mere political error but as a philosophical flaw: prioritizing over reason and will, leading to mob rule and state terror, as seen in the 1793–1794 purges. He attributed this to the absence of mediating institutions like and church, which had defended, warning that such omissions rendered revolutions self-devouring— a realism drawn from empirical observation of France's shift from 1789 to 1799 . This disillusionment presaged his broader , privileging historical continuity over utopian rupture.

Embrace of Burkean Tradition, Monarchy, and Established Church

By the early 1800s, Coleridge had repudiated his youthful Jacobin sympathies and adopted key tenets of , particularly the primacy of historical tradition and organic societal growth over speculative reforms rooted in abstract reason. In The Friend (1809–1810), he praised Burke's emphasis on "prejudice" as embodied ancestral wisdom, contrasting it with the rationalist errors that fueled revolutionary excesses, and applied this to defend Britain's unwritten constitution as a living balance of permanency and progression. This Burkean framework informed Coleridge's view of political order as an interconnected whole, where abrupt changes risked societal disintegration, as evidenced by his retrospective endorsement of William Pitt the Younger's policies against French-inspired radicalism during the 1790s. Coleridge upheld monarchy as the apex of constitutional permanency, embodying the nation's enduring identity and providing stability amid the Commons' progressive flux and the Lords' aristocratic mediation. He argued that the sovereign, as a hereditary figurehead, symbolized the collective will transcending factional interests, preventing the atomization of power seen in republics; this position marked his evolution from early republican leanings in 1794 to a firm anti-democratic stance by 1816. In The Statesman's Manual (1816), he critiqued utilitarian schemes for electoral expansion, asserting that monarchy's symbolic unity fostered moral cohesion essential for genuine liberty, rather than mere mechanical representation. Central to Coleridge's later conservatism was his vigorous defense of the Established Church as a national institution intertwining spiritual permanency with civil order, distinct from dissenting sects or state bureaucracy. In On the Constitution of the Church and State (1830), he delineated the church as one of three "estates" alongside the / and , tasked with preserving the realm's cultural and ethical through a subsidized "clerisy"—an intellectual elite not confined to but dedicated to educating the populace in reason and . This structure, Coleridge contended, realized the "idea" of a by subordinating temporal to eternal principles, countering secular and ensuring the nation's spiritual vitality; he warned that disestablishment would erode the organic bonds binding diverse classes, echoing Burke's while adapting it to Anglican .

Critiques of Utilitarianism, Democracy, and Mass Politics

Coleridge rejected Benthamite as a reductive that conflated with legal expediency and prioritized sensory over rational . In his 1817 response to a defense of the "greatest ," he argued that 's core —to pursue without defining it rationally—led to inconsistencies, such as equating an "American savage" enemies with action, since both could claim subjective felicity. He insisted on a "standard of reason and " derived from innate faculties, rather than calculating aggregate pleasures, which he saw as mechanistic and indifferent to higher spiritual goods. This critique extended to politics, where Coleridge distinguished culture—the organic cultivation of reason, virtue, and national spirit—from mere civilization, the material advancements pursued by utilitarian reformers. In On the Constitution of the Church and State (1830), he warned that a state reduced to maximizing happiness via legislation would devolve into a police apparatus enforcing uniformity, neglecting the transcendent ends of society like moral education and communal identity. He proposed instead a "clerisy," an educated class supported by the established church, to foster permanent national principles against transient utilitarian schemes. Coleridge's conservatism led him to distrust pure , viewing it as prone to "government by the people" that risked or demagoguery, as opposed to balanced " with the people" integrating , , and commons. By the , in The Friend (1809–1810), he critiqued radical democratic reforms inspired by the as disruptive to organic social hierarchies, favoring Burkean tradition where authority derived from proven wisdom rather than numerical majorities. On mass politics, Coleridge expressed apprehension toward emerging labor movements and populist agitations, attributing them to governmental neglect of spiritual and cultural needs rather than inherent rights. He feared such movements embodied a "leveling" impulse that subordinated individual excellence and tradition to collective will, potentially yielding mob-driven instability over deliberative order. In Church and State, he advocated institutional checks—like the clerisy and —to elevate public discourse beyond mass expediency, ensuring governance aligned with enduring truths rather than fluctuating opinions.

Religious and Theological Maturation

Shift from Unitarian Rationalism to Trinitarian Orthodoxy

Coleridge initially embraced during his youth, serving as a Unitarian preacher from 1796 to 1797 while rejecting the doctrine of the as inconsistent with rational interpretation of scripture. Influenced by Joseph Priestley's materialist and Socinian rationalism, he viewed religion through a lens of empirical reason, prioritizing moral sense and benevolence over supernatural mysteries. This phase aligned with his early radicalism, associating Christianity with republican ideals and dismissing Trinitarian orthodoxy as priestly corruption. Doubts emerged around 1800, as Coleridge rejected Hartleian and Priestley's , recognizing their inadequacy to account for human will and . By 1805, he emphasized the interplay of , , and feeling, critiquing pure for neglecting spiritual intuition. Intensive study and exposure to , particularly Kant's distinction between reason and understanding, prompted a reevaluation of scriptural and divine transcendence. These developments fostered a view of as inherently other, beyond pantheistic fusion of divine and natural. The decisive shift occurred by 1814, when Coleridge repudiated in favor of Anglican Trinitarian orthodoxy, affirming the as essential to Christian . He later claimed an underlying Platonic Trinitarianism from his youth, reconciled through mature reflection on the as unifying consciousness. This reflected causal recognition that Unitarian rationalism undermined personal responsibility and , leading to a integrating reason with . From 1815 onward, explicit Trinitarian themes permeated his notebooks and speculations, culminating in defenses against via of scripture as living word.

Aids to Reflection: Reason, Will, and Divine Grace

Aids to Reflection in the Formation of a Manly Character, published in 1825, consists of aphorisms and commentary drawn primarily from the works of seventeenth-century Anglican divine Robert Leighton, Archbishop of Glasgow, interspersed with Coleridge's own reflections on prudence, morality, and religion. The book seeks to foster spiritual discipline amid the era's rationalist and utilitarian influences, critiquing figures like for reducing morality to consequentialist calculation devoid of transcendent grounding. Coleridge posits religion as the "hidden Spring and Fountain-head of all true Morality," arguing that ethical action requires integration with divine principles rather than mere human prudence. Central to the work is Coleridge's distinction between Reason—a higher, intuitive faculty attuned to eternal truths and divine mysteries—and the Understanding, a lower, discursive power limited to empirical analysis and temporal contingencies. He describes Reason as "Reason in its highest form of Self-affirmation," capable of apprehending spiritual realities that transcend sensory evidence, such as the or moral absolutes. This elevation of Reason counters mechanistic philosophies, including those derived from Locke and Hartley, which Coleridge had earlier engaged but later rejected in favor of a participatory intellect aligned with God's . In aphoristic form, he urges readers to cultivate Reason through reflective habits, warning that neglect invites skepticism and moral drift. The Will emerges as the active principle bridging Reason and action, essential for moral self-formation yet inherently prone to disorder without divine orientation. Coleridge views the Will not as autonomous but as requiring subordination to Reason's light to achieve "manly character," resisting impulses toward sensuality or ideological extremes. He emphasizes voluntary self-examination—"Reflect on your own thoughts, actions, circumstances"—as a to habituate the Will toward , drawing on Leighton's exhortations against passive acceptance of false doctrines. This framework critiques Kantian morality, which Coleridge faults for prioritizing duty as religion's end; instead, he insists morality's lies in union with the divine, where the Will's freedom manifests through deliberate alignment with . Divine Grace functions as the supernatural aid enabling Reason and Will to transcend natural limitations, indispensable for genuine and sanctification in Coleridge's Trinitarian . He addresses and grace cautiously, affirming their "innocuous" role when pondered through Scripture rather than speculative , portraying grace as the vivifying force that awakens the soul's capacities without coercing the Will. In Leighton's annotated excerpts, amplified by Coleridge, grace illuminates the interplay of human agency and God's initiative, countering Pelagian prevalent in contemporary Anglican . The work thus integrates these elements into a cohesive , influencing later thinkers by reviving patristic and emphases on grace-infused reason over empiricist .

Biblical Hermeneutics and Defense Against Atheism

Coleridge developed a distinctive approach to in his posthumously published Confessions of an Inquiring Spirit (1840), emphasizing critical inquiry guided by reason while rejecting mechanical verbal dictation of scripture. He argued that the Bible's inspiration resides in its spiritual essence and moral efficacy rather than in every word being divinely uttered, positing that true authority emerges from its alignment with human conscience and the transformative power of its truths. This view countered literalist prevalent in some Anglican circles, allowing for human authorship infused with divine influence without in phrasing. Central to Coleridge's method was the distinction between "reason"—a universal, intuitive faculty attuned to spiritual realities—and "understanding," which relies on sensory logic and discursive analysis; he urged interpreters to subordinate the latter to the former for discerning scripture's deeper harmonies. Scriptures, he contended, speak in the "language of the affections" and employ analogous rather than merely metaphorical expressions to convey moral and spiritual insights, as seen in passages like John 3:6, requiring contextual and symbolic reading over superficial literalism. He advocated viewing the as a "living process" of , progressively unfolding through historical facts and doctrinal evolution, rather than a static theological , thus enabling faithful that tests claims against experiential and rational coherence. In defending Christianity against atheistic skepticism, Coleridge asserted that faith represents the "perfection of human reason," not its antithesis, countering materialist reductions of will to mechanism by emphasizing accountable moral agency as evidence of divine origin. He challenged doubters to engage scripture through personal trial and inward witness, citing its 1,800 years of ethical endurance and redemptive impact as superior to evidential proofs alone, while dismissing flimsy rationalist analogies that undermine divine justice. Mysteries in revelation, such as the Trinity, transcend understanding yet harmonize with reason's deepest intuitions, rendering atheism a misapplication of partial faculties rather than genuine inquiry. This apologetic framework, informed by his critique of Deism and Unitarian rationalism, positioned scripture as rationally defensible through its fulfillment of human spiritual needs.

Later Years, Writings, and Death

Lectures, The Friend, and Journalistic Efforts

Coleridge delivered multiple series of public lectures throughout his career, with significant efforts in the later period amid financial pressures and intellectual pursuits. Between 1808 and 1819, he presented lectures on literature, covering topics such as Shakespeare, Milton, and dramatic theory, often at venues like the Royal Institution and private salons in London. These sessions, reported in contemporary accounts, attracted audiences interested in his insights into organic form and imagination, though transcripts relied on shorthand notes due to his improvisational style. In 1818–1819, he offered a course on the history of philosophy, drawing from Kant, Plato, and Bacon, which explored metaphysical principles and critiqued empiricism, preserved in manuscripts now part of collected editions. Attendance varied, with peaks during Shakespeare-focused talks in 1811–1812, but opium dependency increasingly disrupted consistency, leading to incomplete series by the 1820s. In June 1809, Coleridge launched The Friend, a weekly periodical he solely authored, edited, and financed, issuing 28 numbers until March from Keswick. The publication blended essays on morals, , and , advocating a conservative turn against Jacobin excesses while promoting and ; it excluded daily to focus on timeless principles. Financial losses from low subscriptions—fewer than 100 initially—halted it, but public demand prompted a 1812 revision incorporating appendices, followed by a 1818 three-volume edition that condensed and restructured content, omitting about 128 pages from the original for clarity. This work reflected Coleridge's evolving Burkean influences, emphasizing over , though critics noted its digressive style as both profound and uneven. Coleridge's journalistic endeavors primarily involved contributions to London papers like the Morning Post and Courier from the late 1790s to early 1800s, where he penned editorials, political essays, and occasional verse under pseudonyms. In 1800, he supplied extended reports on parliamentary debates and foreign affairs, aligning with anti-Pitt opposition while critiquing revolutionary fervor, often exceeding typical column lengths for depth. These pieces, collected posthumously in three volumes as Essays on His Times, addressed events like the Napoleonic Wars with a blend of analysis and rhetoric, though attribution relies on stylistic matches due to unsigned submissions. Later efforts waned as health declined, but earlier ventures like The Watchman (1796, nine issues) demonstrated his radical phase's propaganda aims, shifting to more reflective prose by the 1810s. His press work, driven by debt, influenced public discourse but exposed tensions between commercial demands and philosophical integrity.

Residence with Gillman Family and Final Compositions

In April 1816, Samuel Taylor Coleridge, struggling with severe , depression, and estrangement from his family, sought treatment from , a 34-year-old residing in , . On 15 April, Coleridge moved into the Gillman household at 3 The Grove, where he remained for the final 18 years of his life until 1834. Gillman, employing gradual dose reduction and supervision, managed Coleridge's intake, achieving partial control over the dependency though not full cessation; this approach was progressive for the era, prioritizing long-term stability over abrupt withdrawal. Coleridge formed a close bond with the Gillman family, including James's wife and their son James (later a physician himself), integrating into their domestic life while benefiting from the structured environment that curbed his prior nomadic tendencies. The family accommodated him by constructing an additional attic room, and he engaged in intellectual discussions with visitors, local walks, and , though physical limitations increasingly confined him indoors. This residence provided the relative tranquility necessary for sustained intellectual labor, contrasting his earlier turbulent years. During this Highgate period, Coleridge's compositions shifted predominantly to prose, emphasizing theology, philosophy, and political theory over poetry. His (1817) marked an early culmination of , but later efforts included Aids to Reflection in the Formation of a Manly Character (1825), a meditative compilation of aphorisms and excerpts from Archbishop Robert Leighton, advocating the primacy of spiritual reason and moral will against mechanistic . In 1830, he published On the Constitution of the Church and State, defending the established as an organic national endowment essential for balancing clerical and lay influences in governance. Additional outputs encompassed unpublished notebooks, , and dictated conversations compiled posthumously as Table Talk (1835), offering eclectic insights on , , and . These works reflected his matured orthodox and critique of utilitarian trends, though incomplete manuscripts attested to ongoing health impediments.

Death in 1834 and Posthumous Editorial Interventions

Samuel Taylor Coleridge died on July 25, 1834, at the age of 61, in the home of Dr. James Gillman in , , where he had resided since 1816 under medical supervision for his dependency. The immediate cause was , exacerbated by a lung disorder likely resulting from long-term use, as confirmed by an performed at his request. Following his death, Coleridge's literary executors, primarily his daughter Sara Coleridge and nephew Henry Nelson Coleridge, undertook extensive editorial work on his unpublished manuscripts and revisions of earlier publications to preserve and shape his intellectual legacy. Sara, in particular, meticulously edited works such as the 1847 edition of , intervening in passages related to metaphysics, the will, and opium's influence to emphasize her father's philosophical coherence and downplay personal frailties. These efforts extended to his notebooks, which family editors selectively transcribed and published to highlight his poetic and theological contributions while minimizing inconsistencies or radical earlier views. The posthumous publications, continuing until 1853 after death, included compilations like and aimed to present Coleridge as a unified in , , and , often through creative reconstruction that reflected the editors' interpretive priorities over strict fidelity to the original manuscripts. This editorial approach, while preserving much material, has been critiqued for imposing a that obscured Coleridge's evolving and sometimes contradictory thought processes. Modern , such as Kathleen Coburn's editions of the notebooks, has sought to restore unedited texts to reveal the full scope of his fragmented .

Intellectual Legacy and Critical Reception

Enduring Influence on , , and

Coleridge's formulation of as a reconciliatory power distinguishing it from mere fancy became foundational to Romantic aesthetics. In (1817), he described primary imagination as the divine creative faculty echoed in human perception, and secondary imagination as the poetic force that dissolves, diffuses, and reunifies sensory data into organic wholes revealing underlying truths. This theory shifted literary emphasis from neoclassical rules to imaginative synthesis, influencing Wordsworth's revisions of and later like Shelley in prioritizing visionary insight over empirical representation. His ballads, notably "The Rime of the Ancient Mariner" (1798), embodied this by blending moral with exotic imagery, establishing a template for Romantic exploration of the sublime and the that persisted in Victorian gothic traditions. Philosophically, Coleridge bridged and through his "logosophic" system, positing the —the divine reason—as the unifying principle harmonizing disparate knowledges from metaphysics to . Rejecting materialist , his theory of ideas treated them as dynamic powers manifesting in polar oppositions, such as thesis-antithesis yielding synthesis, which reframed matter as emergent from spiritual forces rather than primary substance. This framework profoundly shaped American ; integrated Coleridge's notions of intuitive reason and symbolic , as evidenced in essays like "" (1836), where he echoed Coleridgean assimilation of European to assert the oversoul's without direct citation, fostering a transatlantic intellectual lineage. Theologically, Coleridge's later works defended Trinitarian orthodoxy against Unitarian rationalism and atheistic by elevating reason as apprehension of eternal truths over mere understanding of particulars. Aids to Reflection (), his most widely read prose work, urged meditative engagement with conscience and scripture to cultivate will aligned with , critiquing utilitarian ethics like William Paley's for subordinating to prudence. Edited by James Marsh for American readers in 1829, it bolstered anti-Lockean sentiments in , indirectly fueling transcendentalist spirituality while inspiring Anglican reformers to prioritize symbolic biblical interpretation unified by the . Coleridge's , viewing scripture as a progressive revelation culminating in Christ as the incarnate Word, provided a "master-key" for reconciling literal and allegorical senses, influencing 19th-century defenses of amid scientific advances.

Achievements in Organic Unity and Imagination Theory

Coleridge articulated his theories of and organic unity primarily in (1817), chapters 13 and 14, where he distinguished the creative faculties essential to from mere mechanical association. He defined the primary as "the living power and prime agent of all human perception," a repetition in the finite mind of divine creation, enabling basic sensory unification of experience. The secondary , coexisting with conscious will, acts more intensely by "dissolv[ing], diffus[ing], dissipat[ing], in order to re-create," selecting and modifying elements into novel syntheses, thus forming the essence of artistic invention. In contrast, fancy operates mechanically as "a mode of emancipated from the order of time and space," aggregating fixed images without true fusion, serving decoration rather than origination. These distinctions elevated as a vital, reconciliatory power in , capable of balancing "opposite or discordant qualities" into , such as the fusion of thought and feeling or the ideal and real. Coleridge's framework rejected neoclassical emphasis on external rules, positing 's object as pleasure through intrinsic truth, where "the parts... mutually support and explain each other; all in their proportion harmonizing." Organic unity, innate to the work's development, arises "from within" via 's synthetic action, akin to a living organism's growth, opposing mechanic form imposed arbitrarily on material. This principle manifested in Coleridge's analyses of Shakespeare, whose dramas exhibit unified wholes where diverse elements cohere without contrivance, and in his own poems like The Rime of the Ancient Mariner (1798), where narrative fragmentation resolves into moral and symbolic totality through imaginative interpenetration. Coleridge's achievements lie in formalizing as poetry's core mechanism, influencing Romantic by prioritizing internal coherence over prescriptive and linking artistic creation to metaphysical . His provided tools for evaluating works like Wordsworth's, critiquing overreliance on fancy while defending 's role in evoking universal sympathies, thus bridging empirical with transcendent . Though incomplete—plagiarized elements from Schelling and Schlegel appear unacknowledged—these ideas endured, shaping subsequent by insisting on poetry's organic vitality as evidence of .

Criticisms: Incompleteness, Dependency, and Ideological Inconsistencies

Coleridge's literary and philosophical output has been critiqued for its persistent incompleteness, with numerous ambitious projects abandoned or left in fragmentary states, undermining their potential impact. His (1817), intended as an intertwined with , devolves into digressive philosophical speculation, particularly in chapters 9 through 14, where systematic exposition gives way to incomplete arguments on and the faculties of the mind. Similarly, Coleridge outlined grand schemes such as the Opus Maximum, a comprehensive metaphysical synthesizing , , and , but produced only disorganized notebooks spanning over 3,000 pages that remained unpublished and unresolved during his lifetime. This pattern extended to poetic endeavors, including the incomplete Christabel (begun 1797, published partially 1816) and revisions to that reflected unresolved tensions in narrative structure. Critics attribute this to Coleridge's tendency toward expansive ideation without sustained execution, resulting in works that prioritize speculative brilliance over coherent closure. A related dependency on opium, initiated medicinally around 1796 for rheumatism and escalating into addiction by the early 1800s, further exacerbated his incompleteness by impairing concentration and reliability. By 1816, Coleridge required daily laudanum doses exceeding 100 drops, leading to periods of incapacitation that halted projects like his planned expansions of The Friend (1809–1810). Intellectually, Coleridge exhibited heavy reliance on German idealists such as Kant, Fichte, and Schelling, incorporating untranslated passages verbatim into Biographia Literaria without consistent attribution, prompting accusations of plagiarism that scholars like Norman Fruman detailed as systematic borrowing exceeding fair use—e.g., chapter 10's derivation from Schelling's System des transcendentalen Idealismus (1800). While Coleridge defended such integrations as organic assimilation rather than theft, contemporaries like Thomas De Quincey noted the opacity masked indebtedness, reflecting a dependency that diluted originality. Ideological inconsistencies mark Coleridge's evolution, with abrupt shifts from early radicalism to conservatism revealing unresolved tensions. In the 1790s, he advocated Pantisocracy—a utopian communal scheme influenced by French Revolutionary ideals—and Unitarian rationalism, denouncing Trinitarian doctrine as superstitious in sermons like those at the Unitarian chapel in Shrewsbury (1796). By the 1810s, however, he embraced Anglican orthodoxy and critiqued revolutionary excess in The Friend, aligning with Burkean conservatism amid disillusionment from events like Napoleon's 1804 coronation. Critics, including those analyzing his political essays, argue this trajectory lacked dialectical rigor, as Coleridge retained pantheistic echoes from his youth—evident in Kubla Khan (composed c. 1797)—while rejecting them philosophically, creating hybrid positions that blended dissenting radicalism with establishment theology without full reconciliation. Such vacillations, compounded by opium-induced introspection, yielded works like Aids to Reflection (1825) where moral imperatives clashed with earlier voluntarist leanings, prioritizing personal will over systematic causality.

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