Myanmar
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Myanmar,[f] officially the Republic of the Union of Myanmar[g] and also referred to as Burma (the official English name until 1989), is a country in northwest Southeast Asia. It is the largest country by area in Mainland Southeast Asia and has a population of about 55 million. It is bordered by India and Bangladesh to the northwest, China to the northeast, Laos and Thailand to the east and southeast, and the Andaman Sea and the Bay of Bengal to the south and southwest. The country's capital city is Naypyidaw, while its largest city is Yangon (formerly Rangoon).[17]
Early civilisations in the area included the Tibeto-Burman-speaking Pyu city-states in Upper Myanmar and the Mon kingdoms in Lower Myanmar.[18] In the 9th century, the Bamar people entered the upper Irrawaddy valley, and following the establishment of the Pagan Kingdom in the 1050s, the Burmese language and culture and Theravada Buddhism slowly became dominant in the country. The Pagan Kingdom fell to Mongol invasions, and several warring states emerged. In the 16th century, reunified by the Taungoo dynasty, the country became the largest empire in the history of Southeast Asia for a short period.[19] The early 19th-century Konbaung dynasty ruled over an area that included modern Myanmar and briefly controlled Assam, the Lushai Hills, and Manipur as well. The British East India Company seized control of the administration of Myanmar after three Anglo-Burmese Wars in the 19th century, and the country became a British colony. After a brief Japanese occupation, Myanmar was reconquered by the Allies. On 4 January 1948, Myanmar declared independence under the terms of the Burma Independence Act 1947.
Myanmar's post-independence history has been checkered by continuing unrest and conflict to this day. The coup d'état in 1962 resulted in a military dictatorship under the Burma Socialist Programme Party. On 8 August 1988, the 8888 Uprising then resulted in a nominal transition to a multi-party system two years later, but the country's post-uprising military council refused to cede power, and has continued to rule the country through to the present. The country remains riven by ethnic strife among its myriad ethnic groups and has one of the world's longest-running ongoing civil wars. The United Nations and several other organisations have reported consistent and systemic human rights violations in the country.[20] In 2011, the military junta was officially dissolved following a 2010 general election, and a nominally civilian government was installed. Aung San Suu Kyi and political prisoners were released and the 2015 Myanmar general election was held, leading to improved foreign relations and eased economic sanctions,[21] although the country's treatment of its ethnic minorities, particularly in connection with the Rohingya conflict, continued to be a source of international tension and consternation.[22] Following the 2020 Myanmar general election, in which Aung San Suu Kyi's party won a clear majority in both houses, the Burmese military (Tatmadaw) again seized power in a coup d'état.[23] The coup, which was widely condemned by the international community, led to continuous ongoing widespread protests in Myanmar and has been marked by violent political repression by the military, as well as a larger outbreak of the civil war.[24] The military also arrested Aung San Suu Kyi in order to remove her from public life, and charged her with crimes ranging from corruption to violation of COVID-19 protocols; all of the charges against her are "politically motivated" according to independent observers.[25]
Myanmar is a member of the East Asia Summit, Non-Aligned Movement, ASEAN, and BIMSTEC, but it is not a member of the Commonwealth of Nations despite once being part of the British Empire. Myanmar is a Dialogue Partner of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization. The country is very rich in natural resources, such as jade, gems, oil, natural gas, teak and other minerals, as well as endowed with renewable energy, having the highest solar power potential compared to other countries of the Great Mekong Subregion.[26] However, Myanmar has long suffered from instability, factional violence, corruption, poor infrastructure, as well as a long history of colonial exploitation with little regard to human development.[27] In 2013, its GDP (nominal) stood at US$56.7 billion and its GDP (PPP) at US$221.5 billion.[28] The income gap in Myanmar is among the widest in the world, as a large proportion of the economy is controlled by cronies of the military junta.[29] Myanmar is one of the least developed countries.[16] Since 2021, more than 600,000 people have been displaced across Myanmar due to the civil war post-coup, with more than three million people in dire need of humanitarian assistance.[30] According to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), there are over 1.3 million people counted as refugees and asylum seekers, and 3.5 million people displaced internally as of December 2024.[31]
Etymology
[edit]The name of the country has been a matter of dispute and disagreement, particularly in the early 21st century, focusing mainly on the political legitimacy of those using Myanmar versus Burma.[32][33] Both names derive from the earlier Burmese Mranma or Mramma, an ethnonym for the majority Burman ethnic group, of uncertain etymology.[34] The terms are also popularly thought to derive from Sanskrit Brahma Desha, 'land of Brahma'.[35]
In 1989, the military government officially changed the English names of places, dating back to Burma's colonial period or earlier, to romanized versions of their official Burmese names, including that of the country itself: Burma became Myanmar. The renaming remains a contested issue.[36] Many political and ethnic opposition groups and countries continue to use Burma because they do not recognise the legitimacy or authority of the military government.[37]
The country's official full name is "Republic of the Union of Myanmar" (Burmese: ပြည်ထောင်စုသမ္မတ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော်, Pyihtaungsu Thamada Myanma Naingngantaw, pronounced [pjìdàʊɴzṵ θàɴməda̰ mjəmà nàɪɴŋàɴdɔ̀]). Countries that do not officially recognise that name use the long form "Union of Burma" instead.[17][38] In English, the country is popularly known as either Burma or Myanmar. In Burmese, the pronunciation depends on the register used and is either Bama (pronounced [bəmà]) or Myamah (pronounced [mjəmà]).[36]
Official United States foreign policy retains Burma as the country's name although the State Department's website lists the country as Burma (Myanmar).[39] The United Nations uses Myanmar, as does the ASEAN and as do Australia,[40] Russia, Germany,[41] China, India, Bangladesh, Norway,[42] Japan,[43] Switzerland,[44] Canada[45] and Ukraine.[46] Most English-speaking international news media refer to the country by the name Myanmar, including the BBC,[47] CNN,[48] Al Jazeera,[49] Reuters,[50] and the Australian Broadcasting Corporation (ABC)/Radio Australia.[51] Myanmar is known by a name deriving from Burma in Spanish, Italian, Romanian, and Greek.[52] French-language media consistently use Birmanie.[53][54]
There are at least nine different pronunciations of the English name Myanmar, and no single one is standard. Pronunciations with two syllables are found most often in major British and American dictionaries.[pronunciations 1] Dictionaries—such as Collins—and other sources also report pronunciations with three syllables.[pronunciations 2][55]
As John Wells explains, the English spellings of both Myanmar and Burma assume a non-rhotic variety of English, in which the letter r before a consonant or finally serves merely to indicate a long vowel: [ˈmjænmɑː, ˈbɜːmə]. So the pronunciation of the last syllable of Myanmar as [mɑːr] by some speakers in the UK and most speakers in North America is in fact a spelling pronunciation based on a misunderstanding of non-rhotic spelling conventions. However, Burma is pronounced [ˈbɜːrmə] by rhotic speakers of English due to a phonotactic constraint, as /ɜː/ occurs only before /r/ in those accents.[citation needed]
History
[edit]This section needs additional citations for verification. (August 2022) |
Prehistory
[edit]
Archaeological evidence shows that Homo erectus lived in the region now known as Myanmar as early as 750,000 years ago, with no more erectus finds after 75,000 years ago.[56] The first evidence of Homo sapiens is dated to about 25,000 BP with discoveries of stone tools in central Myanmar.[57] Evidence of Neolithic age domestication of plants and animals and the use of polished stone tools dating to sometime between 10,000 and 6,000 BCE has been discovered in the form of cave paintings in Padah-Lin Caves.[58]
The Bronze Age arrived c. 1500 BCE when people in the region were turning copper into bronze, growing rice and domesticating poultry and pigs; they were among the first people in the world to do so.[59] Human remains and artefacts from this era were discovered in Monywa District in the Sagaing Region.[60] The Iron Age began around 500 BCE with the emergence of iron-working settlements in an area south of present-day Mandalay.[61] Evidence also shows the presence of rice-growing settlements of large villages and small towns that traded with their surroundings as far as China between 500 BCE and 200 CE.[62] Iron Age Burmese cultures also had influences from outside sources such as India and Thailand, as seen in their funerary practices concerning child burials. This indicates some form of communication between groups in Myanmar and other places, possibly through trade.[63]
Early city-states
[edit]Around the second century BCE the first-known city-states emerged in central Myanmar. The city-states were founded as part of the southward migration by the Tibeto-Burman-speaking Pyu people, the earliest inhabitants of Myanmar of whom records are extant, from present-day Yunnan.[64] The Pyu culture was heavily influenced by trade with India, importing Buddhism as well as other cultural, architectural and political concepts, which would have an enduring influence on later Burmese culture and political organisation.[65]
By the 9th century, several city-states had sprouted across the land: the Pyu in the central dry zone, Mon along the southern coastline and Arakanese along the western littoral. The balance was upset when the Pyu came under repeated attacks from Nanzhao between the 750s and the 830s. In the mid-to-late 9th century the Bamar people founded a small settlement at Bagan. It was one of several competing city-states until the late 10th century, when it grew in authority and grandeur.[66]
Pagan Kingdom
[edit]
Pagan gradually grew to absorb its surrounding states until the 1050s–1060s when Anawrahta founded the Pagan Kingdom, the first ever unification of the Irrawaddy valley and its periphery. In the 12th and 13th centuries, the Pagan Empire and the Khmer Empire were two main powers in mainland Southeast Asia.[67] The Burmese language and culture gradually became dominant in the upper Irrawaddy valley, eclipsing the Pyu, Mon and Pali norms[clarification needed] by the late 12th century.[68] Theravada Buddhism slowly began to spread to the village level, although Tantric, Mahayana, Hinduism, and folk religion remained heavily entrenched. Pagan's rulers and wealthy built over 10,000 Buddhist temples in the Pagan capital zone alone. Repeated Mongol invasions in the late 13th century toppled the four-century-old kingdom in 1287.[68]

Pagan's collapse was followed by 250 years of political fragmentation that lasted well into the 16th century. Like the Burmans four centuries earlier, Shan migrants who arrived with the Mongol invasions stayed behind. Several competing Shan States came to dominate the entire northwestern to eastern arc surrounding the Irrawaddy valley. The valley too was beset with petty states until the late 14th century when two sizeable powers, Ava Kingdom and Hanthawaddy Kingdom, emerged. In the west, a politically fragmented Arakan was under competing influences of its stronger neighbours until the Kingdom of Mrauk U unified the Arakan coastline for the first time in 1437. The kingdom was a protectorate of the Bengal Sultanate at different time periods.[69]
In the 14th and 15th centuries, Ava fought wars of unification but could never quite reassemble the lost empire. Having held off Ava, the Mon-speaking Hanthawaddy entered its golden age, and Arakan went on to become a power in its own right for the next 350 years. In contrast, constant warfare left Ava greatly weakened, and it slowly disintegrated from 1481 onward. In 1527, the Confederation of Shan States conquered Ava and ruled Upper Myanmar until 1555.
Like the Pagan Empire, Ava, Hanthawaddy and the Shan states were all multi-ethnic polities. Despite the wars, cultural synchronisation continued. This period is considered a golden age for Burmese culture. Burmese literature "grew more confident, popular, and stylistically diverse", and the second generation of Burmese law codes as well as the earliest pan-Burma chronicles emerged.[70] Hanthawaddy monarchs introduced religious reforms that later spread to the rest of the country.[71]
Taungoo and Konbaung
[edit]

Political unification returned in the mid-16th century, through the efforts of Taungoo, a former vassal state of Ava. Taungoo's young, ambitious King Tabinshwehti defeated the more powerful Hanthawaddy in the Toungoo–Hanthawaddy War. His successor Bayinnaung went on to conquer a vast swath of mainland Southeast Asia including the Shan states, Lan Na, Manipur, Mong Mao, the Ayutthaya Kingdom, Lan Xang and southern Arakan. However, the largest empire in the history of Southeast Asia unravelled soon after Bayinnaung's death in 1581, completely collapsing by 1599. Ayutthaya seized Tenasserim and Lan Na, and Portuguese mercenaries established Portuguese rule at Thanlyin (Syriam).
The dynasty regrouped and defeated the Portuguese in 1613 and Siam in 1614. It restored a smaller, more manageable kingdom, encompassing Lower Myanmar, Upper Myanmar, Shan states, Lan Na and upper Tenasserim. The restored Toungoo kings created a legal and political framework whose basic features continued well into the 19th century. The crown completely replaced the hereditary chieftainships with appointed governorships in the entire Irrawaddy valley and greatly reduced the hereditary rights of Shan chiefs. Its trade and secular administrative reforms built a prosperous economy for more than 80 years. From the 1720s onward, the kingdom was beset with repeated Meithei raids into Upper Myanmar and a nagging rebellion in Lan Na. In 1740, the Mon of Lower Myanmar founded the Restored Hanthawaddy Kingdom. Hanthawaddy forces sacked Ava in 1752, ending the 266-year-old Toungoo Dynasty.

After the fall of Ava, the Konbaung–Hanthawaddy War involved one resistance group under Alaungpaya defeating the Restored Hanthawaddy, and by 1759 he had reunited all of Myanmar and Manipur and driven out the French and the British, who had provided arms to Hanthawaddy. By 1770, Alaungpaya's heirs had subdued much of Laos and fought and won the Burmese–Siamese War against Ayutthaya and the Sino-Burmese War against Qing China.[72]
With Burma preoccupied by the Chinese threat, Ayutthaya recovered its territories by 1770 and went on to capture Lan Na by 1776. Burma and Siam went to war until 1855, but all resulted in a stalemate, exchanging Tenasserim (to Burma) and Lan Na (to Ayutthaya). Faced with a powerful China and a resurgent Ayutthaya in the east, King Bodawpaya turned west, acquiring Arakan (1785), Manipur (1814) and Assam (1817). It was the second-largest empire in Burmese history but also one with a long ill-defined border with British India.[73]
In 1826, Burma lost Arakan, Manipur, Assam and Tenasserim to the British in the First Anglo-Burmese War. In 1852, the British easily seized Lower Burma in the Second Anglo-Burmese War. King Mindon Min tried to modernise the kingdom and in 1875 narrowly avoided annexation by ceding the Karenni States. The British, alarmed by the consolidation of French Indochina, annexed the remainder of the country in the Third Anglo-Burmese War in 1885.
Konbaung kings extended Restored Toungoo's administrative reforms and achieved unprecedented levels of internal control and external expansion. For the first time in history, the Burmese language and culture came to predominate the entire Irrawaddy valley. The evolution and growth of Burmese literature and theatre continued, aided by an extremely high adult male literacy rate for the era (half of all males and 5% of females).[74] Nonetheless, the extent and pace of reforms were uneven and ultimately proved insufficient to stem the advance of British colonialism.
British Burma (1885–1948)
[edit]

In the 19th century, Burmese rulers sought to maintain their traditional influence in the western areas of Assam, Manipur and Arakan. Pressing them, however, was the British East India Company, which was expanding its interests eastwards over the same territory. Over the next 60 years, diplomacy, raids, treaties and compromises, known collectively as the Anglo-Burmese Wars, continued until Britain proclaimed control over most of Burma.[75] With the fall of Mandalay, all of Burma came under British rule, being annexed on 1 January 1886.
Throughout the colonial era, many Indians arrived as soldiers, civil servants, construction workers and traders and, along with the Anglo-Burmese community, dominated commercial and civil life in Burma. Rangoon became the capital of British Burma and an important port between Calcutta and Singapore. Burmese resentment was strong, and was vented in violent riots that periodically paralysed Rangoon until the 1930s.[76] Some of the discontent was caused by a disrespect for Burmese culture and traditions. Buddhist monks became the vanguards of the independence movement. U Wisara, an activist monk, died in prison after a 166-day hunger strike.[77]
On 1 April 1937, Burma became a separately administered colony of Britain, and Ba Maw became the first Prime Minister and Premier of Burma. Ba Maw was an outspoken advocate for Burmese self-rule, and he opposed the participation of Britain, and by extension Burma, in World War II. He resigned from the Legislative Assembly and was arrested for sedition. In 1940, before Japan formally entered the war, Aung San formed the Burma Independence Army in Japan.
As a major battleground, Burma was devastated during World War II by the Japanese invasion. Within months after they entered the war, Japanese troops had advanced on Rangoon, and the British administration had collapsed. A Burmese Executive Administration headed by Ba Maw was established by the Japanese in August 1942. Wingate's British Chindits were formed into long-range penetration groups trained to operate deep behind Japanese lines.[78] A similar American unit, Merrill's Marauders, followed the Chindits into the Burmese jungle in 1943.[79]
Beginning in late 1944, allied troops launched a series of offensives that led to the end of Japanese rule in July 1945. The battles were intense with much of Burma laid waste by the fighting. Overall, the Japanese lost some 150,000 men in Burma with 1,700 prisoners taken.[80] Although many Burmese fought initially for the Japanese as part of the Burma Independence Army, many Burmese, mostly from the ethnic minorities, served in the British Burma Army.[81] The Burma National Army and the Arakan National Army fought with the Japanese from 1942 to 1944 but switched allegiance to the Allied side in 1945. Overall, 170,000 to 250,000 Burmese civilians died during World War II.[82]
Following World War II, Aung San negotiated the Panglong Agreement with ethnic leaders that guaranteed the independence of Burma as a unified state. Aung Zan Wai, Pe Khin, Bo Hmu Aung, Sir Maung Gyi, Sein Mya Maung, Myoma U Than Kywe were among the negotiators of the historic Panglong Conference negotiated with Bamar leader General Aung San and other ethnic leaders in 1947. In 1947, Aung San became Deputy Chairman of the Executive Council of Burma, a transitional government. But in July 1947, political rivals[83] assassinated Aung San and several cabinet members.[84]
Independence (1948–1962)
[edit]On 4 January 1948, the nation became an independent republic, under the terms of the Burma Independence Act 1947. The new country was named the Union of Burma, with Sao Shwe Thaik as its first president and U Nu as its first prime minister. Unlike most other former British colonies and overseas territories, Burma did not become a member of the Commonwealth. A bicameral parliament was formed, consisting of a Chamber of Deputies and a Chamber of Nationalities,[85] and multi-party elections were held in 1951–1952, 1956 and 1960.
The geographical area Burma encompasses today can be traced to the Panglong Agreement, which combined Burma Proper, which consisted of Lower Burma and Upper Burma, and the Frontier Areas, which had been administered separately by the British.[86]
In 1961, U Thant, the Union of Burma's Permanent Representative to the United Nations and former secretary to the prime minister, was elected Secretary-General of the United Nations, a position he held for ten years.[87]
When the non-Burman ethnic groups pushed for autonomy or federalism, alongside having a weak civilian government at the centre, the military leadership staged a coup d'état in 1962. Though incorporated in the 1947 Constitution, successive military governments construed the use of the term 'federalism' as being anti-national, anti-unity and pro-disintegration.[88]
Military rule (1962–2011)
[edit]On 2 March 1962, the military led by General Ne Win took control of Burma through a coup d'état, and the government had been under direct or indirect control by the military since then. Between 1962 and 1974, Myanmar was ruled by a revolutionary council headed by the general. Almost all aspects of society (business, media, production) were nationalised or brought under government control under the Burmese Way to Socialism,[89] which combined Soviet-style nationalisation and central planning.
A new constitution of the Socialist Republic of the Union of Burma was adopted in 1974. Until 1988, the country was ruled as a one-party system, with the general and other military officers resigning and ruling through the Burma Socialist Programme Party (BSPP).[90] During this period, Myanmar became one of the world's most impoverished countries.[91] There were sporadic protests against military rule during the Ne Win years, and these were almost always violently suppressed. On 7 July 1962, the government broke up demonstrations at Rangoon University, killing 15 students.[89] In 1974, the military violently suppressed anti-government protests at the funeral of U Thant. Student protests in 1975, 1976, and 1977 were quickly suppressed by overwhelming force.[90]
In 1988, unrest over economic mismanagement and political oppression by the government led to widespread pro-democracy demonstrations throughout the country known as the 8888 Uprising. Security forces killed thousands of demonstrators, and General Saw Maung staged a coup d'état and formed the State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC). In 1989, SLORC declared martial law after widespread protests. The military government finalised plans for People's Assembly elections on 31 May 1989.[92] SLORC changed the country's official English name from the "Socialist Republic of the Union of Burma" to the "Union of Myanmar" on 18 June 1989 by enacting the adaptation of the expression law.
In May 1990, the government held free multiparty elections for the first time in almost 30 years, and the National League for Democracy (NLD), the party of Aung San Suu Kyi, won[93] earning 392 out of a total 492 seats (i.e., 80% of the seats). However, the military junta refused to cede power[94] and continued to rule the nation, first as SLORC and, from 1997, as the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) until its dissolution in March 2011. General Than Shwe took over the Chairmanship – effectively the position of Myanmar's top ruler – from General Saw Maung in 1992 and held it until 2011.[95]
On 23 June 1997, Myanmar was admitted into the Association of Southeast Asian Nations. On 27 March 2006, the military junta, which had moved the national capital from Yangon to a site near Pyinmana in November 2005, officially named the new capital Naypyidaw, meaning "city of the kings".[96]


In August 2007, an increase in the price of fuel led to the Saffron Revolution led by Buddhist monks that were dealt with harshly by the government.[97] The government cracked down on them on 26 September 2007, with reports of barricades at the Shwedagon Pagoda and monks killed. There were also rumours of disagreement within the Burmese armed forces, but none was confirmed. The military crackdown against unarmed protesters was widely condemned as part of the international reactions to the Saffron Revolution and led to an increase in economic sanctions against the Burmese Government.
In May 2008, Cyclone Nargis caused extensive damage in the densely populated rice-farming delta of the Irrawaddy Division.[98] It was the worst natural disaster in Burmese history with reports of an estimated 200,000 people dead or missing, damages totalled to 10 billion US dollars, and as many as 1 million were left homeless.[99] In the critical days following this disaster, Myanmar's isolationist government was accused of hindering United Nations recovery efforts.[100] Humanitarian aid was requested, but concerns about foreign military or intelligence presence in the country delayed the entry of United States military planes delivering medicine, food, and other supplies.[101]
In early August 2009, a conflict broke out in Shan State in northern Myanmar. For several weeks, junta troops fought against ethnic minorities including the Han Chinese,[102] Wa, and Kachin.[103][104] During 8–12 August, the first days of the conflict, as many as 10,000 Burmese civilians fled to Yunnan in neighbouring China.[103][104][105]
Civil wars
[edit]Civil wars have been a constant feature of Myanmar's socio-political landscape since the attainment of independence in 1948. These wars are predominantly struggles for ethnic and sub-national autonomy, with the areas surrounding the ethnically Bamar central districts of the country serving as the primary geographical setting of conflict. Foreign journalists and visitors require a special travel permit to visit the areas in which Myanmar's civil wars continue.[106]
In October 2012, the ongoing conflicts in Myanmar included the Kachin conflict,[107] between the Pro-Christian Kachin Independence Army and the government;[108] a civil war between the Rohingya Muslims,[109] and the government and non-government groups in Rakhine State;[110] and a conflict between the Shan,[111] Lahu, and Karen[112][113] minority groups, and the government in the eastern half of the country. In addition, al-Qaeda signalled an intention to become involved in Myanmar.[114]
Armed conflict between ethnic Chinese rebels and the Myanmar Armed Forces resulted in the Kokang offensive in February 2015. The conflict had forced 40,000 to 50,000 civilians to flee their homes and seek shelter on the Chinese side of the border.[115] During the incident, the government of China was accused of giving military assistance to the ethnic Chinese rebels.[116] Clashes between Burmese troops and local insurgent groups have continued, fuelling tensions between China and Myanmar.[117]
Period of liberalisation, 2011–2021
[edit]The military-backed Government had promulgated a "Roadmap to Discipline-flourishing Democracy" in 1993, but the process appeared to stall several times, until 2008 when the Government published a new draft national constitution, and organised a (flawed) national referendum which adopted it. The new constitution provided for election of a national assembly with powers to appoint a president, while practically ensuring army control at all levels.[118]

A general election in 2010 – the first for twenty years – was boycotted by the NLD. The military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party declared victory, stating that it had been favoured by 80 per cent of the votes; fraud, however, was alleged.[119][120] A nominally civilian government was then formed, with retired general Thein Sein as president.[121]
A series of liberalising political and economic actions – or reforms – then took place. By the end of 2011 these included the release of pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi from house arrest, the establishment of the National Human Rights Commission, the granting of general amnesties for more than 200 political prisoners, new labour laws that permitted labour unions and strikes, a relaxation of press censorship, and the regulation of currency practices.[122] In response, United States Secretary of State Hillary Clinton visited Myanmar in December 2011 – the first visit by a US Secretary of State in more than fifty years[123] – meeting both President Thein Sein and opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi.[124]
Aung San Suu Kyi's NLD party participated in the 2012 by-elections, facilitated by the government's abolition of the laws that previously barred it.[125] In the April 2012 by-elections, the NLD won 43 of the 45 available seats. The 2012 by-elections were also the first time that international representatives were allowed to monitor the voting process in Myanmar.[126]
Myanmar's improved international reputation was indicated by ASEAN's approval of Myanmar's bid for the position of ASEAN chair in 2014.[127]

2015 general elections
[edit]General elections were held on 8 November 2015. These were the first openly contested elections held in Myanmar since the 1990 general election (which was annulled[128]). The results gave the NLD an absolute majority of seats in both chambers of the national parliament, enough to ensure that its candidate would become president, while NLD leader Aung San Suu Kyi is constitutionally barred from the presidency.[128][129]
The new parliament convened on 1 February 2016,[130] and on 15 March 2016, Htin Kyaw was elected as the first non-military president since the military coup of 1962.[131] On 6 April 2016, Aung San Suu Kyi assumed the newly created role of state counsellor, a role akin to a prime minister.[132]
Coup d'état and civil war
[edit]In Myanmar's 2020 parliamentary election, the ostensibly ruling National League for Democracy (NLD), the party of State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi, competed with various other smaller parties – particularly the military-affiliated Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP).[133] Suu Kyi's NLD won the 2020 Myanmar general election on 8 November in a landslide.[133][134][135] The USDP, regarded as a proxy for the military, suffered a "humiliating" defeat[136][137] – even worse than in 2015[137] – capturing only 33 of the 476 elected seats.[135][136]
As the election results began emerging, the USDP rejected them, urging a new election with the military as observers.[133][137] More than 90 other smaller parties contested the vote, including more than 15 who complained of irregularities. However, election observers declared there were no major irregularities.[136][135][138] However, despite the election commission validating the NLD's overwhelming victory,[138] the USDP and Myanmar's military persistently alleged fraud.[139][140][141][142][143][excessive citations] In January 2021, just before the new parliament was to be sworn in, the NLD announced that Suu Kyi would retain her State Counsellor role in the upcoming government. [144]

In the early morning of 1 February 2021, the day parliament was set to convene, the Tatmadaw, Myanmar's military, detained Suu Kyi and other members of the ruling party.[136][23][145] The military handed power to military chief Min Aung Hlaing and declared a state of emergency for one year[146][23] and began closing the borders, restricting travel and electronic communications nationwide.[145] The military announced it would replace the existing election commission with a new one, and a military media outlet indicated new elections would be held in about one year – though the military avoided making an official commitment to that.[145] The military expelled NLD party Members of Parliament from the capital city, Naypyidaw.[145] By 15 March 2021 the military leadership continued to extend martial law into more parts of Yangon, while security forces killed 38 people in a single day of violence.[147]
By the second day of the coup, thousands of protesters were marching in the streets of Yangon, and other protests erupted nationwide, largely halting commerce and transportation. Despite the military's arrests and killings of protesters, the first weeks of the coup found growing public participation, including groups of civil servants, teachers, students, workers, monks and religious leaders – even normally disaffected ethnic minorities.[148][149][145]

The coup was immediately condemned by the United Nations Secretary General, and leaders of democratic nations. The U.S. threatened sanctions on the military and its leaders, including a "freeze" of US$1 billion of their assets in the U.S.[148][145] India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Russia, Vietnam, Thailand, the Philippines and China refrained from criticizing the military coup.[150][151][152][153] A United Nations Security Council resolution called for the release of Aung San Suu Kyi and the other detained leaders[148][145] – a position shared by the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights.[145]
International development and aid partners – business, non-governmental, and governmental – hinted at suspension of partnerships with Myanmar. Banks were closed and social media communications platforms, including Facebook and Twitter, removed Tatmadaw postings. Protesters appeared at Myanmar embassies in foreign countries.[148][145] The National Unity Government then declared the formation of an armed wing on 5 May 2021, a date that is often cited as the start of a full-scale civil war. This armed wing was named the People's Defence Force (PDF) to protect its supporters from military junta attacks and as a first step towards a Federal Union Army. The civil war is ongoing as of 2025.[154][155][23]
Geography
[edit]Myanmar has a total area of 678,500 square kilometres (262,000 sq mi). It lies between latitudes 9° and 29°N, and longitudes 92° and 102°E. Myanmar is bordered in the northwest by the Chittagong Division of Bangladesh and the Mizoram, Manipur, Nagaland and Arunachal Pradesh states of India. Its north and northeast border is with the Tibet Autonomous Region and Yunnan for a Sino-Myanmar border total of 2,185 km (1,358 mi). It is bounded by Laos and Thailand to the southeast. Myanmar has 1,930 km (1,200 mi) of contiguous coastline along the Bay of Bengal and Andaman Sea to the southwest and the south, which forms one quarter of its total perimeter.[17]
In the north, the Hengduan Mountains form the border with China. Hkakabo Razi, located in Kachin State, at an elevation of 5,881 metres (19,295 ft), is the highest point in Myanmar.[156] Many mountain ranges, such as the Rakhine Yoma, the Bago Yoma, the Shan Hills and the Tenasserim Hills exist within Myanmar, all of which run north-to-south from the Himalayas.[157] The mountain chains divide Myanmar's three river systems, which are the Irrawaddy, Salween (Thanlwin), and the Sittaung rivers.[158] The Irrawaddy River, Myanmar's longest river at nearly 2,170 kilometres (1,348 mi), flows into the Gulf of Martaban. Fertile plains exist in the valleys between the mountain chains.[157] The majority of Myanmar's population lives in the Irrawaddy valley, which is situated between the Rakhine Yoma and the Shan Plateau.
Myanmar is one of the most seismically prone countries in the world.[159] The Sagaing Fault between the Indian Plate and the Eurasian Plate runs north-south through the center of the country.[159] There have been many small and some big earthquakes with a 7–8 magnitude.[159]
Administrative divisions
[edit]
Myanmar is divided into seven states (ပြည်နယ်) and seven regions (တိုင်းဒေသကြီး), formerly called divisions.[160] Regions are predominantly Bamar (that is, mainly inhabited by Myanmar's dominant ethnic group). States, in essence, are regions that are home to particular ethnic minorities. The administrative divisions are further subdivided into districts, which are further subdivided into townships, wards, and villages. Since 30 April 2022, districts inside regions and states have been expanded to total count of 121.[161]
Below are the number of districts, townships, cities/towns, wards, village groups and villages in each division and state of Myanmar as of 30 April 2022:
| No. | State/Region | Districts | Town ships |
Cities/ Towns |
Wards | Village groups |
Villages |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1 | Kachin State | 6 | 18 | 32 | 172 | 594 | 2547 |
| 2 | Kayah State | 4 | 7 | 10 | 44 | 74 | 517 |
| 3 | Kayin State | 5 | 7 | 18 | 86 | 376 | 2092 |
| 4 | Chin State | 4 | 9 | 18 | 66 | 464 | 1347 |
| 5 | Sagaing Region | 10 | 37 | 50 | 271 | 1755 | 5989 |
| 6 | Tanintharyi Region | 4 | 10 | 18 | 90 | 267 | 1237 |
| 7 | Bago Region | 6 | 28 | 52 | 328 | 1414 | 6487 |
| 8 | Magway Region | 7 | 25 | 32 | 199 | 1538 | 4788 |
| 9 | Mandalay Region | 11 | 28 | 30 | 280 | 1415 | 4799 |
| 10 | Mon State | 4 | 10 | 17 | 106 | 366 | 1143 |
| 11 | Rakhine State | 7 | 17 | 26 | 171 | 1045 | 3741 |
| 12 | Yangon Region | 14 | 45 | 21 | 743 | 621 | 2143 |
| 13 | Shan State | 20 | 55 | 86 | 513 | 1562 | 13773 |
| 14 | Ayeyarwady Region | 8 | 26 | 45 | 300 | 1919 | 11864 |
| 15 | Naypyidaw Union Territory | 4 | 8 | 8 | 58 | 187 | 796 |
| Total | 121 | 330 | 463 | 3427 | 13597 | 63268 |
Climate
[edit]
Much of the country lies between the Tropic of Cancer and the Equator. It lies in the monsoon region of Asia, with its coastal regions receiving over 5,000 mm (196.9 in) of rain annually. Annual rainfall in the delta region is approximately 2,500 mm (98.4 in), while average annual rainfall in the dry zone in central Myanmar is less than 1,000 mm (39.4 in). The northern regions of Myanmar are the coolest, with average temperatures of 21 °C (70 °F). Coastal and delta regions have an average maximum temperature of 32 °C (89.6 °F).[158] Previously and currently analysed data, as well as future projections on changes caused by climate change predict serious consequences to development for all economic, productive, social, and environmental sectors in Myanmar.[162] In order to combat the hardships ahead and do its part to help combat climate change Myanmar has displayed interest in expanding its use of renewable energy and lowering its level of carbon emissions. Groups involved in helping Myanmar with the transition and move forward include the UN Environment Programme, Myanmar Climate Change Alliance, and the Ministry of Natural Resources and Environmental Conservation which directed in producing the final draft of the Myanmar national climate change policy that was presented to various sectors of the Myanmar government for review.[163]
In April 2015, it was announced that the World Bank and Myanmar would enter a full partnership framework aimed to better access to electricity and other basic services for about six million people and expected to benefit three million pregnant woman and children through improved health services.[164] Acquired funding and proper planning has allowed Myanmar to better prepare for the impacts of climate change by enacting programs which teach its people new farming methods, rebuild its infrastructure with materials resilient to natural disasters, and transition various sectors towards reducing greenhouse gas emissions.[165]
Biodiversity
[edit]
Myanmar is a biodiverse country with more than 16,000 plant, 314 mammal, 1131 bird, 293 reptile, and 139 amphibian species, and 64 terrestrial ecosystems including tropical and subtropical vegetation, seasonally inundated wetlands, shoreline and tidal systems, and alpine ecosystems. Myanmar houses some of the largest intact natural ecosystems in Southeast Asia, but the remaining ecosystems are under threat from land use intensification and over-exploitation. According to the IUCN Red List of Ecosystems categories and criteria more than a third of Myanmar's land area has been converted to anthropogenic ecosystems over the last 2–3 centuries, and nearly half of its ecosystems are threatened. Despite large gaps in information for some ecosystems, there is a large potential to develop a comprehensive protected area network that protects its terrestrial biodiversity.[166]
Myanmar continues to perform badly in the global Environmental Performance Index (EPI) with an overall ranking of 153 out of 180 countries in 2016, among the worst in the South Asian region. The environmental areas where Myanmar performs worst (i.e. highest ranking) are air quality (174), health impacts of environmental issues (143) and biodiversity and habitat (142). Myanmar performs best (i.e. lowest ranking) in environmental impacts of fisheries (21) but with declining fish stocks. Despite several issues, Myanmar also ranks 64 and scores very good (i.e. a high percentage of 93.73%) in environmental effects of the agricultural industry because of an excellent management of the nitrogen cycle.[167][168] Myanmar is one of the most highly vulnerable countries to climate change; this poses a number of social, political, economic and foreign policy challenges to the country.[169]
Myanmar's slow economic growth has contributed to the preservation of much of its environment and ecosystems. Forests, including dense tropical growth and valuable teak in lower Myanmar, cover over 49% of the country, including areas of acacia, bamboo, ironwood and Magnolia champaca. Coconut and betel palm and rubber have been introduced. In the highlands of the north, oak, pine and various rhododendrons cover much of the land.[170]
Heavy logging since the new 1995 forestry law went into effect has seriously reduced forest area and wildlife habitat.[171] The lands along the coast support all varieties of tropical fruits and once had large areas of mangroves although much of the protective mangroves have disappeared. In much of central Myanmar (the dry zone), vegetation is sparse and stunted.
Typical jungle animals, particularly tigers, occur sparsely in Myanmar. In upper Myanmar, there are rhinoceros, wild water buffalo, clouded leopard, wild boars, deer, antelope, and elephants, which are also tamed or bred in captivity for use as work animals, particularly in the lumber industry. Smaller mammals are also numerous, ranging from gibbons and monkeys to flying foxes. The abundance of birds is notable with over 800 species, including parrots, myna, peafowl, red junglefowl, weaverbirds, crows, herons, and barn owl. Among reptile species there are crocodiles, geckos, cobras, Burmese pythons, and turtles. Hundreds of species of freshwater fish are wide-ranging, plentiful and are very important food sources.[172]
Government and politics
[edit]- Min Aung Hlaing, Acting President and Chairman of the State Security and Peace Commission
- Soe Win, Vice Chairman of the State Security and Peace Commission and Deputy Prime Minister
- Nyo Saw, Prime Minister
Myanmar operates de jure as a unitary assembly-independent republic under its 2008 constitution. But in February 2021, the civilian government led by Aung San Suu Kyi, was deposed by the Tatmadaw. In February 2021, Myanmar military declared a one-year state emergency and First Vice President Myint Swe became the Acting President of Myanmar and handed the power to the Commander-in-Chief of Defence Services Min Aung Hlaing and he assumed the role Chairman of the State Administration Council, then Prime Minister. The President of Myanmar acts as the de jure head of state and the Chairman of the State Administration Council acts as the de facto head of government.[173]

The constitution of Myanmar, its third since independence, was drafted by its military rulers and published in September 2008. The country is governed as a parliamentary system with a bicameral legislature (with an executive president accountable to the legislature), with 25% of the legislators appointed by the military and the rest elected in general elections.
The legislature, called the Assembly of the Union, is bicameral and made up of two houses: The 224-seat upper House of Nationalities and the 440-seat lower House of Representatives. The upper house consists 168 members who are directly elected and 56 who are appointed by the Burmese Armed Forces. The lower house consists of 330 members who are directly elected and 110 who are appointed by the armed forces.
Political culture
[edit]The major political parties are the National League for Democracy and the Union Solidarity and Development Party.
Myanmar's army-drafted constitution was approved in a referendum in May 2008. The results, 92.4% of the 22 million voters with an official turnout of 99%, are considered suspect by many international observers and by the National League of Democracy with reports of widespread fraud, ballot stuffing, and voter intimidation.[174]
The elections of 2010 resulted in a victory for the military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party. Various foreign observers questioned the fairness of the elections.[120][175][176] One criticism of the election was that only government-sanctioned political parties were allowed to contest in it and the popular National League for Democracy was declared illegal.[177] However, immediately following the elections, the government ended the house arrest of the democracy advocate and leader of the National League for Democracy, Aung San Suu Kyi,[178] and her ability to move freely around the country is considered an important test of the military's movement toward more openness.[177] According to the V-Dem Democracy indices, Myanmar in 2024 was one of the most autocratic countries in the world.[179]
Foreign relations
[edit]Though the country's foreign relations, particularly with Western nations, have historically been strained, the situation has markedly improved since the reforms following the 2010 elections. After years of diplomatic isolation and economic and military sanctions,[180] the United States relaxed curbs on foreign aid to Myanmar in November 2011[124] and announced the resumption of diplomatic relations on 13 January 2012[181] The European Union has placed sanctions on Myanmar, including an arms embargo, cessation of trade preferences, and suspension of all aid with the exception of humanitarian aid.[182]
Sanctions imposed by the United States and European countries against the former military government, coupled with boycotts and other direct pressure on corporations by supporters of the democracy movement, have resulted in the withdrawal from the country of most U.S. and many European companies.[183] Despite Western isolation, Asian corporations have generally remained willing to continue investing in the country and to initiate new investments, particularly in natural resource extraction. The country has close relations with neighbouring India and China with several Indian and Chinese companies operating in the country. Under India's Look East policy, fields of co-operation between India and Myanmar include remote sensing,[184] oil and gas exploration,[185] information technology,[186] hydropower[187] and construction of ports and buildings.[188] Myanmar also has close political relations with Vietnam[189] and Japan.[190][191]
In May 2013, Thein Sein became the first Myanmar president to visit the White House in 47 years. President Barack Obama praised the former general for political and economic reforms and the cessation of tensions between Myanmar and the United States. Political activists objected to the visit because of concerns over human rights abuses in Myanmar, but Obama assured Thein Sein that Myanmar will receive U.S. support. The two governments agreed to sign a bilateral trade and investment framework agreement on 21 May 2013.[192]
In June 2013, Myanmar held its first ever summit, the World Economic Forum on East Asia 2013. A regional spinoff of the annual World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland, the summit was held on 5–7 June and attended by 1,200 participants, including 10 heads of state, 12 ministers and 40 senior directors from around the world.[193]
On 19 January 2025, Reuters reported that ASEAN had told Myanmar's military government to prioritise ceasefire, "urging the junta to start dialogue and end hostilities immediately" and "to allow unhindered humanitarian access", citing Malaysia's foreign minister Mohamad Hasan.[194] The ASEAN chair's statement denounced "the continued acts of violence against civilians and public facilities and urged all parties involved" to "immediately halt indiscriminate violence, exercise utmost restraint, ensure the protection and safety of all civilians and civilian infrastructures, and create a conducive environment for the delivery of humanitarian assistance and inclusive national dialogue".[195]
Military
[edit]Since the late 1950s, Myanmar's military has had major roles in Myanmar's politics.[196]: 23

Myanmar has received extensive military aid from China in the past.[197] Myanmar has been a member of ASEAN since 1997. Though it gave up its turn to hold the ASEAN chair and host the ASEAN Summit in 2006, it chaired the forum and hosted the summit in 2014.[198] In November 2008, Myanmar's political situation with neighbouring Bangladesh became tense as they began searching for natural gas in a disputed block of the Bay of Bengal.[198] Controversy surrounding the Rohingya population also remains an issue between Bangladesh and Myanmar.[199]
Myanmar's armed forces are known as the Tatmadaw, which numbers 488,000. The Tatmadaw comprises the Army, the Navy, and the Air Force. The country ranked twelfth in the world for its number of active troops in service.[38] The military is very influential in Myanmar, with all top cabinet and ministry posts usually held by military officials. Official figures for military spending are not available. Estimates vary widely because of uncertain exchange rates, but Myanmar's military forces' expenses are high.[200] Myanmar imports most of its weapons from Russia, Ukraine, China and India.
Myanmar is building a research nuclear reactor near Pyin Oo Lwin with help from Russia. It is one of the signatories of the nuclear non-proliferation pact since 1992 and a member of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) since 1957. The military junta had informed the IAEA in September 2000 of its intention to construct the reactor.[201][202] In 2010 as part of the leaked diplomatic cables, Myanmar was suspected of using North Korean construction teams to build a fortified surface-to-air missile facility.[203] As of 2019, the United States Bureau of Arms Control assessed that Myanmar is not in violation of its obligations under the Non-Proliferation Treaty but that the Myanmar government had a history of non-transparency on its nuclear programs and aims.[204]
Until 2005, the United Nations General Assembly annually adopted a detailed resolution about the situation in Myanmar by consensus.[205][206][207][208] But in 2006 a divided United Nations General Assembly voted through a resolution that strongly called upon the government of Myanmar to end its systematic violations of human rights.[209] In January 2007, Russia and China vetoed a draft resolution before the United Nations Security Council[210] calling on the government of Myanmar to respect human rights and begin a democratic transition. South Africa also voted against the resolution.[211]
Human rights and internal conflicts
[edit]This section may lend undue weight to certain ideas, incidents, or controversies. (November 2020) |

There is consensus that the former military regime in Myanmar (1962–2010) was one of the world's most repressive and abusive regimes.[212][213] In November 2012, Samantha Power, Barack Obama's Special Assistant to the President on Human Rights, wrote on the White House blog that "Serious human rights abuses against civilians in several regions continue, including against women and children."[111] Members of the United Nations and major international human rights organisations have issued repeated and consistent reports of widespread and systematic human rights violations in Myanmar. The United Nations General Assembly has repeatedly[214] called on the Burmese military junta to respect human rights and in November 2009 the General Assembly adopted a resolution "strongly condemning the ongoing systematic violations of human rights and fundamental freedoms" and calling on the Burmese military regime "to take urgent measures to put an end to violations of international human rights and humanitarian law."[215]
International human rights organisations including Human Rights Watch[216] and Amnesty International[217] have repeatedly documented and condemned widespread human rights violations in Myanmar. The Freedom in the World 2011 report by Freedom House notes, "The military junta has ... suppressed nearly all basic rights; and committed human rights abuses with impunity." In July 2013, the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners indicated that there were approximately 100 political prisoners being held in Burmese prisons.[218][219][220][221] Evidence gathered by a British researcher was published in 2005 regarding the extermination or "Burmisation" of certain ethnic minorities, such as the Karen, Karenni and Shan.[222]

Based on the evidence gathered by Amnesty photographs and video of the ongoing armed conflict between the Myanmar military and the Arakan Army (AA), attacks escalated on civilians in Rakhine State. Ming Yu Hah, Amnesty International's Deputy Regional Director for Campaigns said, the UN Security Council must urgently refer the situation in Myanmar to the International Criminal Court.[224] The military is notorious for rampant use of sexual violence.[20]
In November 2024, the ICC prosecutor Karim A.A. Khan KC filed an arrest warrant application of Senior General, Acting President and Commander-in-Chief of the Myanmar Defence Services Min Aung Hlaing for "criminal responsibility for the crimes against humanity of deportation and persecution of the Rohingya, committed in Myanmar, and in part in Bangladesh".[225]
Genocide allegations, Organ trading and human trafficking
[edit]Child soldiers have been a major issue in Myanmar,[226] with reports of children being sold into the military for as little as $40. The Burmese Army and rebel groups have used child soldiers, though some efforts have been made to release them. The UN and other organizations have pressured the government to reform, but progress has been slow.[227][228]
The military takeover in 2021 worsened poverty in country pushing people to extreme measures like illegal organ trade. Many Myanmar citizens sell their organs online for money, sometimes earning the equivalent of a two-year salary, as financial desperation forces families into a cycle of selling body parts.[229]
The Myanmar government has been alleged to have committed genocide against the Rohingya. The Rohingya people face severe persecution, denied citizenship and basic rights since 1982. Many have been expelled, making them one of the world's most persecuted minorities.[230]
Government reforms
[edit]According to the Crisis Group,[231] since Myanmar transitioned to a new government in August 2011, the country's human rights record has been improving. Previously giving Myanmar its lowest rating of 7, the 2012 Freedom in the World report also notes improvement, giving Myanmar a 6 for improvements in civil liberties and political rights, the release of political prisoners, and a loosening of restrictions.[232] In 2013, Myanmar improved yet again, receiving a score of 5 in civil liberties and 6 in political freedoms.[233]
The government has assembled a National Human Rights Commission that consists of 15 members from various backgrounds.[234] Several activists in exile, including Thee Lay Thee Anyeint members, have returned to Myanmar after President Thein Sein's invitation to expatriates to return home to work for national development.[235] In an address to the United Nations Security Council on 22 September 2011, Myanmar's Foreign Minister Wunna Maung Lwin confirmed the government's intention to release prisoners in the near future.[236]
The government has also relaxed reporting laws, but these remain highly restrictive.[237] In September 2011, several banned websites, including YouTube, Democratic Voice of Burma and Voice of America, were unblocked.[238] A 2011 report by the Hauser Center for Nonprofit Organizations found that, while contact with the Myanmar government was constrained by donor restrictions, international humanitarian non-governmental organisations (NGOs) see opportunities for effective advocacy with government officials, especially at the local level. At the same time, international NGOs are mindful of the ethical quandary of how to work with the government without bolstering or appeasing it.[239]
Following Thein Sein's first ever visit to the UK and a meeting with Prime Minister David Cameron, the Myanmar president declared that all of his nation's political prisoners will be released by the end of 2013, in addition to a statement of support for the well-being of the Rohingya Muslim community. In a speech at Chatham House, he revealed that "We [Myanmar government] are reviewing all cases. I guarantee to you that by the end of this year, there will be no prisoners of conscience in Myanmar."[240]
Homosexual acts are illegal in Myanmar and can be punishable by life imprisonment.[241][242]
In 2016, Myanmar leader Aung San Suu Kyi was accused of failing to protect Myanmar's Muslim minority.[243] Since August 2017 Doctors Without Borders have treated 113 Rohingya refugee females for sexual assault with all but one describing military assailants.[244]
Economy
[edit]This section needs to be updated. The reason given is: Economic situation has changed since the 2021 Myanmar coup d'état. (January 2025) |
Myanmar's economy is one of the fastest growing economies in the world with a nominal GDP of US$76.09 billion in 2019 and an estimated purchasing power adjusted GDP of US$327.629 billion in 2017 according to the World Bank.[245][improper synthesis?] Foreigners are able to legally lease but not own property.[246] In December 2014, Myanmar set up its first stock exchange, the Yangon Stock Exchange.[247]
The informal economy's share in Myanmar is one of the biggest in the world and is closely linked to corruption, smuggling and illegal trade activities.[248][249] In addition, decades of civil war and unrest have contributed to Myanmar's current levels of poverty and lack of economic progress. Myanmar lacks adequate infrastructure. Goods travel primarily across the Thai border (where most illegal drugs are exported) and along the Irrawaddy River.[250] Notably, opium production in Myanmar is the world's second-largest source of opium after Afghanistan, producing some 25% of the world's opium, forming part of the Golden Triangle. While opium poppy cultivation in Myanmar had declined year-on-year since 2015, cultivation area increased by 33% totalling 40,100 hectares alongside an 88% increase in yield potential to 790 tonnes in 2022 according to latest data from the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) Myanmar Opium Survey 2022.[251] With that said, the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) has also warned that opium production in Myanmar may rise again if the economic crunch brought on by COVID-19 and the country's 1 February military coup persists, with significant public health and security consequences for much of Asia.[252] At the same time, the Golden Triangle, and specifically Shan State in Myanmar, is believed to be the largest methamphetamine-producing area in the world. The growing signs of an intensification of methamphetamine manufacturing activity within and around the Golden Triangle, and a corresponding decrease in the number of production facilities dismantled in other parts of the region, suggests that methamphetamine manufacture in East and Southeast Asia is now consolidated into the lower Mekong region.[253] Countries in East and Southeast Asia have collectively witnessed sustained increases in seizures of methamphetamine over the last decade, totalling over 171 tons and a record of over 1 billion methamphetamine tablets in 2021 according to the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime, more than any other part of the world.[254] In April and May 2020, Myanmar authorities reported Asia's largest ever drug operation in Shan State, totalling what was believed to be 193 million methamphetamine tablets, hundreds of kilogrammes of crystal methamphetamine as well as some heroin, and over 162,000 litres and 35.5 tons of drug precursors as well as sophisticated production equipment and several staging and storage facilities.[255]
Both China and India have attempted to strengthen ties with the government for economic benefit in the early 2010s. Many Western nations, including the United States and Canada, and the European Union, historically imposed investment and trade sanctions on Myanmar. The United States and European Union eased most of their sanctions in 2012.[256] From May 2012 to February 2013, the United States began to lift its economic sanctions on Myanmar "in response to the historic reforms that have been taking place in that country."[257] Foreign investment comes primarily from China, Singapore, the Philippines, South Korea, India, and Thailand.[258] The military has stakes in some major industrial corporations of the country (from oil production and consumer goods to transportation and tourism).[259][260]
Economic history
[edit]
Under the British administration, the people of Burma were at the bottom of the social hierarchy, with Europeans at the top, Indians, Chinese, and Christianised minorities in the middle, and Buddhist Burmese at the bottom.[261] Forcefully integrated into the world economy, Burma's economy grew by involving itself with extractive industries and cash crop agriculture. However, much of the wealth was concentrated in the hands of Europeans. The country became the world's largest exporter of rice, mainly to European markets, while other colonies like India suffered mass starvation.[262] Being a follower of free market principles, the British opened up the country to large-scale immigration with Rangoon exceeding New York City as the greatest immigration port in the world in the 1920s. Historian Thant Myint-U states, "This was out of a total population of only 13 million; it was equivalent to the United Kingdom today taking 2 million people a year." By then, in most of Burma's largest cities, Rangoon, Akyab, Bassein and Moulmein, the Indian immigrants formed a majority of the population. The Burmese under British rule felt helpless, and reacted with a "racism that combined feelings of superiority and fear".[261]
Crude oil production, an indigenous industry of Yenangyaung, was taken over by the British and put under Burmah Oil monopoly. British Burma began exporting crude oil in 1853.[263] European firms produced 75% of the world's teak.[37] The wealth was, however, mainly concentrated in the hands of Europeans. In the 1930s, agricultural production fell dramatically as international rice prices declined and did not recover for several decades.[264] During the Japanese invasion of Burma in World War II, the British followed a scorched earth policy. They destroyed major government buildings, oil wells and mines that developed for tungsten (Mawchi), tin, lead and silver to keep them from the Japanese. Myanmar was bombed extensively by the Allies.[citation needed]
After independence, the country was in ruins with its major infrastructure completely destroyed. With the loss of India, Burma lost relevance and obtained independence from the British. After a parliamentary government was formed in 1948, Prime Minister U Nu embarked upon a policy of nationalisation and the state was declared the owner of all of the land in Burma. The government tried to implement an eight-year plan partly financed by injecting money into the economy, but this caused inflation to rise.[265] The 1962 coup d'état was followed by an economic scheme called the Burmese Way to Socialism, a plan to nationalise all industries, with the exception of agriculture. While the economy continued to grow at a slower rate, the country eschewed a Western-oriented development model, and by the 1980s, was left behind capitalist powerhouses like Singapore which were integrated with Western economies.[266][91] Myanmar asked for admittance to a least developed country status in 1987 to receive debt relief.[267]
Agriculture
[edit]
The major agricultural product is rice, which covers about 60% of the country's total cultivated land area. Rice accounts for 97% of total food grain production by weight. Through collaboration with the International Rice Research Institute, 52 modern rice varieties were released in the country between 1966 and 1997, helping increase national rice production to 14 million tons in 1987 and to 19 million tons in 1996. By 1988, modern varieties were planted on half of the country's ricelands, including 98 percent of the irrigated areas.[268] In 2008 rice production was estimated at 50 million tons.[269]
Extractive industries
[edit]Myanmar produces precious stones such as rubies, sapphires, pearls, and jade. Rubies are the biggest earner; 90% of the world's rubies come from the country, whose red stones are prized for their purity and hue. Thailand buys the majority of the country's gems. Myanmar's "Valley of Rubies", the mountainous Mogok area, 200 km (120 mi) north of Mandalay, is noted for its rare pigeon's blood rubies and blue sapphires.[270]
Many U.S. and European jewellery companies, including Bulgari, Tiffany and Cartier, refuse to import these stones based on reports of deplorable working conditions in the mines. Human Rights Watch has encouraged a complete ban on the purchase of Burmese gems based on these reports and because nearly all profits go to the ruling junta, as the majority of mining activity in the country is government-run.[271] The government of Myanmar controls the gem trade by direct ownership or by joint ventures with private owners of mines.[272]
Rare-earth elements are also a significant export, as Myanmar supplies around 10% of the world's rare earths.[273] Conflict in Kachin State has threatened the operations of its mines as of February 2021.[274][275]
Other industries include agricultural goods, textiles, wood products, construction materials, gems, metals, oil and natural gas. Myanmar Engineering Society has identified at least 39 locations capable of geothermal power production and some of these hydrothermal reservoirs lie quite close to Yangon which is a significant underutilised resource for electrical production.[276]
Tourism
[edit]

The government receives a significant percentage of the income of private-sector tourism services.[277] The most popular available tourist destinations in Myanmar include big cities such as Yangon and Mandalay; religious sites in Mon State, Pindaya, Bago and Hpa-An; nature trails in Inle Lake, Kengtung, Putao, Pyin Oo Lwin; ancient cities such as Bagan and Mrauk-U; as well as beaches in Nabule,[278] Ngapali, Ngwe-Saung, and Mergui.[279] Nevertheless, much of the country is off-limits to tourists, and interactions between foreigners and the people of Myanmar, particularly in the border regions, are subject to police scrutiny. They are not to discuss politics with foreigners, under penalty of imprisonment and, in 2001, the Myanmar Tourism Promotion Board issued an order for local officials to protect tourists and limit "unnecessary contact" between foreigners and ordinary Burmese people.[280]
The most common way for travellers to enter the country is by air.[281] According to the website Lonely Planet, getting into Myanmar is problematic: "No bus or train service connects Myanmar with another country, nor can you travel by car or motorcycle across the border – you must walk across." They further state that "It is not possible for foreigners to go to/from Myanmar by sea or river."[281] There are a few border crossings that allow the passage of private vehicles, such as the border between Ruili (China) to Mu-se, the border between Htee Kee (Myanmar) and Phu Nam Ron (Thailand)—the most direct border between Dawei and Kanchanaburi, and the border between Myawaddy and Mae Sot, Thailand. At least one tourist company has successfully run commercial overland routes through these borders since 2013.[282]
Flights are available from most countries, though direct flights are limited to mainly Thai and other ASEAN airlines. According to Eleven magazine, "In the past, there were only 15 international airlines and increasing numbers of airlines have begun launching direct flights from Japan, Qatar, Taiwan, South Korea, Germany and Singapore."[283]
Demographics
[edit]
| Population[284][285] | |||
|---|---|---|---|
| Year | Million | ||
| 1950 | 17.1 | ||
| 2000 | 46.1 | ||
| 2021 | 53.8 | ||
The provisional results of the 2014 Myanmar Census showed that the total population was 51,419,420.[286] This figure includes an estimated 1,206,353 persons in parts of northern Rakhine State, Kachin State and Kayin State who were not counted.[287] People who were out of the country at the time of the census are not included in these figures. There are over 600,000 registered migrant workers from Myanmar in Thailand, and millions more work illegally. Burmese citizens account for 80% of all migrant workers in Thailand.[288] At the beginning of the 20th century, Burma's population was approximately 10 million.[289] The national population density is 76 per square kilometre (200/sq mi), among the lowest in Southeast Asia.
Myanmar's fertility rate in 2011 was 2.23, slightly above the replacement level[290] and low compared to Southeast Asian countries of similar economic standing.[290] There has been a significant decline in fertility in the 2000s, from a rate of 4.7 children per woman in 1983, down to 2.4 in 2001, despite the absence of any national population policy.[290][291][292] The fertility rate is much lower in urban areas.
The relatively rapid decline in fertility is attributed to several factors, including extreme delays in marriage (almost unparalleled among developing countries in the region), the prevalence of illegal abortions, and the high proportion of single, unmarried women of reproductive age, with 25.9% of women aged 30–34 and 33.1% of men and women aged 25–34 being single.[292][293]
These patterns stem from economic dynamics, including high income inequality, which results in residents of reproductive age opting for delay of marriage and family-building in favour of attempting to find employment and establish some form of wealth;[292] the average age of marriage in Myanmar is 27.5 for men, 26.4 for women.[292][293]
Largest cities
[edit]| Rank | Name | Division | Pop. | ||||||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1 | Yangon | Yangon | 5,211,431 | ||||||
| 2 | Mandalay | Mandalay | 1,225,546 | ||||||
| 3 | Naypyidaw | Naypyidaw | 1,160,242 | ||||||
| 4 | Bago | Bago | 491,434 | ||||||
| 5 | Hpa-An | Kayin | 421,575 | ||||||
| 6 | Taunggyi | Shan | 381,636 | ||||||
| 7 | Monywa | Sagaing | 372,095 | ||||||
| 8 | Myitkyina | Kachin | 306,949 | ||||||
| 9 | Mawlamyine | Mon | 289,388 | ||||||
| 10 | Magway | Magway | 289,247 | ||||||
Ethnic groups
[edit]
Myanmar is ethnically diverse. The government recognises 135 distinct ethnic groups. There are at least 108 different ethnolinguistic groups in Myanmar, consisting mainly of distinct Tibeto-Burman peoples, but with sizeable populations of Tai–Kadai, Hmong–Mien, and Austroasiatic (Mon–Khmer) peoples.[294]
Ethnic identity in modern-day Myanmar has been significantly shaped by British colonial rule, Christian missionaries, and decolonisation in the post-independence era. To this day, the Burmese language does not have precise terminology that distinguishes the European concepts of race and ethnicity; the term lu-myo (လူမျိုး, lit. 'type of person') can reference race, ethnicity, and religion.[295] For instance, many Bamar self-identify as members of the 'Buddhist lu-myo' or the 'Myanmar lu-myo,' which has posed a significant challenge for census-takers.[296]
The Bamar form an estimated 68% of the population.[297][irrelevant citation] 10% of the population are Shan.[297] The Kayin make up 7% of the population.[297] The Rakhine people constitute 4% of the population. Overseas Chinese form approximately 3% of the population.[297][298] Myanmar's ethnic minority groups prefer the term "ethnic nationality" over "ethnic minority" as the term "minority" furthers their sense of insecurity in the face of what is often described as "Burmanisation"—the proliferation and domination of the dominant Bamar culture over minority cultures.
Mon, who form 2% of the population, are ethno-linguistically related to the Khmer.[297] Overseas Indians are 2%.[297] The remainder are Kachin, Chin, Rohingya, Anglo-Indians, Gurkha, Nepali and other ethnic minorities. Included in this group are the Anglo-Burmese. Once forming a large and influential community, the Anglo-Burmese left the country in steady streams from 1958 onwards, principally to Australia and the United Kingdom. It is estimated that 52,000 Anglo-Burmese remain in Myanmar. As of 2009[update], 110,000 Burmese refugees were living in refugee camps in Thailand.[299]
Refugee camps exist along Indian, Bangladeshi and Thai borders while several thousand are in Malaysia. Conservative estimates state that there are over 295,800 minority refugees from Myanmar, with the majority being Rohingya, Karen, and Karenni are principally located along the Thai-Myanmar border.[300] There are nine permanent refugee camps along the Thai-Myanmar border, most of which were established in the mid-1980s. The refugee camps are under the care of the Thai-Burma Border Consortium (TBBC). Since 2006,[301] over 55,000 Burmese refugees have been resettled in the United States.[302]
The persecution of Burmese Indians, Burmese Chinese and other ethnic groups after the military coup headed by General Ne Win in 1962 led to the expulsion or emigration of 300,000 people.[303] They migrated to escape racial discrimination and the wholesale nationalisation of private enterprise that took place in 1964.[304] The Anglo-Burmese at this time either fled the country or changed their names and blended in with the broader Burmese society.
Many Rohingya Muslims have fled Myanmar. Many refugees headed to neighbouring Bangladesh, including 200,000 in 1978 as a result of the King Dragon operation in Arakan.[305] 250,000 more left in 1991.[306] Since August 2017, an estimated 23,000–43,700 Rohingya have been killed[307][308] in the ongoing Rohingya genocide, and another 730,000 have fled to Bangladesh.[309]
Languages
[edit]Myanmar is home to four major language families: Sino-Tibetan, Tai–Kadai, Austroasiatic, and Indo-European.[294] Sino-Tibetan languages are most widely spoken. They include Burmese, Karen, Kachin, Chin, and Chinese (mainly Hokkien). The primary Tai–Kadai language is Shan. Mon, Palaung, and Wa are the major Austroasiatic languages spoken in Myanmar. The two major Indo-European languages are Pali, the liturgical language of Theravada Buddhism, and English.[310] More than a hundred languages are spoken in total. Since many of them are known only within small tribes around the country, they may have been lost (many if not all) after a few generations.
Burmese, the mother tongue of the Bamar and official language of Myanmar, is related to Tibetan and Chinese.[310] It is written in a script consisting of circular and semi-circular letters, which were adapted from the Mon script, which in turn was developed from a southern Indian script in the 5th century. The earliest known inscriptions in the Burmese script date from the 11th century. It is also used to write Pali, the sacred language of Theravada Buddhism, as well as several ethnic minority languages, including Shan, several Karen dialects, and Kayah (Karenni), with the addition of specialised characters and diacritics for each language.[311]
Religion
[edit]Many religions are practised in Myanmar. Religious edifices and orders have been in existence for many years. The Christian and Muslim populations do, however, face religious persecution and it is hard, if not impossible, for non-Buddhists to join the army or get government jobs, the main route to success in the country.[312] Such persecution and targeting of civilians is particularly notable in eastern Myanmar, where over 3,000 villages have been destroyed in the past ten years.[313][314][315] More than 200,000 Muslims have fled to Bangladesh by 2007 to escape persecution.[316][317]

A large majority of the population practices Buddhism; estimates range from 80%[318] to 89%.[319][320] According to the 2014 Myanmar Census, 87.9% of the population identifies as Buddhists.[321] Theravāda Buddhism is the most widespread.[319] There are some 500,000 Buddhist monks and 75,000 nuns in this country of 54 million.[322] Other religions are practised largely without obstruction, with the notable exception of some religious minorities such as the Rohingya people, who have continued to have their citizenship status denied and treated as illegal immigrants instead,[323] and Christians in Chin State.[324] According to 2014 census, 6.2% of the population identifies as Christian; 4.3% as Muslim; 0.8% as followers of tribal religions; 0.5% as Hindus; 0.2% as followers of other religions; and 0.1% follow no religion.[321] According to the 2010 estimates of the Pew Research Center, 7% of the population is Christian; 4% is Muslim; 1% follows traditional animistic beliefs; and 2% follow other religions, including Mahayana Buddhism, Hinduism, and East Asian religions.[324][297] Jehovah's Witnesses have been present since 1914[325] and have about 80 congregations around the country and a branch office in Yangon publishing in 16 languages.[326] A tiny Jewish community in Yangon had a synagogue but no resident rabbi.[327]
Although Hinduism is practised by 0.5% of the population, it was a major religion in Myanmar's past.[328][329] Burmese folk religion is practised by many Bamars alongside Buddhism.
Health
[edit]The general state of health care in Myanmar is poor. The government spends anywhere from 0.5% to 3% of the country's GDP on health care, consistently ranking among the lowest in the world.[330][331] Although health care is nominally free, in reality, patients have to pay for medicine and treatment, even in public clinics and hospitals. Public hospitals lack many of the basic facilities and equipment. The 2010 maternal mortality rate per 100,000 births for Myanmar is 240. This is compared with 219.3 in 2008 and 662 in 1990. The under 5 mortality rate, per 1,000 births is 73 and the neonatal mortality as a percentage of under 5's mortality is 47. According to Doctors without Borders, 25,000 Burmese AIDS patients died in 2007, deaths that could largely have been prevented by antiretroviral therapy drugs and proper treatment.[332]
HIV/AIDS, recognised as a disease of concern by the Myanmar Ministry of Health, is most prevalent among sex workers and intravenous drug users. In 2005, the estimated adult HIV prevalence rate in Myanmar was 1.3% (200,000–570,000 people), according to UNAIDS, and early indicators of any progress against the HIV epidemic are inconsistent.[333][334][335] However, the National AIDS Programme Myanmar found that 32% of sex workers and 43% of intravenous drug users in Myanmar have HIV.[335]
Education
[edit]
According to the UNESCO Institute of Statistics, Myanmar's official literacy rate as of 2000 was 90%.[336] Historically, Myanmar has had high literacy rates. The educational system of Myanmar is operated by the government agency, the Ministry of Education. The education system is based on the United Kingdom's system after nearly a century of British and Christian presences in Myanmar. Nearly all schools are government-operated, but there has been an increase in privately funded English language schools in the early 21st century. Schooling is compulsory until the end of elementary school, approximately 9 years old, while the compulsory schooling age is 15 or 16 at international level.
There are 101 universities, 12 institutes, 9 degree colleges and 24 colleges in Myanmar, a total of 146 higher education institutions.[337] There are 10 technical training schools, 23 nursing training schools, 1 sport academy and 20 midwifery schools. There are four international schools acknowledged by WASC and College Board—The International School Yangon, Myanmar International School, Yangon International School, and International School of Myanmar in Yangon. Myanmar was ranked 125th in the Global Innovation Index in 2024.[338]
Crime
[edit]Myanmar had a murder rate of 15.2 per 100,000 population with a total of 8,044 murders in 2012.[339] Factors influencing Myanmar's high murder rate include communal violence and armed conflict.[340] Myanmar is one of the world's most corrupt nations according to the 2012 Transparency International Corruption Perceptions Index, which ranked the country at number 171, out of 176 countries in total.[341] Myanmar is the world's second largest producer of opium after Afghanistan, producing some 25% of the world's opium, and forms part of the Golden Triangle. The opium industry was a monopoly during colonial times and has since been illegally operated by corrupt officials in the Burmese military and rebel fighters,[342] primarily as the basis for heroin manufacture. Myanmar is the largest producer of methamphetamines in the world, with the majority of Ya ba found in Thailand produced in Myanmar, particularly in the Golden Triangle and northeastern Shan State, which borders Thailand, Laos and China.[343] Burmese-produced ya ba is typically trafficked to Thailand via Laos, before being transported through the northeastern Thai region of Isan.[344]
Culture
[edit]
A diverse range of indigenous cultures exist in Myanmar, with majority culture primarily Buddhist and Bamar. Bamar culture has been influenced by the cultures of neighbouring countries, manifested in its language, cuisine, music, dance and theatre. The arts, particularly literature, have historically been influenced by the local form of Theravada Buddhism. Considered the national epic of Myanmar, the Yama Zatdaw, an adaptation of India's Ramayana, has been influenced greatly by Thai, Mon, and Indian versions of the play.[345] Buddhism is practised along with nat worship, which involves elaborate rituals to propitiate one from a pantheon of 37 nats.[346][347]
In a traditional village, the monastery is the centre of cultural life. Monks are venerated and supported by the lay people. A novitiation ceremony called shinbyu is the most important coming of age events for a boy, during which he enters the monastery for a short time.[348] All male children in Buddhist families are encouraged to be a novice (beginner for Buddhism) before the age of twenty and to be a monk after the age of twenty. Girls have ear-piercing ceremonies (နားသ) at the same time.[348] Burmese culture is most evident in villages where local festivals are held throughout the year, the most important being the pagoda festival.[349][350] Many villages have a guardian nat, and superstition and taboos are commonplace.

British colonial rule introduced Western elements of culture to Myanmar. Myanmar's education system is modelled after that of the United Kingdom. Colonial architectural influences are most evident in major cities such as Yangon.[351] Many ethnic minorities, particularly the Karen in the southeast and the Kachin and Chin who populate the north and northeast, practice Christianity.[352] According to The World Factbook, the Burman population is 68% and the ethnic groups constitute 32%. In contrast, the exiled leaders and organisations claim the country is 40% ethnic.
Cuisine
[edit]Burmese cuisine is characterised by extensive use of fish products such as fish sauce, ngapi (fermented seafood) and dried prawn. Mohinga is the traditional breakfast dish and is Myanmar's national dish. Seafood is a common ingredient in coastal cities, while meat and poultry are more commonly used in landlocked cities like Mandalay. Freshwater fish and shrimp have been incorporated into inland cooking as a primary source of protein and are used in a variety of ways, fresh, salted whole or filleted, salted and dried, made into a salty paste, or fermented sour and pressed. Burmese cuisine also includes a variety of salads (a thoke), centred on one major ingredient, ranging from starches like rice, wheat and rice noodles, glass noodles and vermicelli, to potato, ginger, tomato, kaffir lime, long bean, and lahpet (pickled tea leaves).
Sport
[edit]The Lethwei, Bando, Banshay, and Pongyi thaing martial arts and chinlone are traditional sports in Myanmar.[353] Football is played all over the country, even in villages, and its national team is ruled by the Myanmar Football Federation. The 2013 Southeast Asian Games took place in Naypyidaw, Yangon, Mandalay and Ngwesaung Beach in December representing the third occasion that the event has been staged in Myanmar. Myanmar previously hosted the games in 1961 and 1969.[354]
Art
[edit]Burmese traditional art concepts are popular and respected by the Burmese people and people from abroad. Burmese contemporary art has developed quite rapidly on its own terms. Artists born after the 1980s have had greater chances of art practice outside the country.
One of the first to study western art was Ba Nyan. Together with Ngwe Gaing and a handful of other artists, they were the pioneers of western painting style. Later on most young children learned the concepts from them. Some well known contemporary artists are Lun Gywe, Aung Kyaw Htet, MPP Yei Myint, Myint Swe, Min Wai Aung, Aung Myint, Kin Maung Yin, Po Po and Zaw Zaw Aung.
Media and communications
[edit]Because of Myanmar's political climate, there are not many media companies in relation to the country's population. Some are privately owned. All programming must meet with the approval of the censorship board. The Burmese government announced on 20 August 2012 that it would stop censoring media before publication. Following the announcement, newspapers and other outlets no longer required approved by state censors; however, journalists in the country can still face consequences for what they write and say.[355] In April 2013, international media reports were published to relay the enactment of the media liberalisation reforms that we announced in August 2012. For the first time in numerous decades, the publication of privately owned newspapers commenced in the country.[356]
Internet
[edit]
Internet use is estimated to be relatively low compared to other countries.[357][358] Myanmar's internet used to be subject to censorship, and authorities viewed e-mails and posts on Internet blogs until 2012 when the government removed media censorship. During the strict censorship days, activity at internet cafes was regulated, and one blogger named Zarganar was sentenced to prison for publishing a video of destruction caused by Cyclone Nargis in 2008; Zarganar was released in October 2011.
In regards to communications infrastructure, Myanmar is the last ranked Asian country in the World Economic Forum's Networked Readiness Index (NRI) – an indicator for determining the development level of a country's information and communication technologies. With 139 countries reported on, Myanmar ranked number 133 overall in the 2016 NRI ranking.[359]
Film
[edit]Myanmar's first film was a documentary of the funeral of Tun Shein—a leading politician of the 1910s, who campaigned for Burmese independence in London. The first Burmese silent film Myitta Ne Thuya (Love and Liquor) in 1920 which proved a major success, despite its poor quality. During the 1920s and 1930s, many Burmese-owned film companies made and produced several films. The first Burmese sound film was produced in 1932 in Bombay, India with the title Ngwe Pay Lo Ma Ya (Money Can't Buy It). After World War II, Burmese cinema continued to address political themes. Many of the films produced in the early Cold War era had a strong propaganda element.
In the era that followed the political events of 1988, the film industry has been increasingly controlled by the government. Film stars who had been involved in the political activities were banned from appearing in films. The government issues strict rules on censorship and largely determines who produces films, as well as who gets academy awards.[360]
Over the years, the movie industry has also shifted to producing many lower-budget direct-to-video films. Most of the movies produced nowadays are comedies.[361] In 2008, only 12 films worthy of being considered for an Academy Award were made, although at least 800 VCDs were produced.[362] Myanmar is the primary subject of a 2007 graphic novel titled Chroniques Birmanes by Québécois author and animator, Guy Delisle. The graphic novel was translated into English under the title Burma Chronicles in 2008. In 2009, a documentary about Burmese videojournalists called Burma VJ was released.[363] This film was nominated for Best Documentary Feature at the 2010 Academy Awards.[364] The Lady had its world premiere on 12 September 2011 at the 36th Toronto International Film Festival.[365]
See also
[edit]Notes
[edit]- ^ Formerly known as "Rangoon"
- ^ Officially spelled "Nay Pyi Taw"
- ^
- Based on the estimated overall population, including both the enumerated (50,279,900) and non-enumerated population (51,486,253), and on the assumption that the non-enumerated population in Rakhine State affiliate with the Islamic faith.
- As of December 2019, Muslims probably make up less than 3% of Myanmar's total population due to the large outmigration of the Rohingya population since 2017.[6]
- ^ Cited as animism in data.
- ^ The National Defence and Security Council serves as the temporary legislative body while the Hluttaw is dissolved.[9]
- ^ Burmese: မြန်မာ, MLCTS: Mranma, pronounced [mjəmà]
- ^ Burmese: ပြည်ထောင်စု သမ္မတ မြန်မာနိုင်ငံတော်, MLCTS: Pranyhtaungcu. Sa.ma.ta. Mranma Nuingngamtau; pronounced [pjìdàʊɴzṵ θàɴməda̰ mjəmà nàɪɴŋàɴdɔ̀]
Pronunciations of Myanmar
[edit]- ^ examples of two-syllable pronunciations: /ˌmjænˈmɑːr/, /ˈmjænmɑːr/, /ˌmjɑːnˈmɑːr/ ⓘ, or /ˈmjɑːnmɑːr/
- ^ examples of three-syllable pronunciations: /ˈmiːənmɑːr/, /miˈænmɑːr/, /ˌmaɪənˈmɑːr/, /maɪˈɑːnmɑːr/, or /ˈmaɪænmɑːr/
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Bibliography
[edit]- Cameron, Ewan. "The State of Myanmar", History Today, May 2020, vol. 70, issue 4, pp. 90–93.
- Charney, Michael W. (1999). History of Modern Burma. Cambridge University Press.
- Combs, Daniel. Until the World Shatters: Truth, Lies, and the Looting of Myanmar (2021).
- Lieberman, Victor B. (2003). Strange Parallels: Southeast Asia in Global Context, c. 800–1830, volume 1, Integration on the Mainland. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-80496-7.
- Maclean, Rory (2008). Under the Dragon-A Journey through Burma. Tauris Parke. ISBN 978-1-84511-622-4.
- Myint-U, Thant (2006). The River of Lost Footsteps—Histories of Burma. Farrar, Straus and Giroux. ISBN 978-0-374-16342-6.
- Kemp, Hans (2013). [Burmese Light, Impressions of the Golden Land] (illustrated with text by Tom Vater ed.). Visionary World. ISBN 978-9628563708.
- "Burma's Western Border as Reported by the Diplomatic Correspondence(1947–1975)" by Aye Chan
External links
[edit]Government
- Republic of the Union of Myanmar – President's Office Archived 3 June 2021 at the Wayback Machine
- Myanmar National Portal
- Chief of State and Cabinet Members Archived 1 January 2016 at the Wayback Machine from the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA)
General information
- General information about Myanmar Archived 16 October 2015 at the Wayback Machine
- Burma Myanmar search Engine Archived 22 June 2013 at the Wayback Machine
- Burma Archived 1 December 2021 at the Wayback Machine. The World Factbook. Central Intelligence Agency.
- Burma from UCB Libraries GovPubs
- Burma profile Archived 26 June 2014 at the Wayback Machine from BBC News
- Myanmar Archived 28 April 2015 at the Wayback Machine at Encyclopædia Britannica
Geographic data related to Myanmar at OpenStreetMap
Wikimedia Atlas of Myanmar- Interactive timeline of turning points in Burmese history
- Key Development Forecasts for Myanmar Archived 11 October 2012 at the Wayback Machine from International Futures
- Online Burma/Myanmar Library: Classified and annotated links to more than 17,000 full-text documents on Burma/Myanmar Archived 16 July 2006 at the Wayback Machine
- Historical Photographs of Burma | Southeast Asia Digital Library Archived 1 July 2022 at the Wayback Machine
Myanmar
View on GrokipediaEtymology
Name Origins and Historical Usage
The terms "Myanmar" and "Burma" derive from the endonym Bamar (Burmese: ဗမာ), referring to the majority ethnic group whose language belongs to the Burman branch of the Tibeto-Burman family and who historically settled the Irrawaddy River valley lowlands.[6] In Burmese usage, Bama serves as the colloquial spoken form for the people and their heartland, while Myanma (မြန်မာ), pronounced approximately as "myahn-ma" or more precisely [mjəmà] in IPA with a low tone (long "a") on the second syllable when used as a noun, functions as the formal, literary variant, appearing in stone inscriptions from the Pagan Kingdom (9th–13th centuries CE) to denote the polity and its inhabitants in the central dry zone. There is no "r" sound in standard Burmese pronunciation; the "r" in the English spelling "Myanmar" was added in 1989 to represent this low tone in non-rhotic English accents. The Burmese script rendering these terms evolved from the Mon script, itself adapted from ancient Brahmic systems via Indian cultural transmission around the 5th–11th centuries CE.[7] Pre-colonial external references to the region predating widespread Bamar dominance employed distinct nomenclature, often tied to geography or early polities rather than the later ethnic endonym. Ancient Indian Buddhist texts and the Ramayana describe it as Suvarnabhumi ("Golden Land") or Suvarnadwipa, evoking resource-rich coastal and riverine areas influenced by trade.[8] Chinese annals from the Han dynasty (circa 200 BCE–200 CE) record early entities like the Pyu city-states as Piao or Dian, with later Tang-era (7th–9th centuries CE) mentions of Mian (缅) for proto-Burman kingdoms, reflecting phonetic approximations of local Mon-Burman designations amid tributary relations.[8] These names emphasized peripheral kingdoms and riverine trade hubs, not the consolidated Irrawaddy-centric identity that solidified under Bamar rule from the 9th century onward. In empirical usage patterns, Myanma prevailed in pre-modern Burmese royal chronicles, poetry, and diplomatic correspondence for denoting the realm's core territories, contrasting with ethnic-specific or regional terms for peripheries.[9] European cartographers and traders from the 16th century adopted "Burma" as an anglicized rendering of Bamar, standardizing it during British colonial administration (1824–1948) for the unified province.[10] Post-independence in 1948, "Burma" dominated international English-language references, mirroring the colloquial Bama and evoking continuity with anti-colonial nationalist rhetoric from figures like Aung San, while domestic formal contexts retained Myanma.[10] The 1989 official shift to "Myanmar" in English aligned global nomenclature with the longstanding literary Burmese form, though "Burma" endured in dissident and exile usage, reflecting persistent bifurcation between spoken vernacular and written standards.[11] One proposed etymology traces Bamar/Myanma to Sanskrit Brahma via phonetic evolution (Brahma → Bramma → Mramma), linking to pre-Buddhist Indic influences, though this remains speculative amid dominant consensus on its Tibeto-Burman ethnic roots.[12]Adoption and International Recognition
On 18 June 1989, the State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC), Myanmar's ruling military junta, enacted the Adaptation of Expressions Law, which officially changed the country's English name from the Union of Burma to the Union of Myanmar.[13] The junta justified the alteration as promoting ethnic neutrality, arguing that "Myanmar"—derived from the literary form of the Burmese term for the majority Bamar people—better encompassed the multi-ethnic union's citizenry, distinguishing it from "Bama," seen as ethnically specific.[10] This decree also standardized English transliterations for cities and other terms, such as Rangoon to Yangon, without altering the Burmese script usage.[14] The United Nations promptly recognized and adopted "Myanmar" in its official nomenclature starting in 1989, a practice continued by the organization and affiliated bodies like UN Women.[15] Many governments and international entities followed suit, viewing the change as a formal sovereign decision, though acceptance was uneven due to the junta's lack of democratic legitimacy.[16] In contrast, the United States maintained "Burma" as its official policy designation post-1989, a stance rooted in non-recognition of the military-imposed change and sustained through subsequent administrations to signal disapproval of the regime.[17] The United Kingdom similarly retained "Burma" for common usage in government documents, even as state titles evolved, prioritizing established English conventions over the junta's edict.[18] This divergence created factual inconsistencies in global references, with "Myanmar" predominant in UN resolutions and Asian diplomatic contexts, while "Burma" persisted in U.S. State Department materials and certain Western media aligned with opposition to military rule. After the 1 February 2021 coup d'état, which ousted the National League for Democracy government, "Burma" usage intensified among junta critics, including U.S. officials under the Biden administration, as a symbolic refusal to legitimize the State Administration Council.[19] Empirical analyses of media coverage post-coup indicate a spike in "Burma" references—rising from about 20% pre-coup in U.S. outlets to over 50% in early 2021 statements—reflecting political signaling rather than linguistic shifts, though no formal policy reversals occurred beyond ongoing holdouts.[20] The variability underscores how nomenclature often correlates with geopolitical attitudes toward Myanmar's governance rather than strict adherence to the 1989 decree.History
Prehistory and Ancient Settlements
Archaeological evidence for human presence in the region of present-day Myanmar dates to the late Pleistocene, with stone tools and cave occupations indicating early modern human activity around 11,000 BCE.[21] Key sites include the Padah-Lin Caves in Ywagan Township, southern Shan State, where excavations have yielded over 1,600 Neolithic stone artifacts, including flaked and polished tools, alongside cave paintings depicting human figures and animals.[22][23] These findings suggest hunter-gatherer societies adapted to forested and karst environments, with evidence of both Paleolithic chipping techniques and emerging Neolithic grinding and polishing methods.[24] By the early third millennium BCE, Neolithic settlements show signs of transition to more sedentary lifestyles, as evidenced by radiocarbon-dated sequences from sites like Halin in central Myanmar, spanning from approximately 3000 BCE onward.[25] Subsistence patterns during this late Neolithic phase involved mixed economies reliant on C3 plants such as rice and C4 resources like millet, inferred from stable isotope analyses of human remains indicating diverse foraging and early cultivation practices.[26] Linguistic and genetic data point to migrations of proto-Tibeto-Burman speakers into the area around 2000–1000 BCE, likely driven by agricultural expansions from southwestern China, introducing new population dynamics without displacing earlier Austroasiatic groups.[27][26] The onset of the Bronze Age, marked by metal artifacts such as tools and ornaments, is attested from the second millennium BCE, with systematic excavations since 1998 revealing technological shifts toward bronze working in riverine and highland contexts.[28] These developments correlate with intensified rice cultivation, as wet-rice farming adapted to Myanmar's floodplains and terraces, supporting small-scale settlements prior to urban formations.[26] Artifact assemblages, including polished stone adzes and early bronzes, underscore gradual societal complexity, though population densities remained low compared to contemporaneous river valley cultures elsewhere in Southeast Asia.[25]Early City-States and Pyu Kingdoms
The Pyu city-states emerged around the 2nd century BCE in the Ayeyarwady River basin of present-day central Myanmar, marking the onset of organized urban settlements in the region. These polities, inhabited by Tibeto-Burman speaking Pyu peoples who migrated from the north, developed fortified cities with advanced irrigation systems supporting agriculture and trade. Key centers included Halin in the north, Beikthano in the central area, and Sri Ksetra near modern Pyay, which served as a prominent capital by the 5th century CE.[29][30] Sri Ksetra, the largest Pyu city, spanned approximately 1,477 hectares enclosed by brick walls and moats, reflecting Indian-influenced urban planning with orthogonal layouts, gateways, and reservoirs for water management. Archaeological evidence reveals brick structures, including stupas and monasteries, indicative of sophisticated construction techniques adapted from South Asian models via maritime and overland trade routes. These cities facilitated commerce linking Myanmar to India, China, and Southeast Asia, exchanging goods like jade, textiles, and metals, which introduced cultural and architectural elements.[31][29] The Pyu adopted Buddhism, likely from Indian traders and missionaries starting in the 4th century CE, integrating it with existing animist and Hindu practices. Inscriptions in Pali and Pyu script, dating from the 5th to 9th centuries, document royal patronage of monasteries, merit-making rituals, and governance structured around Buddhist ethical principles, though divine kingship elements persisted. Monastic complexes at sites like Beikthano yielded relics and artifacts confirming Theravada influences from South India, predating similar developments elsewhere in Southeast Asia.[32][33] By the 9th century CE, the Pyu city-states declined due to invasions by Nanzhao kingdom forces from present-day Yunnan, China, which disrupted trade networks and led to population displacements southward. These incursions, occurring around 832–835 CE, weakened central authority, allowing Burman groups to absorb Pyu territories and cultural elements, paving the way for subsequent polities. Archaeological layers at Sri Ksetra show destruction and abandonment post-9th century, corroborating chronicle accounts of external pressures.[34][35]Pagan Empire and Theravada Buddhism
The Pagan Empire, centered in the Bagan region along the Irrawaddy River, achieved unification of the Burmese-speaking peoples and much of present-day Myanmar during the 11th to 13th centuries. King Anawrahta ascended to the throne in 1044 and initiated a series of conquests that expanded Pagan's territory, including victories over the Shan Hills, Lower Myanmar down to the Tenasserim coast, and the Mon kingdom of Thaton in 1057.[36][37] These campaigns brought approximately 30,000 Mon captives to Pagan, along with Buddhist scriptures and artisans, fostering cultural and economic integration.[37] Anawrahta's administration emphasized agricultural expansion through extensive irrigation systems, transforming the dry central plains into productive rice-growing areas and supporting population growth and urbanization.[38] This hydraulic infrastructure, including canals and reservoirs, underpinned the empire's economy, enabling surplus production that funded religious patronage and military endeavors.[38] Under Anawrahta and his successors, Theravada Buddhism was established as the state religion, supplanting earlier Mahayana and animist practices prevalent among the Burmans. The conquest of Thaton provided key Pali scriptures, which monks translated and disseminated, standardizing Theravada doctrine across the realm.[36][39] This religious shift was institutionalized through royal patronage, with Anawrahta commissioning early monuments like the Shwezigon Pagoda.[32] The empire's peak saw the construction of over 10,000 Buddhist temples, pagodas, and monasteries in the Bagan valley between the 11th and 13th centuries, reflecting devotion to Theravada ideals of merit-making and impermanence.[40] These structures, often funded by tax-exempt land donations from elites, served as centers for scriptural study and monastic education, embedding Theravada ethics into governance and society. More than 2,000 such edifices survive, exemplifying architectural innovations like vaulted chambers and pentagonal plans.[41] The empire's cohesion unraveled amid internal strains and external pressures, culminating in Mongol invasions from 1277 to 1301, with the decisive campaigns in 1287 forcing King Narathihapate's flight and suicide, precipitating political fragmentation.[42] Although Mongol forces extracted tribute rather than direct occupation, the incursions exacerbated overextension and weakened central authority, leading to the devolution of power to regional warlords.[43]Post-Pagan Fragmentation and Toungoo Dynasty
The collapse of the Pagan Empire in 1287, precipitated by Mongol invasions under Kublai Khan, initiated a period of political fragmentation across the Irrawaddy valley and its peripheries.[44] Successor states emerged in upper Burma, including Myinsaing (founded 1297), Pinya (1313), and Sagaing (1315), which vied for dominance amid ongoing Shan incursions from the east.[45] In lower Burma, Mon principalities such as Martaban, Pegu, and Bassein asserted autonomy, fostering trade-oriented economies while clashing with inland powers. Shan confederacies, including Möng Mao and Hsenwi, conducted raids that culminated in the sack of Ava in 1527, exacerbating cycles of warfare and weak central authority persisting through the 15th century.[45] These rivalries defined the post-Pagan era, with Burman kingdoms like Ava (established 1364) repeatedly attempting unification but succumbing to coalitions of Shan and Mon forces. Ava's efforts to subdue the Shan states involved over 40 campaigns between 1364 and 1555, yet internal divisions and resource strains prevented lasting consolidation.[45] Mon realms in the delta, enriched by Indian Ocean commerce, resisted northern incursions, as seen in the prolonged Hanthawaddy-Ava wars (1401–1424), which depleted both sides without decisive victory. This instability invited external influences, including Portuguese adventurers arriving via Martaban and Pegu ports from the 1520s, who supplied firearms and served as mercenaries in local conflicts.[46] The Toungoo Dynasty, originating as a minor Ava vassal at Taungoo in 1486 under King Mingyi Nyo, capitalized on this disarray for reunification. Mingyi Nyo's son, Tabinshwehti, ascended in 1531 and launched aggressive campaigns, capturing Pegu in 1539 after a three-year siege, thereby securing lower Burma's ports and resources.[47] Leveraging Portuguese artillery and shipbuilding expertise—hired from Syriam traders—Tabinshwehti extended control over Bassein (1541) and Prome (1542), integrating Mon military traditions with Burman forces.[48] His successor and brother-in-law, Bayinnaung, assumed the throne in 1551 and pursued expansive conquests, subjugating Ava in 1555 to end the Pinya-Ava lineage after nearly two centuries.[49] Bayinnaung's reign (1551–1581) marked the zenith of Toungoo power, forging Southeast Asia's largest contiguous empire through relentless warfare involving up to 1.5 million troops in peak mobilizations. He annexed the cis-Salween Shan states (1557), Lan Na (1558), Manipur (1560), and Ayutthaya (1569 after multiple invasions), imposing tributary suzerainty via fortified garrisons and royal marriages.[49] Portuguese alliances provided critical technological edges, including matchlock guns that enhanced infantry effectiveness against elephant-based armies. Trade networks flourished under Pegu's revival as capital, facilitating exchanges with Portuguese Malacca and indirect Ottoman routes via Gujarat merchants, though overextension strained logistics and sparked revolts. Bayinnaung's death in 1581 triggered succession crises under Nanda Bayin, leading to territorial losses by 1599 as Arakan, Siam, and Shan states reasserted independence, fragmenting the empire anew.[47][46]Konbaung Dynasty and Expansion
The Konbaung Dynasty was established in 1752 by Alaungpaya, a village chief from Shwebo (then Moksobomyo), who rallied local forces against the Mon rulers of the Restored Hanthawaddy Kingdom amid the fragmentation following the Toungoo Dynasty's decline.[50] By 1759, Alaungpaya had reunified core Burmese territories, incorporated Manipur, expelled French and British adventurers allied with the Mons, and shifted the capital to Rangoon (Yangon).[50] His campaigns included an invasion of Siam in 1760, which reached Ayutthaya but ended in retreat after his death from illness during the siege.[50] Alaungpaya's son Hsinbyushin ascended in 1763 and completed the subjugation of Siam by sacking Ayutthaya in 1767, temporarily extending Burmese influence southward.[50] The dynasty faced existential threats from the Qing Empire, repelling four invasions between 1765 and 1769 through defensive warfare in northern border regions, culminating in a 1770 peace treaty that preserved Burmese sovereignty while resuming tributary trade relations by 1788.[50] Under Bodawpaya (r. 1782–1819), expansion continued with the annexation of Arakan in 1784, involving the deportation of over 20,000 inhabitants as forced laborers, and acquisition of Tenasserim in 1793.[50][51] Bodawpaya's 1785 invasion of Siam failed, marking a limit to further southern gains.[51] Bodawpaya promoted cultural and religious initiatives, proclaiming himself an incarnation of the future Buddha Maitreya (Arimittya) and enacting the Sudhamma Reformation to purify Theravada Buddhism, which spurred intellectual pursuits including state historiography.[50][51] He commissioned monumental projects like the Mingun Pagoda, begun in 1790 as a planned 500-foot structure (reaching only 162 feet unfinished), and a colossal bronze bell weighing 55,555 viss (approximately 90 tons), claimed as the world's largest ringing bell at the time.[51] These efforts coincided with moral reforms banning alcohol, opium smoking, and animal slaughter under penalty of death, alongside persecution of non-orthodox sects.[51] The era fostered literary and theatrical advancements, bolstered by male literacy rates nearing 50 percent, which enabled widespread production of court literature, dramas, and historical chronicles.[50] Administrative centralization built on Toungoo precedents, with kings exerting direct control over provinces through appointed governors (myo wuns) and revenue systems, including Bodawpaya's 1784 economic census to assess land and labor resources.[50][51] Early encounters with Western powers involved diplomatic friction, such as British protests over Arakanese refugees in 1794–1795, prompting a Burmese envoy to Calcutta but yielding no concessions.[51]British Colonization and Resistance
The First Anglo-Burmese War erupted in 1824 amid border disputes between British India and the Konbaung dynasty, exacerbated by Burmese incursions into Assam and Manipur, leading to British naval and land campaigns that captured Rangoon and pressed toward central Burma.[52] The conflict concluded with the Treaty of Yandabo on February 24, 1826, under which Burma ceded Arakan, Assam, Manipur, and Tenasserim to Britain, paid an indemnity of one million pounds sterling, and opened ports to British trade, marking the initial erosion of Burmese sovereignty.[52] The Second Anglo-Burmese War in 1852 stemmed from British grievances over trade restrictions, alleged mistreatment of British subjects, and ambitions to secure teak forests and the Irrawaddy Delta for rice exports, prompting a naval assault on Martaban and Rangoon that resulted in the annexation of Lower Burma (Pegu province) by January 1853.[53] King Pagan Min was deposed, and Mindon Min ascended, but the loss severed Burma's coastal revenue base and facilitated British economic penetration into agrarian lowlands.[54] Tensions culminated in the Third Anglo-Burmese War on November 7, 1885, triggered by British pretexts including King Thibaw's timber taxes and diplomatic overtures to France, enabling a rapid expeditionary force under General Harry Prendergast to capture Mandalay by November 28 without major pitched battles; Thibaw was exiled, and Upper Burma was annexed as a province of British India effective January 1, 1886.[52] Under direct British rule from 1886, Burma was administered separately from India after 1937, with economic policies transforming the Irrawaddy Delta into a rice monoculture exporter—production surged from 1.5 million tons in 1880 to over 3 million by 1930—through canal irrigation, land sales to Chettiar moneylenders from India, and export duties that enriched British firms while indebting Burmese peasants, fostering rural distress and tenancy rates exceeding 50% by the 1920s.[55] Colonial governance employed divide-and-rule tactics by classifying hill tribes (e.g., Kachin, Karen) as "backward" and exempt from Burman-majority lowland taxes and corvée, recruiting ethnic minorities into auxiliary forces, and drawing arbitrary administrative boundaries that pitted groups against each other, thereby undermining unified anti-colonial sentiment.[56] Immediate resistance manifested in widespread guerrilla warfare post-annexation, with princes, monks (pongyis), and local levies forming dacoity bands that harassed British columns until pacification campaigns in the 1886–1896 period, involving scorched-earth tactics and blockhouses, subdued major strongholds though sporadic unrest persisted.[57] Pongyi-led revolts, invoking Buddhist millenarianism and royalist legitimacy, proliferated in regions like Upper Burma, as monks mobilized villagers against perceived threats to religious endowments and cultural authority under secular colonial law.[58] The Saya San Rebellion of 1930–1932 crystallized economic grievances, ignited by the 1929 global depression's collapse of rice prices, heavy taxation, and Indian immigration displacing laborers; Saya San, a former monk and nativist leader, proclaimed himself a future Buddha-king, rallied the Galon Army with galon (garuda) tattoos for invulnerability, and sparked uprisings across central Burma that briefly controlled villages before British suppression with Indian Army reinforcements killed over 1,300 rebels and arrested 9,000, executing Saya San in 1931.[59] This peasant insurgency highlighted the fusion of traditional animist-Buddhist resistance with modern anti-colonial fervor, though its brutal quelling reinforced British administrative controls like village watch systems.[60]Japanese Occupation and Independence Struggle
In early 1942, Japanese forces invaded British Burma, capturing Rangoon on March 8 after advancing from Thailand and capturing key positions amid the Allied retreat.[61] The Japanese secured central Burma by April 29 and Mandalay by May 1, effectively controlling the territory by mid-1942 and establishing a nominal State of Burma on August 1, 1943, under the puppet administration of Ba Maw.[62] This occupation disrupted supply lines to China and imposed harsh resource extraction, contributing to widespread famine and economic collapse, with Japanese policies prioritizing military needs over civilian welfare.[63] Aung San, seeking to expel British rule, collaborated with Japanese agents from 1940, traveling to Japan to form the Burma Independence Army (BIA) in 1941, which initially fought alongside Japanese troops during the invasion, growing to around 20,000 irregular fighters by 1942.[64] The BIA was reorganized into the more structured Burma Defence Army (BDA) under Japanese oversight but retained Aung San's leadership, participating in anti-Allied operations until disillusionment with Japanese dominance grew due to unfulfilled independence promises and exploitative governance.[65] By 1945, as Allied forces under General William Slim advanced, the BDA evolved into the Burma National Army (BNA), and Aung San orchestrated a revolt against the Japanese on March 27, aligning with the Allies and aiding in the final push that liberated Rangoon by May.[63] This defection, involving up to 11 battalions, accelerated the Japanese retreat and positioned Aung San as a key nationalist figure in post-war negotiations with Britain for dominion status and eventual sovereignty.[65] Following the war, Aung San led the Anti-Fascist People's Freedom League in talks with British authorities, culminating in the Panglong Agreement on February 12, 1947, where Shan, Kachin, and Chin leaders pledged support for a unified Burma in exchange for promises of full autonomy in internal administration, cultural rights, and equitable development for frontier areas.[66] The agreement aimed to foster a federal structure but left ambiguities in power-sharing that later fueled ethnic grievances.[66] On July 19, 1947, Aung San and six cabinet members were assassinated in Rangoon by gunmen linked to rival politician U Saw, derailing immediate leadership but not the independence momentum, as British authorities expedited the process.[67] U Nu, Aung San's deputy, assumed leadership of the interim government and steered negotiations to fruition, achieving full independence as the Union of Burma on January 4, 1948, without dominion ties.[68]Parliamentary Democracy and Ethnic Tensions (1948-1962)
Upon achieving independence from Britain on January 4, 1948, Burma established a parliamentary democracy under Prime Minister U Nu, operating within the framework of the 1947 Constitution, which incorporated limited federal elements by designating Shan, Karenni, and Kachin as states with nominal autonomy while vesting primary authority in a central government dominated by the Burman majority.[69] The constitution promised frontier areas a right of secession after ten years, but this provision fueled distrust among ethnic minorities who perceived it as insufficient to safeguard their interests against Burman centralism.[70] This structure aimed to balance unity with ethnic accommodations but quickly unraveled amid insurgencies, as minority groups rejected the perceived imbalance of power. Insurgencies erupted almost immediately, with the Communist Party of Burma (CPB) launching a rebellion in March 1948 following government crackdowns on strikes and arrests of its leaders, marking the start of widespread internal conflict that controlled up to two-thirds of the country by 1949.[71] The CPB, receiving early aid from Chinese communists, posed the most organized threat, establishing "liberated zones" and exacerbating rural instability.[72] Concurrently, ethnic revolts intensified; the Karen National Union (KNU) initiated armed resistance in January 1949, driven by grievances over unfulfilled promises of a separate Karen state and post-independence marginalization, capturing key areas like parts of the Irrawaddy Delta. Shan and Kachin groups followed suit, with Shan sawbwas invoking constitutional rights to special status and Kachin forces forming the Kachin Independence Organization amid fears of Burman assimilation, collectively fragmenting government control over peripheral regions.[73] The situation worsened in the early 1950s with the influx of Kuomintang (KMT) remnants fleeing Mao's victory in China, as approximately 10,000-12,000 Nationalist Chinese troops retreated into northern Shan State by mid-1950, establishing bases that disrupted trade routes and opium production while clashing with Burmese forces.[74] These incursions, tacitly supported by U.S. supplies intended for anti-communist operations, strained Burma's sovereignty and diverted military resources, with KMT forces raiding into Yunnan and complicating ethnic dynamics by allying with local militias. U Nu's Anti-Fascist People's Freedom League (AFPFL) government, plagued by factionalism, responded with military caretaker rule from 1958 to 1960 under General Ne Win, which temporarily quelled urban unrest but failed to resolve underlying divisions. Economic mismanagement compounded political fragility, as post-independence nationalization and import-substitution policies triggered inflation exceeding 50% annually by the mid-1950s, rice shortages, and black-market proliferation, eroding public support for the civilian regime.[75] Corruption scandals and fiscal deficits, with defense spending consuming over 40% of the budget amid insurgencies, portrayed the government as ineffective, providing pretext for Ne Win's March 2, 1962 coup, justified as necessary to combat "disunity, corruption, and moral decay" threatening national survival.[76] By 1962, insurgent groups controlled roughly half the territory, underscoring the parliamentary system's inability to forge a cohesive union.[77]Socialist Era under Ne Win (1962-1988)
On March 2, 1962, General Ne Win, as Chief of Staff of the Burma Defense Forces, orchestrated a bloodless military coup that overthrew the civilian government of Prime Minister U Nu, amid concerns over ethnic insurgencies, economic instability, and political fragmentation.[78][79] Ne Win established the Union Revolutionary Council, a 17-member military body chaired by himself, which assumed all executive, legislative, and judicial powers, suspending the 1947 constitution and dissolving parliament.[80] This council governed until 1974, prioritizing national security and ideological restructuring over democratic processes.[81] The regime promulgated the Burmese Way to Socialism in 1962, an eclectic ideology blending Buddhist ethics, nationalism, and state socialism, rejecting both Western capitalism and Soviet-style communism in favor of autarkic self-reliance.[82] Core policies included extensive nationalizations beginning in 1963, which seized foreign-owned enterprises, major banks, industries, and trade sectors previously dominated by Indian, Chinese, and Pakistani merchants, transferring them to state control under military oversight.[79][83] Isolationism defined foreign relations, with Burma withdrawing from international financial institutions, limiting foreign aid, and pursuing non-alignment that effectively severed economic ties, aiming to insulate the economy from external influences but fostering inward stagnation.[84] Agriculture, the economic backbone, faced collectivization efforts and fixed procurement quotas that eroded farmer incentives, leading to chronic rice production shortfalls; by the mid-1960s, output declined due to poor incentives and state monopolies on distribution, causing domestic shortages despite Burma's prior status as a rice exporter.[85][86] Multiple demonetizations exacerbated economic distress, targeting black markets and hoarding but devastating private savings. In 1964, 50- and 100-kyat notes were invalidated overnight with partial compensation, disrupting commerce; similar measures in 1985 and September 1987 demonetized higher denominations (including 25-, 35-, and 75-kyat notes), rendering up to 75% of circulating currency worthless and fueling inflation and scarcity.[87][88] These policies, combined with state monopolies and import controls, yielded minimal industrial growth and per capita income stagnation, with real GDP per capita rising only modestly from around $159 in 1962 to $219 by 1987 amid one of Asia's lowest expansion rates.[89] In 1974, a new constitution formalized one-party rule under the Burma Socialist Programme Party (BSPP), which Ne Win had founded, establishing a unicameral People's Assembly and allowing him to transition from council chair to president while retaining military influence.[90] The document enshrined socialist principles, centralizing power in Yangon and marginalizing federalism, but failed to reverse economic decline, as state-led planning prioritized ideology over efficiency.[81] By the late 1980s, hyperinflation, commodity shortages, and a 1987 demonetization triggered widespread hardship, culminating in economic collapse that exposed the regime's policy failures.[85][87]1988 Uprising and SLORC/SPDC Rule (1988-2011)
The 1988 uprising, known as the 8888 Uprising, erupted amid widespread discontent with General Ne Win's socialist policies, which had led to economic stagnation, currency demonetizations, and shortages. Protests began in March 1988 when students at the Rangoon Institute of Technology demonstrated against rising prices and corruption, resulting in the deaths of at least two students during a military crackdown on March 13.[91][92] Tensions escalated nationally, culminating in a general strike on August 8, 1988 (8-8-88, an auspicious date in Burmese culture), drawing millions to the streets in Yangon and other cities demanding democratic reforms and Ne Win's resignation.[91][93] On September 18, 1988, the military seized power in a coup, establishing the State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC) under General Saw Maung to "restore law and order" amid the unrest.[94] The SLORC launched a violent suppression of the protests, deploying troops that fired on demonstrators, arrested thousands, and imposed martial law; estimates of deaths range from 3,000 to 10,000, primarily in Yangon, though official figures were significantly lower.[95][96] Ne Win resigned as BSPP chairman on July 23, 1988, but the military dissolved the ruling Burma Socialist Programme Party and banned political gatherings, effectively ending the immediate uprising while consolidating authoritarian control.[91] Aung San Suu Kyi, daughter of independence hero Aung San, emerged as a prominent opposition figure after returning to Myanmar in 1988 to care for her ailing mother; she co-founded the National League for Democracy (NLD) on September 24, 1988, advocating non-violent resistance inspired by her experiences in India and Oxford.[97] The SLORC permitted multiparty elections on May 27, 1990, which the NLD won decisively with 392 of 485 contested seats (approximately 59% of the popular vote), but the junta refused to transfer power, claiming the vote was only to draft a constitution and citing alleged NLD irregularities and threats to national unity.[98][99] Suu Kyi was placed under house arrest on July 20, 1989, without formal charges, remaining detained for much of the next two decades and becoming an international symbol of defiance, culminating in her 1991 Nobel Peace Prize.[100][97] Under SLORC (1988–1997) and its successor, the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC, renamed November 15, 1997, to project a developmental image), the military expanded its forces from about 180,000 to over 400,000 troops by 2000, prioritizing internal security.[101] The regime negotiated at least 17 bilateral ceasefires with ethnic armed organizations between 1989 and 2011, including groups like the Kachin Independence Organization (1994) and United Wa State Army (1989), which reduced active fronts and enabled resource extraction in border areas but often involved informal understandings without political concessions, leaving underlying insurgencies unresolved.[101][102] Forced labor, village relocations, and suppression of dissent persisted, with the SPDC maintaining control through a national convention process to draft a military-preserved constitution, delaying genuine power-sharing until external pressures mounted.[103]Quasi-Democratic Reforms under Thein Sein (2011-2016)
In March 2011, Thein Sein, a former military general and prime minister, assumed the presidency following the 2010 elections, marking a shift to a nominally civilian government under the military-drafted 2008 Constitution, which allocated 25% of parliamentary seats to unelected military appointees and reserved control of key ministries for the defense services.[81] This framework ensured military veto power over constitutional amendments, requiring 75% approval in parliament. Thein Sein's administration initiated a series of liberalization measures, including the release of over 1,300 political prisoners between 2011 and 2016, with significant amnesties in January 2012 (over 130 individuals) and July 2013 (73 more), though commitments to free all by year's end were not fully met.[104][105] These steps, alongside dialogue with opposition figures, aimed to reduce international isolation but preserved core military safeguards.[106] Media restrictions eased notably, with pre-publication censorship abolished in 2012 and the emergence of privately owned daily newspapers permitted from April 2013, fostering greater press freedom after decades of state monopoly.[107] Economically, the government enacted the Foreign Investment Law in 2012, opening sectors like telecommunications to foreign capital, which contributed to annual GDP growth averaging around 6% from 2011 to 2015 and a surge in foreign direct investment inflows amid eased Western sanctions.[108] However, these openings coexisted with limits, such as ongoing restrictions on land rights and cronyism in resource sectors. A pivotal public assertion of reform limits occurred in September 2011, when Thein Sein suspended the $3.6 billion Myitsone hydroelectric dam project on the Irrawaddy River—led by China's state-owned China Power Investment Corporation—indefinitely, citing environmental and social concerns amid widespread protests by environmentalists and ethnic Kachin groups.[109][110] This decision highlighted nascent responsiveness to domestic civil society but strained ties with Beijing without altering military economic influence. Political participation expanded through by-elections on April 1, 2012, where Aung San Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy (NLD) secured 44 of 45 contested seats, including Suu Kyi's entry into parliament, validating opposition engagement under electoral rules.[111] The 2015 general elections proceeded relatively freely, with the NLD achieving a supermajority—winning 255 of 330 contested lower house seats and 135 of 168 upper house seats—despite constitutional provisions barring Suu Kyi from the presidency due to her foreign-born children under Article 59(f).[112] Thein Sein conceded defeat, facilitating a peaceful power transition in March 2016, yet the military retained veto authority and ministerial control, underscoring the quasi-democratic nature of reforms that liberalized without dismantling entrenched power structures.[81][113]NLD Governance and Constitutional Challenges (2016-2021)
The National League for Democracy (NLD), led by Aung San Suu Kyi, assumed governance in March 2016 following its landslide victory in the November 2015 elections, securing 255 of 330 contested seats in the lower house of parliament. Suu Kyi was barred from the presidency by Article 59(f) of the 2008 Constitution, which disqualifies individuals with foreign spouses or children—in her case, her late husband and two sons held British citizenship—leading her to assume the newly created role of State Counsellor, effectively serving as de facto leader while Htin Kyaw became president. This arrangement highlighted immediate constitutional constraints, as the military retained veto power over key appointments and 25% of parliamentary seats unelected, ensuring no amendment without its support.[114] Economic policies under the NLD emphasized continuity with the Thein Sein era's liberalization, achieving average annual GDP growth of approximately 6.5% from 2016 to 2019, driven by foreign investment in garments, agriculture, and natural gas, alongside poverty reduction from 48% to 25% of the population.[108] However, structural issues persisted, including a weak banking sector, inadequate infrastructure, and reliance on informal lending, which hampered small enterprises and contributed to uneven development, with urban areas like Yangon benefiting more than rural ethnic regions.[115] The administration prioritized macroeconomic stability over bold reforms, such as land rights or fiscal decentralization, amid corruption allegations and slow implementation of the National League for Democracy's manifesto promises.[116] Efforts to advance the ethnic peace process, inherited from the 2015 Nationwide Ceasefire Agreement (NCA) signed with eight armed groups, stalled under NLD rule, as broader inclusion of non-signatories like the Arakan Army or Kachin Independence Army proved elusive.[117] The 21st Century Panglong Conference, convened by Suu Kyi in 2016 and 2018, aimed at federalism and autonomy but yielded only vague commitments on resource sharing, failing to address core demands for constitutional devolution amid ongoing clashes in Rakhine, Shan, and Kachin states that displaced over 100,000 civilians annually.[118] Military operations continued unabated, underscoring the NLD's limited leverage over the Tatmadaw, which controlled security portfolios and viewed concessions as threats to national unity.[119] Constitutional reform attempts exposed entrenched military influence, as the NLD's January 2019 motion sought to eliminate the 25% unelected seats, transfer emergency powers from the commander-in-chief to the president, and enable Suu Kyi's potential presidency, but these were blocked by the military's parliamentary bloc.[120] In 2020, of 114 proposed amendments, only four minor linguistic changes passed, requiring the supermajority threshold of 75% that the military's fixed allocation guaranteed it could thwart.[121] The Tatmadaw rejected reductions in its reserved legislative seats or changes to Article 436 granting it unilateral emergency rule, framing such efforts as undermining sovereignty.[122] The November 2019 initiation of the International Court of Justice (ICJ) case by The Gambia, alleging genocide against the Rohingya under the 1948 Genocide Convention, prompted Suu Kyi's personal appearance in December 2019 to defend Myanmar's actions as legitimate counter-terrorism against the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army.[123] Domestically, her stance resonated with Buddhist nationalists and the majority Bamar population, who largely viewed the Rohingya as non-indigenous immigrants ineligible for citizenship, bolstering her approval ratings ahead of elections despite international criticism.[124] In the November 8, 2020, general elections, the NLD secured a supermajority with 258 of 330 contested lower house seats and 138 of 168 in the upper house, reflecting strong voter turnout of 70% and dissatisfaction with military-backed Union Solidarity and Development Party performance.[125] The military contested results, alleging widespread fraud including voter list irregularities and invalid votes exceeding 1 million, though independent monitors found no evidence of systemic manipulation sufficient to alter outcomes, attributing discrepancies to pandemic-related disruptions and administrative errors.[126] These claims, amplified by Tatmadaw proxies, intensified pre-coup tensions over constitutional impasse and power-sharing.[127]2021 Military Coup and Escalating Civil War
On February 1, 2021, the Myanmar Armed Forces, known as the Tatmadaw, seized control of the government in a coup d'état, detaining State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi, President Win Myint, and numerous National League for Democracy (NLD) lawmakers and officials.[128] [129] The military declared a one-year state of emergency under Commander-in-Chief Min Aung Hlaing, who assumed the role of interim leader through the newly formed State Administration Council (SAC).[128] The coup was justified by allegations of widespread electoral fraud in the November 8, 2020, general election, where the NLD secured a supermajority of seats in both legislative houses, while the military-aligned Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) performed poorly.[129] [130] Independent election observers, however, concluded that while minor irregularities occurred, there was no evidence of fraud extensive enough to invalidate the results or necessitate military intervention.[131] [132] The ouster of the NLD leadership triggered immediate and widespread public opposition, manifesting as mass street protests in major cities like Yangon and Mandalay, alongside the rapid formation of the Civil Disobedience Movement (CDM).[133] The CDM began on February 2, 2021, with healthcare workers, teachers, and civil servants initiating strikes and work stoppages to withhold cooperation from the junta, effectively disrupting administrative functions across sectors including railways, banking, and utilities.[134] [135] By mid-February, participation swelled to include over 400,000 civil servants, representing a broad-based non-violent resistance that paralyzed much of the state apparatus in urban centers.[136] As the SAC imposed curfews, internet blackouts, and arrests—detaining over 20,000 individuals by mid-2021—protests faced escalating lethal repression, including live-fire shootings into crowds, prompting a shift toward armed resistance.[137] Local self-defense militias, termed People's Defense Forces (PDFs), emerged organically in regions like Sagaing and Magway starting in April 2021, comprising civilians, defected soldiers, and activists trained to counter junta raids and protect CDM participants.[138] [139] On May 5, 2021, the shadow National Unity Government (NUG), formed by ousted NLD parliamentarians, officially established the PDF as its armed wing, coordinating with ethnic armed organizations to mount defensive operations against Tatmadaw advances.[140] This marked the transition from primarily non-violent protests to organized guerrilla warfare, intensifying the civil conflict.[141] The junta's countermeasures involved systematic application of force, including indiscriminate shootings, torture, and village burnings, with monitoring groups attributing over 1,300 civilian deaths to security forces by December 2021 alone.[142] [143] By 2025, cumulative reports from organizations like the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners and ACLED documented more than 5,000 civilian fatalities linked to the junta's operations, underscoring the scale of repression that fueled the war's escalation.[144] [145] These figures, drawn from local and international tallies, highlight the military's strategy of deterrence through violence, though junta statements maintain actions targeted armed threats rather than unarmed civilians.[137]Recent Developments (2022-2025)
In 2022 and 2023, ethnic armed organizations (EAOs) and People's Defense Forces intensified offensives against the military junta, capturing key border areas and towns in northern and western Myanmar, including Lashio in Shan State by mid-2024.[146] [147] By October 2025, the junta controlled approximately 21% of the country's territory, while resistance forces and EAOs held 42%, with the remainder contested.[3] The Arakan Army, an EAO affiliated with Rakhine ethnic groups, seized nearly all of Rakhine State by early 2025, disrupting junta supply lines.[148] The junta countered these losses through escalated airstrikes, deploying paraglider units and helicopter gunships to retake positions, as seen in operations around Lashio and other northern sites in late 2024 and 2025.[149] To bolster manpower amid desertions and casualties exceeding 10,000 soldiers since 2021, the regime activated a 2010 conscription law in February 2024, mandating service for males aged 18-35 and females aged 18-27, drafting over 70,000 conscripts by July 2025 for frontline deployments.[150] [151] This measure prompted mass evasion, including border crossings into Thailand and India, but failed to reverse territorial gains by resistance groups.[152] China, prioritizing border stability and economic interests like the China-Myanmar Economic Corridor, shifted from tacit support for the junta to coercive mediation in late 2024, pressuring EAOs such as the Myanmar National Democratic Alliance Army to pause offensives and engaging in talks that yielded temporary ceasefires in northern Shan State by early 2025.[153] [154] In August 2025, junta leader Min Aung Hlaing announced a general election for December 28, intended as the first since the 2021 coup, but acknowledged in October that it could not be nationwide or inclusive due to ongoing conflict and EAO control over vast regions.[155] [156] The planned vote, limited to junta-held areas, has been criticized by opposition groups as lacking legitimacy amid suppressed political parties and media censorship.[157]Geography
Topography and Physical Features
Myanmar's topography is dominated by a horseshoe-shaped complex of mountain ranges enclosing a central basin formed by the Irrawaddy River valley, which spans approximately 2,000 kilometers from north to south.[158] This central lowland, averaging 100-200 meters in elevation, contrasts with surrounding highlands exceeding 1,000 meters, creating diverse landforms including steep escarpments and terraced plateaus.[159] The Irrawaddy River, Myanmar's principal waterway, originates in the northern highlands and flows southward, depositing sediments that form the expansive Irrawaddy Delta in the south, covering about 50,000 square kilometers of fertile alluvial plains below 10 meters elevation.[160] In the west, the Arakan Yoma (Rakhine Mountains) form a north-south trending range paralleling the coastline, with peaks reaching over 2,740 meters and acting as a barrier that influences regional drainage patterns.[158] The eastern Shan Plateau, elevated at an average of 910 meters, features dissected uplands, limestone karsts, and fault-block structures extending from China into Myanmar, drained primarily by the Salween River system.[161] Northern Myanmar includes extensions of the Himalayan system, with Hkakabo Razi standing as the highest point at 5,881 meters amid rugged terrain prone to erosion and landslides.[159] The country lies in a tectonically active zone due to the convergence of the Indian and Eurasian plates, with the Sagaing Fault—a major right-lateral strike-slip fault running north-south through the central basin—generating significant seismic hazards.[162] This fault produced a magnitude 7.7 earthquake on March 28, 2025, near Mandalay, rupturing approximately 480 kilometers and exemplifying the region's vulnerability to supershear events that amplify ground shaking.[163] Southern extensions include the Tenasserim Hills, transitioning to narrower coastal plains with access to the Andaman Sea and Gulf of Martaban, where tectonic activity also influences submarine landforms.[160] Western coastal zones border the Bay of Bengal, featuring indented shorelines and offshore islands shaped by monsoon-driven sedimentation.[158]Administrative Divisions and Borders
Myanmar's administrative structure, as defined by the 2008 Constitution, comprises seven states—Chin, Kachin, Kayah (Karenni), Kayin (Karen), Mon, Rakhine (Arakan), and Shan—predominantly associated with ethnic minority populations, and seven regions—Ayeyarwady (Irrawaddy), Bago, Magway, Mandalay, Sagaing, Tanintharyi, and Yangon—largely inhabited by the Bamar majority.[164] Additionally, the Naypyidaw Union Territory serves as the national capital region. These divisions are further subdivided into districts, townships, wards, and village tracts, but central authority over peripheral areas remains constrained by the system's design for limited ethnic autonomy.[165] Within Shan State, five self-administered zones—Danu, Kokang, Naga, Pa-O, and Palaung—and the Wa Self-Administered Division provide formalized self-governance to specific ethnic groups, allowing local legislative committees and administrative officers with direct reporting to the central government.[165] The Wa Self-Administered Division, encompassing Pangkham and Hopang townships, emerged from 1989 ceasefire accords and maintains substantial operational independence, including its own security arrangements, which undermine uniform central oversight.[166] Similarly, the Kokang Self-Administered Zone, covering Konkyan and Laukkaing townships, grants analogous privileges, though its remote location and historical pacts with local forces exacerbate challenges to integrated national administration.[165] Myanmar shares 6,522 km of land borders with five neighbors: Bangladesh (271 km), China (2,129 km), India (1,468 km), Laos (238 km), and Thailand (2,416 km), forming extensive frontiers that include mountainous and riverine terrains prone to cross-border movements.[1] These boundaries, largely delimited by colonial-era treaties, present ongoing hurdles to central control, as peripheral zones near China and Thailand host self-administered areas with de facto semi-autonomy, complicating enforcement of national policies and border management.[1]Climate Zones and Natural Disasters
Myanmar features a tropical monsoon climate characterized by three distinct seasons: a rainy season from May to October driven by the southwest monsoon, a cool and relatively dry season from November to February, and a hot season from March to April.[167] Annual precipitation varies significantly by region, with coastal areas receiving up to 5,000 millimeters during the rainy season, while the central dry zone experiences lower averages of around 1,000 millimeters.[168] Hilly and highland areas, such as the Shan Plateau, exhibit cooler temperatures and more variable rainfall patterns compared to the lowlands.[169] The country's elongated geography and exposure to the Bay of Bengal make it highly vulnerable to tropical cyclones and associated storm surges, particularly in the Irrawaddy Delta and coastal Rakhine State.[170] Cyclone Nargis, which struck on May 2–3, 2008, as a strong category 4 storm with winds exceeding 200 kilometers per hour, generated a storm surge that penetrated 40 kilometers inland, resulting in over 138,000 deaths and affecting 2.4 million people through flooding and infrastructure destruction.[171] More recent events include Cyclone Mocha in May 2023, which caused widespread damage in western Myanmar, and the remnants of Typhoon Yagi in September 2024, which triggered severe flooding that killed at least 226 people and displaced over one million across multiple regions.[172] In July 2025, Cyclone Wipha led to major flooding in eastern Bago, Kayin, and Mon regions, impacting over 85,000 people.[173] Monsoon floods occur annually from June to October, often amplified by heavy localized rainfall and river overflows from the Irrawaddy and Salween systems.[174] Deforestation, which has reduced forest cover and mangrove stands in vulnerable deltas, exacerbates flood severity by diminishing natural water absorption, increasing soil erosion, and heightening runoff into populated areas.[175] For instance, the near-complete loss of mangroves in the Ayeyarwady Delta has intensified coastal flood impacts, as these ecosystems previously buffered storm surges and tidal inundation.[176] Such environmental degradation, combined with inadequate infrastructure, underscores Myanmar's recurrent disaster risks during peak monsoon periods.[177]Biodiversity and Environmental Pressures
Myanmar encompasses diverse ecosystems within the Indo-Burma biodiversity hotspot, one of the world's most biologically rich regions, featuring tropical rainforests, seasonal deciduous forests, mangroves, and freshwater wetlands that support over 300 mammal species, more than 1,200 bird species, and high levels of endemism including threatened primates like the pygmy loris (Nycticebus pygmaeus).[178] [179] Iconic large mammals such as the Bengal tiger (Panthera tigris tigris) and Asian elephant (Elephas maximus) persist in fragmented habitats, alongside valuable timber species like teak (Tectona grandis), which dominates lowland and hill forests.[179] The hotspot's freshwater systems harbor diverse turtle and tortoise species, while avian diversity includes over 60 endemic birds, underscoring Myanmar's role in regional endemism despite incomplete surveys.[178] Protected areas, including national parks, wildlife sanctuaries, and Ramsar wetlands, span 59 sites covering approximately 6.4% of the country's 676,578 square kilometers as of 2024, with efforts focused on conserving key habitats like the Hkakabo Razi National Park for highland biodiversity.[180] [181] Forest cover remains at about 42% of land area, equivalent to 28.5 million hectares, but enforcement within these zones has weakened due to governance disruptions.[182] Environmental pressures intensified post-2021 military coup, with illegal logging surging amid civil conflict, as armed groups and junta forces exploit timber for revenue, leading to accelerated deforestation rates that threaten teak-dominated ecosystems and overall forest integrity.[183] [184] Conflict disrupts ranger patrols and conservation programs, enabling poaching spikes; for instance, Asian elephant populations have declined dramatically since the 1990s due to habitat fragmentation, human-elephant conflict, and ivory poaching, with distribution contracting sharply between 1992 and 2006 primarily from deforestation.[185] [186] Similarly, Bengal tiger numbers face risks from habitat loss and opportunistic poaching during unrest, though isolated conservation gains have occurred in stable pockets.[187] Illegal wildlife trade exacerbates declines, targeting high-value species for international markets, while agricultural expansion and land concessions further encroach on habitats, compounding pressures from a breakdown in regulatory oversight.[188] Overall, these factors have positioned Myanmar among rapidly deforesting nations, with conflict acting as a primary driver of unmonitored resource extraction and biodiversity erosion.[189] [190]Demographics
Population Dynamics and Growth
Myanmar's population was estimated at 54.9 million in 2025, according to projections based on United Nations data, though the junta's 2024 census reported a lower figure of 51.3 million, potentially reflecting undercounting amid ongoing conflict and displacement.[2][191] The population density stands at approximately 84 people per square kilometer, concentrated primarily in the fertile Irrawaddy Delta and urban peripheries, with vast sparsely populated regions in the mountainous peripheries.[2] Annual population growth has slowed to around 0.7% in recent years, down from higher rates in prior decades, driven by declining fertility and net emigration.[192] The total fertility rate has fallen to about 2.1 children per woman as of 2024, approaching replacement level from peaks above 5 in the mid-20th century, influenced by urbanization, education gains, and economic pressures.[193] Approximately 70% of the population remains rural, with urban shares hovering around 30%, though internal migration toward cities like Yangon has accelerated despite instability.[194] The 2021 military coup has disrupted these dynamics, displacing over 3 million people internally as of 2025, many fleeing conflict zones to makeshift camps or urban fringes, exacerbating overcrowding in some areas while depopulating others.[195] Sustained emigration, particularly of working-age individuals to neighboring Thailand and beyond, has begun skewing the age structure toward aging, with projections indicating the proportion aged 65 and older rising to 11% by 2040 from lower baselines, compounded by low fertility and conflict-related mortality.[196][197]Ethnic Groups and Diversity
Myanmar officially recognizes 135 distinct ethnic groups, categorized into eight major "national races" by the government: Bamar, Kachin, Kayah, Karen, Chin, Mon, Rakhine, and Shan.[198] The Bamar, also known as Burmans, form the demographic majority, comprising approximately 68% of the population and predominantly inhabiting the central Irrawaddy River valley and surrounding lowlands.[199] This dominance stems from historical consolidation of power and settlement patterns that centralized Bamar culture and language in the core regions of the country. Among the principal ethnic minorities, the Shan account for about 9% of the populace, mainly residing in Shan State in the eastern highlands near the Thai and Chinese borders.[199] The Karen, numbering around 7%, are concentrated in Kayin State and adjacent border areas in the southeast, while Rakhine people, at roughly 4%, inhabit Rakhine State along the western coast.[199] Smaller groups include the Mon (2%), Chin (2.5%), Kachin (1.5%), and Kayah (1.8%), each tied to specific peripheral regions like the southern plains for the Mon or the northwestern hills for the Chin.[200] Non-indigenous communities, such as Chinese (3%) and Indian (2%) descendants from colonial-era migrations, add further layers but are not classified among the 135 indigenous groups.[199] The ethnic composition reflects millennia of migrations, with Tibeto-Burman speakers, including proto-Bamar ancestors, arriving from the north around the 9th century CE, Mon-Khmer groups settling earlier in the south and east, and Tai-speaking Shan migrating from present-day Yunnan in the 13th century.[201] These waves overlaid indigenous Pyu and earlier populations, fostering linguistic and cultural diversity across upland peripheries versus the Bamar heartland. Demographic data from the 2014 census, the most recent comprehensive effort, underpin these estimates but suffer from undercounts due to boycotts by many ethnic armed organizations and insecurity in minority-dominated areas, potentially inflating the Bamar share relative to actual minority proportions.[202] Debates over ethnic integration center on tensions between central government assimilation policies, which emphasize Burmese language proficiency and national unity through Burman-centric institutions, and minority demands for federal structures granting autonomy to ethnic states.[203] Historical "Burmanization" efforts, including post-independence promotion of Bamar culture, have been viewed by minorities as eroding distinct identities, prompting calls for self-determination and resource control in peripheral regions to counter perceived marginalization.[204] While the 2008 constitution nominally devolves some powers to ethnic states, implementation has favored centralized control, fueling ongoing assertions of separatist claims rooted in unaddressed diversity.[205]Languages and Linguistic Policies
Myanmar's linguistic landscape is dominated by languages of the Sino-Tibetan family, which constitute the most widely spoken group, including Burmese and various ethnic tongues such as Karen, Kachin, and Chin.[206] Burmese, a Tibeto-Burman language, functions as the official language and primary lingua franca, serving as the native tongue for the Bamar ethnic majority and a second language for many others across the country's diverse ethnic groups.[207] Approximately 100 languages and dialects are spoken nationwide, representing four major families: Sino-Tibetan, Austro-Asiatic, Tai-Kadai, and Indo-European, with Burmese dialects like those in Yangon, Mandalay, and Yaw exhibiting regional phonological and lexical variations.[208][209] The Burmese script, an abugida derived from ancient Brahmic systems and adapted through influences from Mon and Pali scripts, has evolved since the Pagan Kingdom era, standardizing written Burmese by the 11th century for religious and administrative purposes. British colonial rule from 1824 to 1948 introduced English as a medium in elite education and bureaucracy, leaving a legacy of bilingualism in official documents and higher learning, though post-independence policies shifted emphasis to Burmese for national cohesion. English persists as a compulsory subject in schools and retains utility in international trade and diplomacy.[210] Linguistic policies under successive governments, including the post-1962 military regimes and the current State Administration Council, mandate Burmese as the sole medium of instruction in state-run primary and secondary education to foster unity amid ethnic diversity. This approach, rooted in "Burmanization" strategies, prioritizes Burmese proficiency from early grades, often sidelining mother-tongue instruction for non-Burmese speakers and contributing to lower literacy rates among minorities.[211][212] Critics, including international observers, argue that such dominance exacerbates ethnic tensions by undermining non-dominant languages, as evidenced by 2022 curriculum revisions restricting ethnic language classes to extracurricular status.[213] Despite constitutional allowances for ethnic languages in local administration, implementation remains limited, with Burmese enforced in national exams and media.[214]Religion and Religious Conflicts
Theravada Buddhism dominates religious life in Myanmar, with approximately 88 percent of the population adhering to it according to the 2014 census data referenced in recent assessments.[215] This form of Buddhism, introduced historically through Mon and Pyu kingdoms and solidified during the Bagan era from the 11th century, permeates daily practices, festivals, and social norms, where monks serve as moral authorities and community leaders.[216] The sangha, or monastic community, exerts influence over education, charity, and public discourse, often mobilizing for social causes while maintaining doctrinal emphasis on monastic discipline and merit-making through alms-giving and temple construction. The 2008 Constitution acknowledges Buddhism's preeminence by stating that the government "recognizes the special position of Buddhism as the faith professed by the great majority of its citizens" and commits to its protection and promotion.[217] This provision reflects Buddhism's entwinement with national identity, evidenced by state sponsorship of pagoda restorations and monastic education, though it coexists with legal guarantees of religious freedom under Article 34, which allows citizens to profess and practice their faith.[218] Minority faiths include Christianity at around 6 percent and Islam at 4 percent, per 2014 estimates, with adherents concentrated in specific regions and facing varying degrees of societal integration.[219] Tensions between Buddhists and Muslim minorities escalated in the early 2010s, fueled by the 969 Movement, a nationalist Buddhist campaign led by monks like Ashin Wirathu, which urged boycotts of Muslim businesses and portrayed Islam as a demographic and economic threat to Burmese society.[220] This rhetoric contributed to outbreaks of communal violence, including the March 2013 Meiktila riots, where Buddhist mobs attacked Muslim neighborhoods, resulting in at least 44 deaths, the destruction of over 1,000 homes and a madrassa, and the displacement of thousands.[221] Similar incidents in places like Okkan and Lashio in 2013 saw arson and killings, with reports indicating over 200 Muslim deaths across central Myanmar that year, amid inadequate state intervention that sometimes enabled perpetrators.[222] These events stemmed from localized disputes amplified by inflammatory sermons and social media, highlighting fractures in religious coexistence despite Buddhism's non-violent precepts.Health Indicators and Challenges
Myanmar's life expectancy at birth stood at approximately 67.1 years in 2024, reflecting gradual improvements from prior decades but remaining below regional averages due to persistent infectious diseases and conflict-related disruptions.[223] The infant mortality rate was 34 deaths per 1,000 live births in 2023, with under-five mortality at around 43.7 per 1,000, indicating ongoing vulnerabilities in neonatal and child health exacerbated by malnutrition and limited access to care.[224][225] Maternal mortality ratio was estimated at 185 deaths per 100,000 live births in 2023, down from higher historical levels but strained by inadequate obstetric services in rural and conflict zones.[226]| Indicator | Value (Latest Available) | Source |
|---|---|---|
| Life Expectancy at Birth | 67.1 years (2024) | UN estimates via World Population Review[223] |
| Infant Mortality Rate | 34 per 1,000 live births (2023) | UNICEF/World Bank[224][227] |
| Under-5 Mortality Rate | 43.7 per 1,000 live births (recent estimate) | UN Inter-agency Group[228] |
| Maternal Mortality Ratio | 185 per 100,000 live births (2023) | WHO/UN modeled estimate[226] |