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African Americans
African Americans
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Key Information

African Americans, also known as Black Americans and formerly called Afro-Americans, are an American racial and ethnic group who, as defined by the United States census, consists of Americans who have ancestry from "any of the Black racial groups of Africa".[3] African Americans constitute the second largest racial and ethnic group in the U.S. after White Americans.[4] The term "African American" generally denotes descendants of Africans enslaved in the United States.[5][6] According to annual estimates from the U.S. Census Bureau, as of July 1, 2024, the Black population was estimated at 42,951,595, representing approximately 12.63% of the total U.S. population.[7]

African-American history began in the 16th century, when African slave traders sold African artisans, farmers, and warriors to European slave traders, who transported them across the Atlantic to the Western Hemisphere. They were sold as slaves to European colonists and put to work on plantations, particularly in the southern colonies. A few were able to achieve freedom through manumission or escape, and founded independent communities before and during the American Revolution. After the United States was founded in 1783, most Black people continued to be enslaved, primarily concentrated in the American South, with four million enslaved people only liberated with the Civil War in 1865.[8]

During Reconstruction, African Americans gained citizenship and adult-males the right to vote; however, due to widespread White supremacy, they were treated as second-class citizens and soon disenfranchised in the South. These circumstances changed due to participation in the military conflicts of the United States, substantial migration out of the South, the elimination of legal racial segregation, and the civil rights movement which sought political and social freedom. However, racism against African Americans and racial socioeconomic disparity remain a problem into the 21st century.

In the 20th and 21st centuries, immigration has played an increasingly significant role in the African-American community. As of 2022, 10% of the U.S. Black population were immigrants, and 20% were either immigrants or the children of immigrants.[9] While some Black immigrants or their children may also come to identify as African American, the majority of first-generation immigrants do not, preferring to identify with their nation of origin.[10][11] Most African Americans are of West African and coastal Central African ancestry, with varying amounts of Western European and Native American ancestry.[12]

African-American culture has had a significant influence on worldwide culture, making numerous contributions to visual arts, literature, the English language, philosophy, politics, cuisine, sports, and music. The African-American contribution to popular music is so profound that most American music, including jazz, gospel, blues, rock and roll, funk, disco, house, techno, hip hop, R&B, trap, and soul, has its origins either partially or entirely in the African-American community.[13][14]

History

[edit]

Colonial era

[edit]
Major slave trading regions of Africa, 15th–19th centuries

The vast majority of those who were enslaved and transported in the transatlantic slave trade were people from several Central and West African ethnic groups. They had been captured directly by European slave traders in coastal raids,[15] or sold by West African slave traders, or by half-European "merchant princes"[16] to European slave traders, who brought them to the Americas.[17]

The first African slaves in what is now the United States arrived in the early 16th century. Africans were among Juan Ponce de León's 1513 voyage that landed in what would become Spanish Florida, and enslaved Africans arrived around the same time to Spanish Puerto Rico.[18][19]

Africans also came via Santo Domingo in the Caribbean to the San Miguel de Gualdape colony (most likely located in the Winyah Bay area of present-day South Carolina), founded by Spanish explorer Lucas Vázquez de Ayllón in 1526.[20] The ill-fated colony was almost immediately disrupted by a fight over leadership, during which the slaves revolted and fled the colony to seek refuge among local Native Americans. De Ayllón and many of the colonists died shortly afterward, due to an epidemic and the colony was abandoned. The settlers and the slaves who had not escaped returned to the Island of Hispaniola, whence they had come.[20]

The enslaved explorer Esteban arrived in Florida with the Narváez expedition in 1528, a journey that first landed in Santo Domingo and later traveled into Spanish Texas and the Southwest before ending in Mexico.[21]

The marriage between Luisa de Abrego, a free Black domestic servant from Seville, and Miguel Rodríguez, a White Segovian conquistador in 1565 in St. Augustine (Spanish Florida), is the first known and recorded Christian marriage anywhere in what is now the continental United States.[22]

Slaves processing tobacco in 17th-century Virginia, illustration from 1670

The first recorded Africans in English America (including most of the future United States) were "20 and odd negroes" who arrived in Jamestown, Virginia via Cape Comfort in August 1619 as indentured servants.[23] As many Virginian settlers began to die from harsh conditions, more and more Africans were brought to work as laborers.[24]

An indentured servant (who could be White or Black) would work for several years (usually four to seven) without wages. The status of indentured servants in early Virginia and Maryland was similar to slavery. Servants could be bought, sold, or leased, and they could be physically beaten for disobedience or attempting to running away. Unlike slaves, they were freed after their term of service expired or if their freedom was purchased. Their children did not inherit their status, and on their release from contract they received "a year's provision of corn, double apparel, tools necessary", and a small cash payment called "freedom dues".[25] Africans could legally raise crops and cattle to purchase their freedom.[26] They raised families, married other Africans and sometimes intermarried with Native Americans or European settlers.[27]

The first slave auction at New Amsterdam in 1655; illustration from 1895 by Howard Pyle[28]

By the 1640s and 1650s, several African families owned farms around Jamestown, and some became wealthy by colonial standards and purchased indentured servants of their own. In 1640, the Virginia General Court recorded the earliest documentation of lifetime slavery when they sentenced John Punch, a Negro, to lifetime servitude under his master Hugh Gwyn, for running away.[29][30]

In Spanish Florida, some Spanish married or had unions with Pensacola, Creek or African women, both enslaved and free, and their descendants created a mixed-race population of mestizos and mulattos. The Spanish encouraged slaves from the colony of Georgia to come to Florida as a refuge, promising freedom in exchange for conversion to Catholicism. King Charles II issued a royal proclamation freeing all slaves who fled to Spanish Florida and accepted conversion and baptism. Most went to the area around St. Augustine, but escaped slaves also reached Pensacola. St. Augustine had mustered an all-Black militia unit defending Spanish Florida as early as 1683.[31]

Reproduction of a handbill advertising a slave auction in Charleston, South Carolina, in 1769

One of the Dutch African arrivals, Anthony Johnson, would later own one of the first Black "slaves", John Casor, resulting from the court ruling of a civil case.[32][33]

The popular conception of a race-based slave system did not fully develop until the 18th century. The Dutch West India Company introduced slavery in 1625 with the importation of eleven Black slaves into New Amsterdam (present-day New York City). All the colony's slaves, however, were freed upon its surrender to the English.[34]

Massachusetts was the first English colony to legally recognize slavery in 1641. In 1662, Virginia passed a law that children of enslaved women would take the status of the mother, rather than that of the father, as was the case under common law. This legal principle was called partus sequitur ventrum.[35][36]

By an act of 1699, Virginia ordered the deportation of all free Blacks, effectively defining all people of African descent who remained in the colony as slaves.[37] In 1670, the colonial assembly passed a law prohibiting free and baptized Blacks (and Native Americans) from purchasing Christians (in this act meaning White Europeans) but allowing them to buy people "of their owne nation".[38]

1774 image of a fugitive slave in a New York newspaper, offering a $10 reward (equivalent to $288 in 2024). Slave owners, including George Washington and Thomas Jefferson, placed around 200,000 runaway slave adverts in newspapers across the US before slavery ended in 1865.[39][40]

In Spanish Louisiana, although there was no movement toward abolition of the African slave trade, Spanish rule introduced a new law called coartación, which allowed slaves to buy their freedom, and that of others.[41] Although some did not have the money to do so, government measures on slavery enabled the existence of many free Blacks. This caused problems to the Spaniards with the French creoles (French who had settled in New France) who had also populated Spanish Louisiana. The French creoles cited that measure as one of the system's worst elements.[42]

First established in South Carolina in 1704, groups of armed White men—slave patrols—were formed to monitor enslaved Black people.[43] Their function was to police slaves, especially fugitives. Slave owners feared that slaves might organize revolts or slave rebellions, so state militias were formed to provide a military command structure and discipline within the slave patrols. These patrols were used to detect, encounter, and crush any organized slave meetings which might lead to revolts or rebellions.[43]

The earliest African American congregations and churches were organized before 1800 in both northern and southern cities following the Great Awakening. By 1775, Africans made up 20% of the population in the American colonies, which made them the second largest ethnic group after English Americans.[44]

From the American Revolution to the Civil War

[edit]
Crispus Attucks, the first "martyr" of the American Revolution. He was of Native American and African American descent.

During the 1770s, Africans, both enslaved and free, helped rebellious American colonists secure their independence by defeating the British in the American Revolutionary War.[45] Blacks played a role in both sides in the American Revolution. Activists in the Patriot cause included James Armistead, Prince Whipple, and Oliver Cromwell.[46][47] Around 15,000 Black Loyalists left with the British after the war, most of them ending up as free Black people in England[48] or its colonies, such as the Black Nova Scotians and the Sierra Leone Creole people.[49][50]

In the Spanish Louisiana, Governor Bernardo de Gálvez organized Spanish free Black men into two militia companies to defend New Orleans during the American Revolution. They fought in the 1779 battle in which Spain captured Baton Rouge from the British. Gálvez also commanded them in campaigns against the British outposts in Mobile, Alabama, and Pensacola, Florida. He recruited slaves for the militia by pledging to free anyone who was seriously wounded and promised to secure a low price for coartación (buy their freedom and that of others) for those who received lesser wounds. During the 1790s, Governor Francisco Luis Héctor, baron of Carondelet reinforced local fortifications and recruit even more free Black men for the militia. Carondelet doubled the number of free Black men who served, creating two more militia companies—one made up of Black members and the other of pardo (mixed race). Serving in the militia brought free Black men one step closer to equality with Whites, allowing them, for example, the right to carry arms and boosting their earning power. However, actually these privileges distanced free Black men from enslaved Blacks and encouraged them to identify with Whites.[42]

Slavery had been tacitly enshrined in the US Constitution through provisions such as Article I, Section 2, Clause 3, commonly known as the 3/5 compromise. Due to the restrictions of Section 9, Clause 1, Congress was unable to pass an Act Prohibiting Importation of Slaves until 1807.[51] Fugitive slave laws (derived from the Fugitive Slave Clause of the Constitution—Article IV, Section 2, Clause 3) were passed by Congress in both 1793 and 1850, guaranteeing the right of a slaveholder to recover an escaped slave anywhere within the US.[40] Slave owners, who viewed enslaved people as property, ensured that it became a federal crime to aid or assist those who had fled slavery or to interfere with their capture.[39] By that time, slavery, which almost exclusively targeted Black people, had become the most critical and contentious political issue in the Antebellum United States, repeatedly sparking crises and conflicts. Among these were the Missouri Compromise, the Compromise of 1850, the infamous Dred Scott decision, and John Brown's raid on Harpers Ferry.

Frederick Douglass, c. 1850

Prior to the Civil War, eight serving presidents had owned slaves, a practice that was legally protected under the US Constitution.[52] By 1860, the number of enslaved Black people in the US had grown to between 3.5 and 4.4 million, largely as a result of the Atlantic slave trade. In addition, 488,000–500,000 Black people lived free (with legislated limits)[53] across the country.[54] With legislated limits imposed upon them in addition to "unconquerable prejudice" from Whites according to Henry Clay.[55] In response to these conditions, some free Black people chose to leave the US and emigrate to Liberia in West Africa.[53] Liberia had been established in 1821 as a settlement by the American Colonization Society (ACS), with many abolitionist members of the ACS believing Black Americans would have greater opportunities for freedom and equality in Africa than they would in the US.[53]

Slaves not only represented a significant financial investment for their owners, but they also played a crucial role in producing the country's most valuable product and export: cotton. Enslaved people were instrumental in the construction of several prominent structures such as, the United States Capitol, the White House and other Washington, D.C.–based buildings.[56] Similar building projects existed in the slave states.

Slaves Waiting for Sale: Richmond, Virginia, 1853. Note the new clothes. The domestic slave trade broke up many families, and individuals lost their connection to families and clans.

By 1815, the domestic slave trade had become a significant and major economic activity in the United States, continuing to flourish until the 1860s.[57] Historians estimate that nearly one million individuals were subjected to this forced migration, which was often referred to as a new "Middle Passage". The historian Ira Berlin described this internal forced migration of enslaved people as the "central event" in the life of a slave during the period between the American Revolution and the Civil War. Berlin emphasized that whether enslaved individuals were directly uprooted or lived in constant fear that they or their families would be involuntarily relocated, "the massive deportation traumatized Black people" throughout the US.[58] As a result of this large-scale forced movement, countless individuals lost their connection to families and clans, and many ethnic Africans lost their knowledge of varying tribal origins in Africa.[57]

The 1863 photograph of Wilson Chinn, a branded slave from Louisiana, along with the famous image of Gordon and his scarred back, served as two of the earliest and most powerful examples of how the newborn medium of photography could be used to visually document and encapsulate the brutality and cruelty of slavery.[59]

Slave trader's business on Whitehall Street Atlanta, Georgia, 1864 during the American Civil War with a Union corporal of the United States Colored Troops sitting by the door

Emigration of free Blacks to their continent of origin had been proposed since the Revolutionary war. After Haiti became independent, it tried to recruit African Americans to migrate there after it re-established trade relations with the United States. The Haitian Union was a group formed to promote relations between the countries.[60] After riots against Blacks in Cincinnati, its Black community sponsored founding of the Wilberforce Colony, an initially successful settlement of African American immigrants to Canada. The colony was one of the first such independent political entities. It lasted for a number of decades and provided a destination for about 200 Black families emigrating from a number of locations in the United States.[60]

In 1863, during the American Civil War, President Abraham Lincoln signed the Emancipation Proclamation. The proclamation declared that all slaves in Confederate-held territory were free.[61] Advancing Union troops enforced the proclamation, with Texas being the last state to be emancipated, in 1865.[62]

Harriet Tubman, c. 1869

Slavery in a few border states continued until the ratification of the Thirteenth Amendment in December 1865.[63] While the Naturalization Act of 1790 limited US citizenship to Whites only,[64][65] the 14th Amendment (1868) gave Black people citizenship, and the 15th Amendment (1870) gave Black men the right to vote.[66]

Reconstruction era and Jim Crow

[edit]

African Americans quickly set up congregations for themselves, as well as schools and community/civic associations, to have space away from White control or oversight. While the post-war Reconstruction era was initially a time of progress for African Americans, that period ended in 1876. By the late 1890s, Southern states enacted Jim Crow laws to enforce racial segregation and disenfranchisement.[67] Segregation was now imposed with Jim Crow laws, using signs used to show Blacks where they could legally walk, talk, drink, rest, or eat.[68] For those places that were racially mixed, non-Whites had to wait until all White customers were dealt with.[68] Most African Americans obeyed the Jim Crow laws, to avoid racially motivated violence. To maintain self-esteem and dignity, African Americans such as Anthony Overton and Mary McLeod Bethune continued to build their own schools, churches, banks, social clubs, and other businesses.[69]

In the last decade of the 19th century, racially discriminatory laws and racial violence aimed at African Americans began to mushroom in the United States, a period often referred to as the "nadir of American race relations". These discriminatory acts included racial segregation—upheld by the United States Supreme Court decision in Plessy v. Ferguson in 1896—which was legally mandated by southern states and nationwide at the local level of government, voter suppression or disenfranchisement in the southern states, denial of economic opportunity or resources nationwide, and private acts of violence and mass racial violence aimed at African Americans unhindered or encouraged by government authorities.[70]

Great migration and civil rights movement

[edit]
A group of White men pose for a 1919 photograph as they stand over the Black victim, Will Brown, who had been lynched and had his body mutilated and burned during the Omaha race riot of 1919 in Omaha, Nebraska. Postcards and photographs of lynchings were popular souvenirs in the US.[71]

The desperate conditions of African Americans in the South sparked the Great Migration during the first half of the 20th century which led to a growing African American community in Northern and Western United States.[72] The rapid influx of Blacks disturbed the racial balance within Northern and Western cities, exacerbating hostility between both Blacks and Whites in the two regions.[73] The Red Summer of 1919 was marked by hundreds of deaths and higher casualties across the US as a result of race riots that occurred in more than three dozen cities, such as the Chicago race riot of 1919 and the Omaha race riot of 1919. Overall, Blacks in Northern and Western cities experienced systemic discrimination in a plethora of aspects of life. Within employment, economic opportunities for Blacks were routed to the lowest-status and restrictive in potential mobility. At the 1900 Hampton Negro Conference, Reverend Matthew Anderson said: "...the lines along most of the avenues of wage earning are more rigidly drawn in the North than in the South."[74] Within the housing market, stronger discriminatory measures were used in correlation to the influx, resulting in a mix of "targeted violence, restrictive covenants, redlining and racial steering".[75] While many Whites defended their space with violence, intimidation, or legal tactics toward African Americans, many other Whites migrated to more racially homogeneous suburban or exurban regions, a process known as White flight.[76]

Rosa Parks being fingerprinted after being arrested for not giving up her seat on a bus to a White person

Despite discrimination, drawing cards for leaving the hopelessness in the South were the growth of African American institutions and communities in Northern cities. Institutions included Black oriented organizations (e.g., Urban League, NAACP), churches, businesses, and newspapers, as well as successes in the development in African American intellectual culture, music, and popular culture (e.g., Harlem Renaissance, Chicago Black Renaissance). The Cotton Club in Harlem was a Whites-only establishment, with Blacks (such as Duke Ellington) allowed to perform, but to a White audience.[77] Black Americans also found a new ground for political power in Northern cities, without the enforced disabilities of Jim Crow.[78][79]

By the 1950s, the civil rights movement was gaining momentum. A 1955 lynching that sparked public outrage about injustice was that of Emmett Till, a 14-year-old boy from Chicago. Spending the summer with relatives in Money, Mississippi, Till was killed for allegedly having wolf-whistled at a White woman. Till had been badly beaten, one of his eyes was gouged out, and he was shot in the head. The visceral response to his mother's decision to have an open-casket funeral mobilized the Black community throughout the US.[80] Vann Newkirk wrote "the trial of his killers became a pageant illuminating the tyranny of White supremacy".[80] The state of Mississippi tried two defendants, but they were speedily acquitted by an all-White jury.[81] One hundred days after Emmett Till's murder, Rosa Parks refused to give up her seat on the bus in Alabama—indeed, Parks told Emmett's mother Mamie Till that "the photograph of Emmett's disfigured face in the casket was set in her mind when she refused to give up her seat on the Montgomery bus."[82]

March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom, August 28, 1963, shows civil rights leaders and union leaders.

The March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom and the conditions which brought it into being are credited with putting pressure on presidents John F. Kennedy and Lyndon B. Johnson. Johnson put his support behind passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 that banned discrimination in public accommodations, employment, and labor unions, and the Voting Rights Act of 1965, which expanded federal authority over states to ensure Black political participation through protection of voter registration and elections.[83] By 1966, the emergence of the Black Power movement, which lasted from 1966 to 1975, expanded upon the aims of the civil rights movement to include economic and political self-sufficiency, and freedom from White authority.[84]

During the post-war period, many African Americans continued to be economically disadvantaged relative to other Americans. Average Black income stood at 54 percent of that of White workers in 1947, and 55 percent in 1962. In 1959, median family income for Whites was $5,600 (equivalent to $60,405 in 2024), compared with $2,900 (equivalent to $31,281 in 2024) for non-White families. In 1965, 43 percent of all Black families fell into the poverty bracket, earning under $3,000 (equivalent to $29,933 in 2024) a year. The 1960s saw improvements in the social and economic conditions of many Black Americans.[85]

From 1965 to 1969, Black family income rose from 54 to 60 percent of White family income. In 1968, 23 percent of Black families earned under $3,000 (equivalent to $27,126 in 2024) a year, compared with 41 percent in 1960. In 1965, 19 percent of Black Americans had incomes equal to the national median, a proportion that rose to 27 percent by 1967. In 1960, the median level of education for Blacks had been 10.8 years, and by the late 1960s, the figure rose to 12.2 years, half a year behind the median for Whites.[85]

Post–civil rights era

[edit]
Black Lives Matter protest in response to the fatal shooting of Philando Castile in July 2016

Politically and economically, African Americans have made substantial strides during the post–civil rights era. In 1967, Thurgood Marshall became the first African American Supreme Court Justice. In 1968, Shirley Chisholm became the first Black woman elected to the US Congress. In 1989, Douglas Wilder became the first African American elected governor in US history. Clarence Thomas succeeded Marshall to become the second African American Supreme Court Justice in 1991. In 1992, Carol Moseley-Braun of Illinois became the first African American woman elected to the US Senate. There were 8,936 Black officeholders in the United States in 2000, showing a net increase of 7,467 since 1970. In 2001, there were 484 Black mayors.[86]

In 2005, the number of Africans immigrating to the United States, in a single year, surpassed the peak number who were involuntarily brought to the United States during the Atlantic slave trade.[87] On November 4, 2008, Democratic Senator Barack Obama—the son of a White American mother and a Kenyan father—defeated Republican Senator John McCain to become the first African American to be elected president. At least 95 percent of African American voters voted for Obama.[88][89] He also received overwhelming support from young and educated Whites, a majority of Asians,[90] and Hispanics,[90] picking up a number of new states in the Democratic electoral column.[88][89] Obama lost the overall White vote, although he won a larger proportion of White votes than any previous non-incumbent Democratic presidential candidate since Jimmy Carter.[91] Obama was reelected for a second and final term, by a similar margin on November 6, 2012.[92] In 2021, Kamala Harris, the daughter of a Jamaican father and Indian mother, became the first woman, the first African American, and the first Asian American to serve as Vice President of the United States.[93][failed verification] In June 2021, Juneteenth, a day which commemorates the end of slavery in the US, became a federal holiday.[94]

Demographics

[edit]
Black Americans (alone) population pyramid in 2020
Proportion of African Americans in each US state, Washington, D.C., and Puerto Rico as of the 2020 United States Census
Proportion of Black Americans (alone or in combination) in each county of the fifty states, Washington, D.C., and Puerto Rico as of the 2020 United States census
Majority Black American counties in the United States according to the 2020 census
US census map indicating US counties with fewer than 25 Black or African American inhabitants
Graph showing the percentage of the African American population living in the American South, 1790–2010. Note the major declines between 1910 and 1940 and 1940–1970, and the reverse trend post-1970. Nonetheless, the absolute majority of the African American population has always lived in the American South.

In 1790, when the first US census was taken, Africans (including slaves and free people) numbered about 760,000—about 19.3% of the population. In 1860, at the start of the Civil War, the African American population had increased to 4.4 million, but the percentage rate dropped to 14% of the overall population of the country. The vast majority were slaves, with only 488,000 counted as "freemen". By 1900, the Black population had doubled and reached 8.8 million.[95]

In 1910, about 90% of African Americans lived in the South. Large numbers began migrating north looking for better job opportunities and living conditions, and to escape Jim Crow laws and racial violence. The Great Migration, as it was called, spanned the 1890s to the 1970s. From 1916 through the 1960s, more than 6 million Black people moved north. But in the 1970s and 1980s, that trend reversed, with more African Americans moving south to the Sun Belt than leaving it.[96]

The African American population in the United States declined over time as a percentage of the total population until 1930, and has been rising since then:

African Americans in the United States[97]
Year Number % of total
population
% Change
(10 yr)
Slaves % in slavery
1790 757,208 19.3% (highest)  – 697,681 92%
1800 1,002,037 18.9% 32.3% 893,602 89%
1810 1,377,808 19.0% 37.5% 1,191,362 86%
1820 1,771,656 18.4% 28.6% 1,538,022 87%
1830 2,328,642 18.1% 31.4% 2,009,043 86%
1840 2,873,648 16.8% 23.4% 2,487,355 87%
1850 3,638,808 15.7% 26.6% 3,204,287 88%
1860 4,441,830 14.1% 22.1% 3,953,731 89%
1870 4,880,009 12.7% 9.9%  –  –
1880 6,580,793 13.1% 34.9%  –  –
1890 7,488,788 11.9% 13.8%  –  –
1900 8,833,994 11.6% 18.0%  –  –
1910 9,827,763 10.7% 11.2%  –  –
1920 10.5 million 9.9% 6.8%  –  –
1930 11.9 million 9.7% (lowest) 13%  –  –
1940 12.9 million 9.8% 8.4%  –  –
1950 15.0 million 10.0% 16%  –  –
1960 18.9 million 10.5% 26%  –  –
1970 22.6 million 11.1% 20%  –  –
1980 26.5 million 11.7% 17%  –  –
1990 30.0 million 12.1% 13%  –  –
2000 34.6 million 12.3% 15%  –  –
2010 38.9 million 12.6% 12%  –  –
2020 41.1 million 12.4% 5.6%  –  –

By 1990, the African American population reached about 30 million and represented 12% of the US population, roughly the same proportion as in 1900.[98]

African American groups in the USA
Years Non-Hispanic Blacks Black Hispanics Total
# % # %
2020 39,940,338 12.1% 1,163,862 0.3% 41,104,200

At the time of the 2000 US census, 54.8% of African Americans lived in the South. In that year, 17.6% of African Americans lived in the Northeast and 18.7% in the Midwest, while only 8.9% lived in the Western states. The west does have a sizable Black population in certain areas, however. California, the nation's most populous state, has the fifth largest African American population, only behind New York, Texas, Georgia, and Florida. According to the 2000 census, approximately 2.05% of African Americans identified as Hispanic or Latino in origin,[99] many of whom may be of Brazilian, Puerto Rican, Dominican, Cuban, Haitian, or other Latin American descent. The only self-reported ancestral groups larger than African Americans are the Irish and Germans.[100]

Band rehearsal on 125th Street in Harlem, the historic epicenter of African American culture. New York City is home by a significant margin to the world's largest Black population of any city outside Africa, at over 2.2 million. African immigration to New York City is now driving the growth of the city's Black population.[101]

According to the 2010 census, nearly 3% of people who self-identified as Black had recent ancestors who immigrated from another country. Self-reported non-Hispanic Black immigrants from the Caribbean, mostly from Jamaica and Haiti, represented 0.9% of the US population, at 2.6 million.[102] Self-reported Black immigrants from sub-Saharan Africa also represented 0.9%, at about 2.8 million.[102] Additionally, self-identified Black Hispanics represented 0.4% of the United States population, at about 1.2 million people, largely found within the Puerto Rican and Dominican communities.[103] Self-reported Black immigrants hailing from other countries in the Americas, such as Brazil and Canada, as well as several European countries, represented less than 0.1% of the population. Mixed-race Hispanic and non-Hispanic Americans who identified as being part Black, represented 0.9% of the population. Of the 12.6% of United States residents who identified as Black, around 10.3% were "native Black American" or ethnic African Americans, who are direct descendants of West/Central Africans brought to the US as slaves. These individuals make up well over 80% of all Blacks in the country. When including people of mixed-race origin, about 13.5% of the US population self-identified as Black or "mixed with Black".[104] However, according to the US Census Bureau, evidence from the 2000 census indicates that many African and Caribbean immigrant ethnic groups do not identify as "Black, African Am., or Negro". Instead, they wrote in their own respective ethnic groups in the "Some Other Race" write-in entry. As a result, the census bureau devised a new, separate "African American" ethnic group category in 2010 for ethnic African Americans.[105] Nigerian Americans and Ethiopian Americans were the most reported sub-Saharan African groups in the United States.[106]

In the 2020 census, the African American population was undercounted at an estimated rate of 3.3%, up from 2.1% in 2010.[107]

Proportion in each county

[edit]

Texas has the largest African American population by state. Followed by Texas is Florida, with 3.8 million, and Georgia, with 3.6 million.[108] Mississippi is the state with the highest African American share of the population at 39%. Followed by Mississippi is Louisiana at 34%, and Georgia at 32%.[citation needed]

US cities

[edit]

After 100 years of African Americans leaving the south in large numbers seeking better opportunities and treatment in the west and north, a movement known as the Great Migration, there is now a reverse trend, called the New Great Migration. As with the earlier Great Migration, the New Great Migration is primarily directed toward cities and large urban areas, such as Charlotte, Houston, Dallas, Fort Worth, Huntsville, Raleigh, Tampa, San Antonio, New Orleans, Memphis, Nashville, Jacksonville, and so forth.[109] A growing percentage of African Americans from the west and north are migrating to the southern region of the US for economic and cultural reasons. In 2020, New York City, Chicago, and Los Angeles metropolitan areas had the highest decline in African Americans, while Atlanta, Dallas, and Houston had the highest increase respectively.[110][111] Despite recent declines, as of 2020, the New York City metropolitan area still has the largest African American metropolitan population in the United States and the only to have over 3 million African Americans.[112][113]

Among cities of 100,000 or more, South Fulton, Georgia had the highest percentage of Black residents of any large US city in 2020, with 93%. Other large cities with African American majorities include Jackson, Mississippi (80%), Detroit, Michigan (80%), Birmingham, Alabama (70%), Miami Gardens, Florida (67%), Memphis, Tennessee (63%), Montgomery, Alabama (62%), Baltimore, Maryland (60%), Augusta, Georgia (59%), Shreveport, Louisiana (58%), New Orleans, Louisiana (57%), Macon, Georgia (56%), Baton Rouge, Louisiana (55%), Hampton, Virginia (53%), Newark, New Jersey (53%), Mobile, Alabama (53%), Cleveland, Ohio (52%), Brockton, Massachusetts (51%), and Savannah, Georgia (51%).

Claiborne County, Mississippi is the Blackest county in the U.S. at 87% Black in 2020. Cook County, Illinois has the largest Black population in the U.S. with 1,185,601 Black residents in 2020.

The nation's most affluent community with an African American majority resides in View Park–Windsor Hills, California, with an annual median household income of $159,618.[114] Other largely affluent and African American communities include Prince George's County (namely Mitchellville, Woodmore, Upper Marlboro) and Charles County in Maryland,[115] DeKalb County (namely Stonecrest, Lithonia, Smoke Rise) and South Fulton in Georgia, Charles City County in Virginia, Baldwin Hills in California, Hillcrest and Uniondale in New York, and Cedar Hill, DeSoto, and Missouri City in Texas. Additionally, there is a significant affluent Black presence in the southern Chicago suburbs of Cook County, Illinois. A report from the National Association of Real Estate Brokers (NAREB) indicated that 5 of the top 10 municipalities nationwide (with at least 500 Black households) registering the highest Black homeownership rates were in this area - including Olympia Fields, South Holland, Flossmoor, Matteson, and Lynwood.[116] Queens County, New York is the only county with a population of 65,000 or more where African Americans have a higher median household income than White Americans.[117]

Seatack, Virginia is currently the oldest African American community in the United States.[118] It survives today with a vibrant and active civic community.[119]

Education

[edit]
Former slave reading, 1870

During slavery, anti-literacy laws were enacted in the US that prohibited education for Black people. Slave owners saw literacy as a threat to the institution of slavery. As a North Carolina statute stated, "Teaching slaves to read and write, tends to excite dissatisfaction in their minds, and to produce insurrection and rebellion."[120]

When slavery was finally abolished in 1865, public educational systems were expanding across the country. By 1870, around seventy-four institutions in the south provided a form of advanced education for African American students. By 1900, over a hundred programs at these schools provided training for Black professionals, including teachers. Many of the students at Fisk University, including the young W. E. B. Du Bois, taught school during the summers to support their studies.[121]

African Americans were very concerned to provide quality education for their children, but White supremacy limited their ability to participate in educational policymaking on the political level. State governments soon moved to undermine their citizenship by restricting their right to vote. By the late 1870s, Blacks were disenfranchised and segregated across the American South.[122] White politicians in Mississippi and other states withheld financial resources and supplies from Black schools. Nevertheless, the presence of Black teachers, and their engagement with their communities both inside and outside the classroom, ensured that Black students had access to education despite these external constraints.[123][124]

During World War II, demands for unity and racial tolerance on the home front provided an opening for the first Black history curriculum in the country.[125] For example, during the early 1940s, Madeline Morgan, a Black teacher in the Chicago public schools, created a curriculum for students in grades one through eight highlighting the contributions of Black people to the history of the United States. At the close of the war, Chicago's Board of Education downgraded the curriculum's status from mandatory to optional.[126]

Predominantly Black schools for kindergarten through twelfth grade students were common throughout the US before the 1970s. By 1972, however, desegregation efforts meant that only 25% of Black students were in schools with more than 90% non-White students. However, since then, a trend towards re-segregation affected communities across the country: by 2011, 2.9 million African American students were in such overwhelmingly minority schools, including 53% of Black students in school districts that were formerly under desegregation orders.[127][128]

As late as 1947, about one third of African Americans over 65 were considered to lack the literacy to read and write their own names. By 1969, illiteracy as it had been traditionally defined, had been largely eradicated among younger African Americans.[129]

Astrophysicist Neil deGrasse Tyson is director of New York City's Hayden Planetarium.

Between 1995 and 2009, freshmen college enrollment for African Americans increased by 73 percent and only 15 percent for Whites.[130] Black women are enrolled in college more than any other race and gender group, leading all with 9.7% enrolled according to the 2011 US census.[131][132] The average high school graduation rate of Blacks in the United States has steadily increased to 71% in 2013.[133] Separating this statistic into component parts shows it varies greatly depending upon the state and the school district examined. 38% of Black males graduated in the state of New York but in Maine 97% graduated and exceeded the White male graduation rate by 11 percentage points.[134] In much of the southeastern United States and some parts of the southwestern United States the graduation rate of White males was in fact below 70% such as in Florida where 62% of White males graduated from high school. Examining specific school districts paints an even more complex picture. In the Detroit school district, the graduation rate of Black males was 20% but 7% for White males. In the New York City school district 28% of Black males graduate from high school compared to 57% of White males. In Newark County[where?] 76% of Black males graduated compared to 67% for White males. Further academic improvement has occurred in 2015. Roughly 23% of all Blacks have bachelor's degrees. In 1988, 21% of Whites had obtained a bachelor's degree versus 11% of Blacks. In 2015, 23% of Blacks had obtained a bachelor's degree versus 36% of Whites.[135] Foreign born Blacks, 9% of the Black population, made even greater strides. They exceed native born Blacks by 10 percentage points.[135]

College Board, which runs the official college-level advanced placement (AP) programs in American high schools, have has received criticism in recent years that its curricula have focused too much on Euro-centric history.[136] In 2020, College Board reshaped some curricula among history-based courses to further reflect the African diaspora.[137] In 2021, College Board announced it would be piloting an AP African American Studies course between 2022 and 2024. The course officially launched in August 2024.[138][139]

In June 2023, the Supreme Court ended race-based affirmative action at American colleges and universities. This landmark Supreme Court decision is widely believed to contribute to a decline in African American enrollment at the nation's most selective and prominent colleges and universities, where African American applicants often have, on average, lower standardized test scores and GPAs compared to the overall applicant pool. In response, many of the nation's most popular historically Black colleges and universities (HBCUs) have reported a significant surge in applications and enrollment.[140][141][142][143]

According to a 2025 study, African Americans have the highest average student debt. African Americans with bachelor's degrees owe an average of $52,726 in student loans. Nearly 70% of African Americans took out a loan to fund their undergraduate education.[144]

Historically Black colleges and universities

[edit]

Historically Black colleges and universities (HBCUs), which were founded when segregated institutions of higher learning did not admit African Americans, continue to thrive and educate students of all races today. There are 101 HBCUs representing three percent of the nation's colleges and universities with the majority established in the Southeast.[145][146] HBCUs have been largely responsible for establishing and expanding the African American middle-class by providing more career opportunities for African Americans.[147][148]

Economic status

[edit]

The economic disparity between the races in the US has marginally improved since the end of slavery. In 1863, two years prior to emancipation, Black people owned 0.5 percent of the national wealth, while in 2019 it is just over 1.5 percent.[149] Racial disparity in poverty rates has narrowed since the civil rights era, with the poverty rate among African Americans decreasing from 24.7% in 2004 to 18.8% in 2020, compared to 10.5% for all Americans.[150][151] Poverty is associated with higher rates of marital stress and dissolution, physical and mental health problems, disability, cognitive deficits, low educational attainment, and crime.[152]

African Americans have a long and diverse history of business ownership. Although the first African American business is unknown, slaves captured from West Africa are believed to have established commercial enterprises as peddlers and skilled craftspeople as far back as the 17th century. Around 1900, Booker T. Washington became the most famous proponent of African American businesses. His critic and rival W. E. B. DuBois also commended business as a vehicle for African American advancement.[153]

This graph shows the real median US household income by race: 1967 to 2011, in 2011 dollars.[154]

African Americans had a combined buying power of over $1.6 trillion as of 2021, a 171% increase of their buying power in 2000 but lagging significantly in growth behind American Latinos and Asians in the same timer period (with 288% and 383%, respectively; for reference, US growth overall was 144% in the same period); however, African American net worth had shrunk 14% in the previous year despite strong growth in property prices and the S&P 500. In 2002, African American-owned businesses accounted for 1.2 million of the US's 23 million businesses.[155] As of 2011, African American-owned businesses account for approximately 2 million US businesses.[156] Black-owned businesses experienced the largest growth in number of businesses among minorities from 2002 to 2011.[156]

Twenty-five percent of Blacks had white-collar occupations (management, professional, and related fields) in 2000, compared with 33.6% of Americans overall.[157][158] In 2001, over half of African American households of married couples earned $50,000 or more.[158] Although in the same year African Americans were over-represented among the nation's poor, this was directly related to the disproportionate percentage of African American families headed by single women; such families are collectively poorer, regardless of ethnicity.[158]

In 2006, the median earnings of African American men was more than Black and non-Black American women overall, and in all educational levels.[159][160][161][162][163] At the same time, among American men, income disparities were significant; the median income of African American men was approximately 76 cents for every dollar of their European American counterparts, although the gap narrowed somewhat with a rise in educational level.[159][164]

Overall, the median earnings of African American men were 72 cents for every dollar earned of their Asian American counterparts, and $1.17 for every dollar earned by Hispanic men.[159][162][165] On the other hand, by 2006, among American women with post-secondary education, African American women have made significant advances; the median income of African American women was more than those of their Asian-, European- and Hispanic American counterparts with at least some college education.[160][161][166]

The US public sector is the single most important source of employment for African Americans.[167] During 2008–2010, 21.2% of all Black workers were public employees, compared with 16.3% of non-Black workers.[167] Both before and after the onset of the Great Recession, African Americans were 30% more likely than other workers to be employed in the public sector.[167] The public sector is also a critical source of decent-paying jobs for Black Americans. For both men and women, the median wage earned by Black employees is significantly higher in the public sector than in other industries.[167]

In 1999, the median income of African American families was $33,255 compared to $53,356 of European Americans. In times of economic hardship for the nation, African Americans suffer disproportionately from job loss and underemployment, with the Black underclass being hardest hit. The phrase "last hired and first fired" is reflected in the Bureau of Labor Statistics unemployment figures. Nationwide, the October 2008 unemployment rate for African Americans was 11.1%,[168] while the nationwide rate was 6.5%.[169] In 2007, the average income for African Americans was approximately $34,000, compared to $55,000 for Whites.[170] African Americans experience a higher rate of unemployment than the general population.[171]

The income gap between Black and White families is also significant. In 2005, employed Blacks earned 65% of the wages of Whites, down from 82% in 1975.[150] The New York Times reported in 2006 that in Queens, New York, the median income among African American families exceeded that of White families, which the newspaper attributed to the growth in the number of two-parent Black families. It noted that Queens was the only county with more than 65,000 residents where that was true.[117] In 2011, it was reported that 72% of Black babies were born to unwed mothers.[172] The poverty rate among single-parent Black families was 39.5% in 2005, according to Walter E. Williams, while it was 9.9% among married-couple Black families. Among White families, the respective rates were 26.4% and 6% in poverty.[173]

Collectively, African Americans are more involved in the American political process than other minority groups in the United States, indicated by the highest level of voter registration and participation in elections among these groups in 2004.[174] African Americans also have the highest level of Congressional representation of any minority group in the US.[175]

African American homeownership

[edit]
The US homeownership rate according to race[176]

Homeownership in the US is the strongest indicator of financial stability and the primary asset most Americans use to generate wealth. African Americans continue to lag behind other racial groups in homeownership.[177] In the first quarter of 2021, 45.1% of African Americans owned their homes, compared to 65.3% of all Americans.[178] The African American homeownership rate has remained relatively flat since the 1970s despite an increase in anti-discrimination housing laws and protections.[179] The African American homeownership rate peaked in 2004 at 49.7%.[180]

The average White high school drop-out still has a slightly better chance of owning a home than the average African American college graduate usually due to unfavorable debt-to-income ratios or credit scores among most African American college graduates.[181][182] Since 2000, fast-growing housing costs in most cities have made it even more difficult for the US African American homeownership rate to significantly grow and reach over 50% for the first time in history. From 2000 to 2022, the median home price in the US grew 160%, outpacing average annual household income growth in that same period, which only grew about 30%.[183][184][185] South Carolina is the state with the most African American homeownership, with about 55% of African Americans owning their own homes.[186][187]

Black people, who make up 12% of the total U.S. population, make up 32% of all people experiencing homelessness, according to the data.[188]

Politics

[edit]
Year Candidate of
the plurality
Political
party
% of
Black
vote
Result
1980 Jimmy Carter Democratic 83% Lost
1984 Walter Mondale Democratic 91% Lost
1988 Michael Dukakis Democratic 89% Lost
1992 Bill Clinton Democratic 83% Won
1996 Bill Clinton Democratic 84% Won
2000 Al Gore Democratic 90% Lost
2004 John Kerry Democratic 88% Lost
2008 Barack Obama Democratic 95% Won
2012 Barack Obama Democratic 93% Won
2016 Hillary Clinton Democratic 88% Lost
2020 Joe Biden Democratic 87% Won
2024 Kamala Harris Democratic 85% Lost

Since the mid 20th century, a large majority of African Americans support the Democratic Party. In the 2024 Presidential election, 86% of African American voters supported Democrat Kamala Harris, while 13% supported Republican Donald Trump.[189] Although there is an African American lobby in foreign policy, it has not had the impact that African American organizations have had in domestic policy.[190]

Many African Americans were excluded from electoral politics in the decades following the end of Reconstruction. For those that could participate, until the New Deal, African Americans were supporters of the Republican Party because it was Republican President Abraham Lincoln who helped in granting freedom to American slaves; at the time, the Republicans and Democrats represented the sectional interests of the North and South, respectively, rather than any specific ideology, and both conservative and liberal were represented equally in both parties.

The African American trend of voting for Democrats can be traced back to the 1930s during the Great Depression, when Franklin D. Roosevelt's New Deal program provided economic relief to African Americans. Roosevelt's New Deal coalition turned the Democratic Party into an organization of the working class and their liberal allies, regardless of region. The African American vote became even more solidly Democratic when Democratic presidents John F. Kennedy and Lyndon B. Johnson pushed for civil rights legislation during the 1960s. In 1960, nearly a third of African Americans voted for Republican Richard Nixon.[191]

Conservatism has been steadily growing among African Americans, particularly since the 2020 Presidential election. In the 2024 election, Trump secured a larger share of the African American vote compared to his 2020 performance. Notably, Black men and younger Black voters have increasingly aligned with the Republican Party, adopting more conservative stances, such as supporting stricter crime policies, placing less emphasis on transgender rights, and advocating for an end to illegal immigration, which marks a shift from the views of previous generations.[192][193][194]

Black national anthem

[edit]
"Lift Every Voice and Sing" being sung by the family of Barack Obama, Smokey Robinson and others in the White House in 2014

"Lift Every Voice and Sing" is often referred to as the Black national anthem in the United States.[195] In 1919, the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) had dubbed it the "Negro national anthem" for its power in voicing a cry for liberation and affirmation for African-American people.[196]

Religion

[edit]
Religious affiliation of African Americans in 2007[197]
  1. Black Protestant (59.0%)
  2. Evangelical Protestant (15.0%)
  3. Mainline Protestant (4.00%)
  4. Roman Catholic (5.00%)
  5. Jehovah's Witness (1.00%)
  6. Other Christian (1.00%)
  7. Muslim (1.00%)
  8. Other religion (1.00%)
  9. Unaffiliated (11.0%)
  10. Atheist or agnostic (2.00%)
Mount Zion United Methodist Church is the oldest African American congregation in Washington, D.C.
Masjid Malcolm Shabazz in Harlem, New York City

The majority of African Americans are Protestant, many of whom follow the historically Black churches.[198] The term Black church refers to churches which minister to predominantly African American congregations. Black congregations were first established by freed slaves at the end of the 17th century, and later when slavery was abolished more African Americans were allowed to create a unique form of Christianity that was culturally influenced by African spiritual traditions.[199] One of these early African American Christian cultural traditions in the Black Church is the Watchnight service, also called Freedom's Eve, where African American congregations all over the nation come together on New Year's Eve through New Years morning in remembrance of the eve and New Year of their emancipation, sharing testimonies, being baptized and partaking in praise and worship.[200]

According to a 2007 survey, more than half of the African American population are part of the historically Black churches.[201] The largest Protestant denomination among African Americans are the Baptists,[202] distributed mainly in four denominations, the largest being the National Baptist Convention, USA and the National Baptist Convention of America.[203] The second largest are the Methodists,[204] the largest denominations are the African Methodist Episcopal Church and the African Methodist Episcopal Zion Church.[203][205]

Pentecostals are distributed among several different religious bodies, with the Church of God in Christ as the largest among them by far.[203] About 16% of African American Christians are members of White Protestant communions,[204] these denominations (which include the United Church of Christ) mostly have a 2 to 3% African American membership.[206] There are also large numbers of Catholics, constituting 5% of the African American population.[201] Of the total number of Jehovah's Witnesses, 22% are Black.[198]

Some African Americans follow Islam. Historically, between 15 and 30% of enslaved Africans brought to the Americas were Muslims, but most of these Africans were converted to Christianity during the era of American slavery.[207] During the twentieth century, some African Americans converted to Islam, mainly through the influence of Black nationalist groups that preached with distinctive Islamic practices; including the Moorish Science Temple of America, and the largest organization, the Nation of Islam, founded in the 1930s, which attracted at least 20,000 people by 1963.[208][209] Prominent members included activist Malcolm X and boxer Muhammad Ali.[210]

Muhammad Ali converted to Islam in 1964.

Malcolm X is considered the first person to start the movement among African Americans towards mainstream Islam, after he left the Nation and made the pilgrimage to Mecca.[211] In 1975, Warith Deen Mohammed, the son of Elijah Muhammad took control of the Nation after his father's death and guided the majority of its members to orthodox Islam.[212]

African American Muslims constitute 20% of the total US Muslim population,[213] the majority are Sunni or orthodox Muslims, some of these identify under the community of W. Deen Mohammed.[214][215] The Nation of Islam led by Louis Farrakhan has a membership ranging from 20,000 to 50,000 members.[216]

There is also a small but growing group of African American Jews, making up less than 0.5% of African Americans or about 2% of the Jewish population in the United States. The majority of African-American Jews are Ashkenazi, while smaller numbers identify as Sephardi, Mizrahi, or other.[217][218][219] Many African-American Jews are affiliated with denominations such as the Reform, Conservative, Reconstructionist, or Orthodox branches of Judaism, but the majority identify as "Jews of no religion", commonly known as secular Jews. A significant number of people who identify themselves as "Black Jews" are affiliated with syncretic religious groups, largely the Black Hebrew Israelites, whose beliefs include the claim that African Americans are descended from the Biblical Israelites.[220] Jews of all races typically do not accept Black Hebrew Israelites as Jews, in part because they are usually not Jewish according to Jewish law,[221] and in part because these groups are sometimes associated with antisemitism.[222][223] African-American Jews have criticized the Black Hebrew Israelites, regarding the movement as primarily composed of Black non-Jews who have appropriated Black-Jewish identity.[224]

Confirmed atheists are less than one half of one percent, similar to numbers for Hispanics.[225][226][227]

Sexuality

[edit]

According to a Gallup survey, 4.6% of Black or African Americans self-identified as LGBT in 2016,[228] while the total portion of American adults in all ethnic groups identifying as LGBT was 4.1% in 2016.[228] African Americans are more likely to identify themselves as lesbian, gay, bisexual, or transgender than any other racial or ethnic group in the United States.[229]

Health

[edit]

General health

[edit]

The life expectancy for Black men in 2008 was 70.8 years.[230] Life expectancy for Black women was 77.5 years in 2008.[230] In 1900, when information on Black life expectancy started being collated, a Black man could expect to live to 32.5 years and a Black woman 33.5 years.[230] In 1900, White men lived an average of 46.3 years and White women lived an average of 48.3 years.[230] African American life expectancy at birth is persistently five to seven years lower than European Americans.[231] Black men have shorter lifespans than any other group in the US besides Native American men.[232]

Black people have higher rates of obesity, diabetes, and hypertension than the US average.[230] For adult Black men, the rate of obesity was 31.6% in 2010.[233] For adult Black women, the rate of obesity was 41.2% in 2010.[233] African Americans have higher rates of mortality than any other racial or ethnic group for 8 of the top 10 causes of death.[234] In 2013, among men, Black men had the highest rate of getting cancer, followed by White, Hispanic, Asian/Pacific Islander (A/PI), and American Indian/Alaska Native (AI/AN) men. Among women, White women had the highest rate of getting cancer, followed by Black, Hispanic, Asian/Pacific Islander, and American Indian/Alaska Native women.[235] African Americans also have higher prevalence and incidence of Alzheimer's disease compared to the overall average.[236][237]

Black women lead the nation in abortions. According to a 2022 report, Black women made up 40% of abortions despite making up 13% of the U.S. woman population.[238][239] African-Americans are more likely than White Americans to die due to health-related problems developed by alcoholism. Alcohol abuse is the main contributor to the top 3 causes of death among African Americans.[240]

In December 2020, African Americans were less likely to be vaccinated against COVID-19 due to mistrust in the US medical system. From 2021 to 2022, there was an increase in African Americans who became vaccinated.[241][242][243] Still, in 2022, COVID-19 complications became the third leading cause of death for African Americans.[244]

Violence is a major problem within the African American community.[245][246] A report from the US Department of Justice states "In 2005, homicide victimization rates for Blacks were 6 times higher than the rates for Whites".[247] The report also found that "94% of Black victims were killed by Blacks."[247] Of the nearly 20,000 recorded US homicides in 2022, African Americans made up the majority of offenders and victims despite making up less than 15% of the population.[248] In 2024, all of the top 5 most dangerous US cities have a significant Black population and highly concerning Black-on-Black violent crime rate.[249] Black males age 15–44 are the only race/sex category for which homicide is a top 5 cause of death.[232] Black women are 3 times more likely to be killed by an intimate partner than White women.[245] Black children are 3 times more likely to die due to parental abuse and neglect than White children.[250]

Sexual health

[edit]

According to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, African Americans have higher rates of sexually transmitted infections (STIs) compared to Whites, with 5 times the rates of syphilis and chlamydia, and 7.5 times the rate of gonorrhea.[251]

The disproportionately high incidence of HIV/AIDS among African Americans has been attributed to homophobic influences, lack of condom usage, and lack of proper healthcare.[252] The prevalence of HIV/AIDS among Black men is seven times higher than the prevalence for White men, and Black men are more than nine times as likely to die from HIV/AIDS-related illness than White men.[232] The prevalence of HIV/AIDS among Black women is 20 times higher than White women, and Black women are more than 15 times as likely to die from HIV/AIDS-related illness than White women.[253][254]

Mental health

[edit]

African Americans have several barriers for accessing mental health services. Counseling has been frowned upon and distant in utility and proximity to many people in the African American community. In 2004, a qualitative research study explored the disconnect with African Americans and mental health. The study was conducted as a semi-structured discussion which allowed the focus group to express their opinions and life experiences. The results revealed a couple key variables that create barriers for many African American communities to seek mental health services such as the stigma, lack of four important necessities; trust, affordability, cultural understanding and impersonal services.[255]

Historically, many African American communities did not seek counseling because religion was a part of the family values.[256] African American who have a faith background are more likely to seek prayer as a coping mechanism for mental issues rather than seeking professional mental health services.[255] In 2015 a study concluded, African Americans with high value in religion are less likely to utilize mental health services compared to those who have low value in religion.[257]

In the United States, counseling approaches are based on the experience of White Americans and do not fit within the African American culture. African American families tend to resolve concerns within the family, and it is viewed by the family as a strength. On the other hand, when African Americans seek counseling, they face a social backlash and are criticized. They may be labeled "crazy", viewed as weak, and their pride is diminished.[255] Because of this, many African Americans instead seek mentorship within communities they trust.

Terminology is another barrier in relation to African Americans and mental health. There is more stigma on the term psychotherapy versus counseling. In one study, psychotherapy is associated with mental illness whereas counseling approaches problem-solving, guidance and help.[255] More African Americans seek assistance when it is called counseling and not psychotherapy because it is more welcoming within the cultural and community.[258] Counselors are encouraged to be aware of such barriers for the well-being of African American clients. Without cultural competency training in health care, many African Americans go unheard and misunderstood.[255]

In 2021, African Americans had the third highest suicide rate trailing American Indians/Alaska Natives and White Americans. However, African Americans had the second highest increase of its suicide rate from 2011 to 2021, growing 58%.[259] As of 2024, suicide is the second leading cause of death among African-Americans between the ages of 15 and 24, with Black men being four times more likely to kill themselves than Black women.[260]

Genetics

[edit]

Genome-wide studies

[edit]
Genetic clustering of 128 African Americans, by Zakharia et al. (2009). Each vertical bar represents an individual. The color scheme of the bar plot matches that in the PCA plot.[261]

Recent studies of African Americans using genetic testing have found ancestry to vary by region and sex of ancestors. These studies found that on average, African Americans have 73.2–82.1% Sub-Saharan African, 16.7–24% European, and 0.8–1.2% Native American genetic ancestry, with large variation between individuals.[262][263][264] Commercial testing services have reported similar variation, with ranges from 0.6 to 2 percent Native American, 19 to 29 percent European, and 65 to 80 percent Sub-Saharan African ancestry.[265]

According to a genome-wide study by Bryc et al. (2009), the mixed ancestry of African Americans in varying ratios came about as the result of sexual contact between West/Central Africans (more frequently females) and Europeans (more frequently males). This can be understood as being the result of enslaved African American females being raped by White males.[266] Consequently, the 365 African Americans in their sample have a genome-wide average of 78.1% West African ancestry and 18.5% European ancestry, with large variation among individuals (ranging from 99% to 1% West African ancestry). The West African ancestral component in African Americans is most similar to that in present-day speakers from the non-Bantu branches of the Niger-Congo family.[262][note 2]

Correspondingly, Montinaro et al. (2014) observed that around 50% of the overall ancestry of African Americans traces comes from a population similar to the Niger-Congo-speaking Yoruba of southern Nigeria and southern Benin, reflecting the centrality of this West African region in the Atlantic slave trade. The next most frequent ancestral component found among African Americans was derived from Great Britain, in keeping with historical records. It constitutes a little over 10% of their overall ancestry and is most similar to the Northwest European ancestral component also carried by Barbadians.[268] Zakharia et al. (2009) found a similar proportion of Yoruba-like ancestry in their African American samples, with a minority also drawn from Mandenka and Bantu populations. Additionally, the researchers observed an average European ancestry of 21.9%, again with significant variation between individuals.[261] Bryc et al. (2009) note that populations from other parts of the continent may also constitute adequate proxies for the ancestors of some African American individuals; namely, ancestral populations from Guinea Bissau, Senegal and Sierra Leone in West Africa and Angola in Southern Africa.[262] An individual African American person can have over fifteen African ethnic groups in their genetic makeup alone due to the slave trade covering such vast areas.[269]

Altogether, genetic studies suggest that African Americans are a genetically diverse people. According to DNA analysis led in 2006 by Penn State geneticist Mark D. Shriver, around 58 percent of African Americans have at least 12.5% European ancestry (equivalent to one European great-grandparent and their forebears), 19.6 percent of African Americans have at least 25% European ancestry (equivalent to one European grandparent and their forebears), and 1 percent of African Americans have at least 50% European ancestry (equivalent to one European parent and their forebears).[270][271] According to Shriver, around 5 percent of African Americans also have at least 12.5% Native American ancestry (equivalent to one Native American great-grandparent and their forebears).[272][273] Research suggests that Native American ancestry among people who identify as African American is a result of relationships that occurred soon after slave ships arrived in the American colonies, and European ancestry is of more recent origin, often from the decades before the Civil War.[274]

Y-DNA

[edit]

Africans bearing the E-V38 (E1b1a) likely traversed across the Sahara, from east to west, approximately 19,000 years ago.[275] E-M2 (E1b1a1) likely originated in West Africa or Central Africa.[276] According to a Y-DNA study by Sims et al. (2007), the majority (≈60%) of African Americans belong to various subclades of the E-M2 (E1b1a1, formerly E3a) paternal haplogroup. This is the most common genetic paternal lineage found today among West/Central African males and is also a signature of the historical Bantu migrations. The next most frequent Y-DNA haplogroup observed among African Americans is the R1b clade, which around 15% of African Americans carry. This lineage is most common today among Northwestern European males. The remaining African Americans mainly belong to the paternal haplogroup I (≈7%), which is also frequent in Northwestern Europe.[277]

mtDNA

[edit]

According to an mtDNA study by Salas et al. (2005), the maternal lineages of African Americans are most similar to haplogroups that are today especially common in West Africa (>55%), followed closely by West-Central Africa and Southwestern Africa (<41%). The characteristic West African haplogroups L1b, L2b,c,d, and L3b,d and West-Central African haplogroups L1c and L3e in particular occur at high frequencies among African Americans. As with the paternal DNA of African Americans, contributions from other parts of the continent to their maternal gene pool are insignificant.[278]

Racism and social status

[edit]

Formal political, economic and social discrimination against minorities has been present throughout American history. Leland T. Saito, Associate Professor of Sociology and American Studies & Ethnicity at the University of Southern California, writes, "Political rights have been circumscribed by race, class and gender since the founding of the United States, when the right to vote was restricted to White men of property. Throughout the history of the United States, race has been used by Whites for legitimizing and creating difference and social, economic and political exclusion."[65]

Those who economically gained the most from slavery were the planter class, owners of large-scale plantations where large numbers of enslaved Africans were held captive and forced to produce crops to create wealth for a White elite.[279] Having a prominent role in politics with eight presidents owning slaves while in office, upon the end of the Civil War the planter class kept control of their land and remained politically influential, with the London School of Economics stating, "this persistence in "de facto power" in turn allowed them to block economic reforms, disenfranchise Black voters, and restrict the mobility of workers."[280]

Although they have gained a greater degree of social equality since the civil rights movement, African Americans have remained stagnant economically, which has hindered their ability to break into the middle class and beyond. As of 2020, the racial wealth gap between Whites and Blacks remains as large as it was in 1968, with the typical net worth of a White household equivalent to that of 11.5 Black households.[281] Despite this, African Americans have increased employment rates and gained representation in the highest levels of American government in the post–civil rights era.[282] However, widespread racism remains an issue that continues to undermine the development of social status.[282][283]

Economically, of all the racially Black ethnic groups on the globe, African Americans are the wealthiest and most successful, with one in every fifty African American families being millionaires.[284] This equates in 2023 to approximately 1.79 million African American millionaires in the United States,[285][286] which is more than the total amount of millionaires in any racially Black country, and many other countries, around the world.

Policing and criminal justice

[edit]

In the US, which has the largest per-capita prison population in the world, African Americans are overrepresented as the second largest population of prison inmates (38%) in 2023, coming second to Whites who made up 57% of the prison population.[287] According to the National Registry of Exonerations, Blacks are roughly 7.5 times more likely to be wrongfully convicted of murder in the US than Whites.[288] In 2012, the New York City Police Department detained people more than 500,000 times under the city's stop-and-frisk law. Of the total detained, 55% were African-Americans, while Black people made up 20% of the city's population.[289]

Al Sharpton led the Commitment March: Get Your Knee Off Our Necks protest on August 28, 2020.

African American males are more likely to be killed by police when compared to other races.[290] This is one of the factors that led to the creation of the Black Lives Matter movement in 2013.[291] A historical issue in the US where women have weaponized their White privilege in the country by reporting on Black people, often instigating racial violence,[292][293] difficult White women—who have been given a different name over the centuries by African Americans—calling the police on Black people became widely publicized in 2020.[294][295] According to The Guardian, "The specter of Karen persisted as Black Lives Matter protests and civil unrest spread around the country following Floyd's murder and reckonings with racism began to roil institutions, toppling careers as well as statues".[296]

In the aftermath of the peak Black Lives Matter protests and widespread police reform efforts, crime rates surged across the nation. Many cities experienced near-record or record levels of violence and other criminal activity. As a result, numerous municipalities scaled back police reform initiatives and increased funding for law enforcement.[297][298][299]

Social issues

[edit]

After over 50 years, marriage rates for all Americans began to decline while divorce rates and out-of-wedlock births have climbed.[300] These changes have been greatest among African Americans. After more than 70 years of racial parity Black marriage rates began to fall behind Whites.[300] Single-parent households have become common, and according to US census figures released in January 2010, only 38 percent of Black children live with both their parents.[301] In 2021, statistics show that over 80 percent marriages in the African American ethnic group marry within their ethnic group.[302]

Although the ban on interracial marriage ended in California in 1948, entertainer Sammy Davis Jr. faced a backlash for his involvement with a White woman in 1957.

The first ever anti-miscegenation law was passed by the Maryland General Assembly in 1691, criminalizing interracial marriage.[303] In a speech in Charleston, Illinois in 1858, Abraham Lincoln stated, "I am not, nor ever have been in favor of making voters or jurors of negroes, nor of qualifying them to hold office, nor to intermarry with white people".[304] By the late 1800s, 38 US states had anti-miscegenation statutes.[303] By 1924, the ban on interracial marriage was still in force in 29 states.[303] While interracial marriage had been legal in California since 1948, in 1957 actor Sammy Davis Jr. faced a backlash for his involvement with White actress Kim Novak.[305] Harry Cohn, the president of Columbia Pictures, with whom Novak was under contract, gave in to his concerns that a racist backlash against the relationship could hurt the studio.[305] Davis briefly married Black dancer Loray White in 1958 to protect himself from mob violence.[305] Inebriated at the wedding ceremony, Davis despairingly said to his best friend, Arthur Silber Jr., "Why won't they let me live my life?" The couple never lived together, and commenced divorce proceedings in September 1958.[305] In 1958, officers in Virginia entered the home of Mildred and Richard Loving and dragged them out of bed for living together as an interracial couple, on the basis that "any white person intermarry with a colored person"—or vice versa—each party "shall be guilty of a felony" and face prison terms of five years.[303] In 1967 the law was ruled unconstitutional (via the 14th Amendment adopted in 1868) by the US Supreme Court in Loving v. Virginia.[303]

In 2008, Democrats overwhelmingly voted 70% against California Proposition 8, African Americans voted 58% in favor of it while 42% voted against Proposition 8.[306] On May 9, 2012, Barack Obama, the first Black president, became the first US president to support same-sex marriage. Since Obama's endorsement there has been a rapid growth in support for same-sex marriage among African Americans. As of 2012, 59% of African Americans support same-sex marriage, which is higher than support among the national average (53%) and White Americans (50%).[307]

Polls in North Carolina,[308] Pennsylvania,[309] Missouri,[310] Maryland,[311] Ohio,[312] Florida,[313] and Nevada[314] have also shown an increase in support for same sex marriage among African Americans. On November 6, 2012, Maryland, Maine, and Washington all voted for approve of same-sex marriage, along with Minnesota rejecting a constitutional amendment banning same-sex marriage. Exit polls in Maryland show about 50% of African Americans voted for same-sex marriage, showing a vast evolution among African Americans on the issue and was crucial in helping pass same-sex marriage in Maryland.[315]

Black Americans hold far more conservative opinions on abortion, extramarital sex, and raising children out of wedlock than Democrats as a whole.[316] On financial issues, however, African Americans are in line with Democrats, generally supporting a more progressive tax structure to provide more government spending on social services.[317]

Political legacy

[edit]
Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. remains the most prominent political leader in the American civil rights movement and perhaps the most influential African American political figure in general.

African Americans have fought in every war in the history of the United States.[318]

The gains made by African Americans in the civil rights movement and in the Black Power movement not only obtained certain rights for African Americans but changed American society in far-reaching and fundamentally important ways. Prior to the 1950s, Black Americans in the South were subject to de jure discrimination, or Jim Crow laws. They were often the victims of extreme cruelty and violence, sometimes resulting in deaths: by the post World War II era, African Americans became increasingly discontented with their long-standing inequality. In the words of Martin Luther King Jr., African Americans and their supporters challenged the nation to "rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed that all men are created equal ..."[319]

The civil rights movement marked an enormous change in American social, political, economic and civic life. It brought with it boycotts, sit-ins, nonviolent demonstrations and marches, court battles, bombings and other violence; prompted worldwide media coverage and intense public debate; forged enduring civic, economic and religious alliances; and disrupted and realigned the nation's two major political parties.

Over time, it has changed in fundamental ways the manner in which Blacks and Whites interact with and relate to one another. The movement resulted in the removal of codified, de jure racial segregation and discrimination from American life and law, and heavily influenced other groups and movements in struggles for civil rights and social equality within American society, including the Free Speech Movement, the disabled, the women's movement, and migrant workers. It also inspired the Native American rights movement, and in King's 1964 book Why We Can't Wait he wrote the US "was born in genocide when it embraced the doctrine that the original American, the Indian, was an inferior race."[320][321]

Media and coverage

[edit]
BET founder Robert L. Johnson with former US President George W. Bush

Some activists and academics contend that American news media coverage of African American news, concerns, or dilemmas is inadequate,[322][323][324] or that the news media present distorted images of African Americans.[325]

To combat this, Robert L. Johnson founded Black Entertainment Television (BET), a network that targets young African Americans and urban audiences in the United States. Over the years, the network has aired such programming as rap and R&B music videos, urban-oriented movies and television series, and some public affairs programs. On Sunday mornings, BET would broadcast Christian programming; the network would also broadcast non-affiliated Christian programs during the early morning hours daily. According to Viacom, BET is now a global network that reaches households in the United States, Caribbean, Canada, and the United Kingdom.[326] The network has gone on to spawn several spin-off channels, including BET Her (originally launched as BET on Jazz).[327]

Another network targeting African Americans is TV One. TV One is owned by Urban One, founded and controlled by Catherine Hughes. Urban One is one of the nation's largest radio broadcasting companies and the largest African American-owned radio broadcasting company in the United States.[328]

In June 2009, NBC News launched a new website named TheGrio.[329] It is the first African American video news site that focuses on underrepresented stories in existing national news.[330]

Black-owned and oriented media outlets

[edit]

Culture

[edit]
A traditional soul food dinner consisting of fried chicken with macaroni and cheese, collard greens, breaded fried okra, and cornbread

From their earliest presence in North America, African Americans have significantly contributed literature, art, agricultural skills, cuisine, clothing styles, music, language, and social and technological innovation to American culture. The cultivation and use of many agricultural products in the United States, such as yams, peanuts, rice, okra, sorghum, grits, watermelon, indigo dyes, and cotton, can be traced to West African and African American influences. Notable examples include George Washington Carver, who created nearly 500 products from peanuts, sweet potatoes, and pecans.[332] Soul food is a variety of cuisine popular among African Americans. It is closely related to the cuisine of the Southern United States. The descriptive terminology may have originated in the mid-1960s, when soul was a common definer used to describe African American culture (for example, soul music). African Americans were the first peoples in the United States to make fried chicken, along with Scottish immigrants to the South. Although the Scottish had been frying chicken before they emigrated, they lacked the spices and flavor that African Americans had used when preparing the meal. The Scottish American settlers therefore adopted the African American method of seasoning chicken.[333] However, fried chicken was generally a rare meal in the African American community and was usually reserved for special events or celebrations.[334]

Language

[edit]

African-American English is a variety (dialect, ethnolect, and sociolect) of American English, commonly spoken by urban working-class and largely bi-dialectal middle-class African Americans.[335] It shares parts of its grammar and phonology with the Southern American English dialect. African American English differs from Standard American English (SAE) in certain pronunciation characteristics, tense usage, and grammatical structures, which were derived from West African languages (particularly those belonging to the Niger–Congo family).[336]

Virtually all habitual speakers of African American English can understand and communicate in Standard American English. As with all linguistic forms, AAVE's usage is influenced by various factors, including geographical, educational and socioeconomic background, as well as formality of setting.[336] Additionally, there are many literary uses of this variety of English, particularly in African American literature.[337]

Other languages are spoken by specific sub-communities. The Gullah language is an English-based creole language spoken mostly in the coastal regions of South Carolina and Georgia by the Gullah;[338] an off-shoot of this is Afro-Seminole Creole spoken by Black Seminoles mostly now in Mexico and Brackettville, Texas.[339] Louisiana Creole is a French-based creole and spoken mostly in Louisiana.[340]

Traditional names

[edit]

African-American names are part of the cultural traditions of African Americans, most of these cultural names having no connection to Africa but strictly an African American cultural practice that developed in the United States during enslavement.[341] This new evidence became apparent by census records which show African Americans and White Americans, though they spoke the same language, chose to use different names even during times of enslavement, which is where and when the development of African American cultural names began.[341]

Prior to this newer information, it was only thought that before the 1950s, and 1960s, most African-American names closely resembled those used within European-American culture.[342] Babies of that era were generally given a few common names, with children using nicknames to distinguish the various people with the same name. With the rise of 1960s civil rights movement, there was a dramatic increase in names of various origins.[343]

By the 1970s, and 1980s, it had become common among African Americans to invent new names for themselves, although many of these invented names took elements from popular existing names. Prefixes such as La/Le, Da/De, Ra/Re and Ja/Je, and suffixes like -ique/iqua, -isha and -aun/-awn are common, as are inventive spellings for common names. The book Baby Names Now: From Classic to Cool—The Very Last Word on First Names places the origins of "La" names in African-American culture in New Orleans.[344]

Even with the rise of inventive names, it is still common for African Americans to use biblical, historical, or traditional European names. Daniel, Christopher, Michael, David, James, Joseph, and Matthew were thus among the most frequent names for African-American boys in 2013.[342][345][346]

The name LaKeisha is typically considered American in origin but has elements that were drawn from both French and West/Central African roots. Names such as LaTanisha, JaMarcus, DeAndre, and Shaniqua were created in the same way. Punctuation marks are seen more often within African American names than other American names, such as the names Mo'nique and D'Andre.[342]

Music

[edit]
The King & Carter Jazzing Orchestra photographed in Houston, Texas, January 1921
Chuck Berry is considered a pioneer of rock and roll.

African American music is one of the most pervasive African American cultural influences in the United States today and is among the most dominant in mainstream popular music. Hip hop, R&B, funk, rock and roll, soul, blues, and other contemporary American musical forms originated in Black communities and evolved from other Black forms of music, including blues, doo-wop, barbershop, ragtime, bluegrass, jazz, and gospel music.

African American-derived musical forms have also influenced and been incorporated into virtually every other popular music genre in the world, including country and techno. African American genres are the most important ethnic vernacular tradition in America, as they have developed independent of African traditions from which they arise more so than any other immigrant groups, including Europeans; make up the broadest and longest lasting range of styles in America; and have, historically, been more influential, interculturally, geographically, and economically, than other American vernacular traditions.[347]

Dance

[edit]

African Americans have also had an important role in American dance. Bill T. Jones, a prominent modern choreographer and dancer, has included historical African American themes in his work, particularly in the piece "Last Supper at Uncle Tom's Cabin/The Promised Land". Likewise, Alvin Ailey's artistic work, including his "Revelations" based on his experience growing up as an African American in the South during the 1930s, has had a significant influence on modern dance. Another form of dance, stepping, is an African American tradition whose performance and competition has been formalized through the traditionally Black fraternities and sororities at universities.[348]

Sports

[edit]
Discussions of race and sports in the United States, where the two subjects have always been intertwined in American history, have focused to a great extent on African Americans. Depending on the type of sport and performance level, African Americans are reported to be over- or under-represented. African Americans compose the highest percentage of the minority groups active at the professional level, but are among those who show the lowest participation overall. And though the list of African Americans in professional sports remains high, it only represents a small fraction of aspiring black athletes.

Literature and academics

[edit]
Toni Morrison, recipient of the Nobel Prize for literature

Many African American authors have written stories, poems, and essays influenced by their experiences as African Americans. African American literature is a major genre in American literature. Famous examples include Langston Hughes, James Baldwin, Richard Wright, Zora Neale Hurston, Ralph Ellison, Nobel Prize winner Toni Morrison, and Maya Angelou.

African American inventors have created many widely used devices in the world and have contributed to international innovation. Norbert Rillieux created the technique for converting sugar cane juice into white sugar crystals. Moreover, Rillieux left Louisiana in 1854 and went to France, where he spent ten years working with the Champollions deciphering Egyptian hieroglyphics from the Rosetta Stone.[349] Most slave inventors were nameless, such as the slave owned by the Confederate President Jefferson Davis who designed the ship propeller used by the Confederate navy.[350]

By 1913, over 1,000 inventions were patented by Black Americans. Among the most notable inventors were Jan Matzeliger, who developed the first machine to mass-produce shoes,[351] and Elijah McCoy, who invented automatic lubrication devices for steam engines.[352] Granville Woods had 35 patents to improve electric railway systems, including the first system to allow moving trains to communicate.[353] Garrett A. Morgan developed the first automatic traffic signal and gas mask.[354]

Lewis Howard Latimer invented an improvement for the incandescent light bulb.[355] More recent inventors include Frederick McKinley Jones, who invented the movable refrigeration unit for food transport in trucks and trains.[356] Lloyd Quarterman worked with six other Black scientists on the creation of the atomic bomb (code named the Manhattan Project)[357] and helped develop the first nuclear reactor.[358]

As part of the preservation of their culture, African Americans have continuously launched their own publications and publishing houses, such as Robert Sengstacke Abbott, founder of the Chicago Defender newspaper, and Carter G. Woodson, the founder of Black History Month who spent over thirty years documenting and publishing African American history in journals and books. The Johnson Publishing Company, founded by John H. Johnson in 1942, is a National Historic Landmark.[359]

Terminology

[edit]

General

[edit]
This parade float displayed the word "Afro-Americans" in 1911.

The term African American was popularized by Jesse Jackson in the 1980s,[6] although there are recorded uses from the 18th and 19th centuries,[360] for example, in post-emancipation holidays and conferences.[361][362] Earlier terms also used to describe Americans of African ancestry referred more to skin color than to ancestry. Other terms (such as colored, person of color, or negro) were included in the wording of various laws and legal decisions which some thought were being used as tools of White supremacy and oppression.[363]

Michelle Obama was the First Lady of the United States; she and her husband, President Barack Obama, are the first African Americans to hold these positions.

A 16-page pamphlet entitled "A Sermon on the Capture of Lord Cornwallis" is notable for the attribution of its authorship to "An African American". Published in 1782, the book's use of this phrase predates any other yet identified by more than 50 years.[364]

In the 1980s, the term African American was advanced to give descendants of American slaves, and other American Blacks who lived through the slavery era, a heritage and a cultural base.[363] The term was popularized in Black communities around the country via word of mouth and ultimately received mainstream use after Jesse Jackson's use in 1988. Subsequently, major media outlets adopted it.[363]

Surveys in the 1990s and the first decade of the 21st century showed that the majority of Black Americans had no preference for African American versus Black American,[365] although they had a slight preference for the latter in personal settings and the former in more formal settings.[366] By 2021, according to polling from Gallup, 58% of Black Americans expressed no preference for what their group should be called, with 17% each preferring Black and African-American. Among those with no preference, Gallup found a slight majority favored Black "if [they] had to choose."[367]

In 2020, the Associated Press updated its AP Stylebook to direct its writers to capitalize the first letter of Black when it is used "in a racial, ethnic or cultural sense, conveying an essential and shared sense of history, identity and community among people who identify as Black, including those in the African diaspora and within Africa."[368] The New York Times and other outlets made similar changes at the same time.[369]

In 2023, the government released a new more detailed breakdown due to the rise in racially Black immigration into the US, listing African American as a compound termed ethnicity, distinguished from other racially Black ethnicities such as Nigerian, Jamaican etc.[370]

The term African American embraces pan-Africanism as earlier enunciated by prominent African thinkers such as Marcus Garvey, W. E. B. Du Bois, and George Padmore. The term Afro-Usonian, and variations of such, are more rarely used.[371][372]

Official identity

[edit]
Racially segregated Negro section of keypunch operators at the US Census Bureau

Since 1977, in an attempt to keep up with changing social opinion, the United States government has officially classified Black people (revised to Black or African American in 1997) as "having origins in any of the Black racial groups of Africa."[373] Other federal offices, such as the US Census Bureau, adhere to the Office of Management and Budget standards on race in their data collection and tabulation efforts.[374] In preparation for the 2010 US census, a marketing and outreach plan called 2010 Census Integrated Communications Campaign Plan (ICC) recognized and defined African Americans as Black people born in the United States. From the ICC perspective, African Americans are one of three groups of Black people in the United States.[375]

The ICC plan was to reach the three groups by acknowledging that each group has its own sense of community that is based on geography and ethnicity.[376] The best way to market the census process toward any of the three groups is to reach them through their own unique communication channels and not treat the entire Black population of the US as though they are all African Americans with a single ethnic and geographical background. The Federal Bureau of Investigation of the US Department of Justice categorizes Black or African American people as "[a] person having origins in any of the Black racial groups of Africa" through racial categories used in the UCR Program adopted from the Statistical Policy Handbook (1978) and published by the Office of Federal Statistical Policy and Standards, US Department of Commerce, derived from the 1977 Office of Management and Budget classification.[377]

Admixture

[edit]

Historically, "race mixing" between Black and White people was taboo in the United States. So-called anti-miscegenation laws, barring Blacks and Whites from marrying or having sex, were established in colonial America as early as 1691,[378] and endured in many Southern states until the Supreme Court ruled them unconstitutional in Loving v. Virginia (1967). The taboo among American Whites surrounding White-Black relations is a historical consequence of the oppression and racial segregation of African Americans.[379] Historian David Brion Davis notes the racial mixing that occurred during slavery was frequently attributed by the planter class to the "lower-class white males" but Davis concludes that "there is abundant evidence that many slaveowners, sons of slaveowners, and overseers took Black mistresses or in effect raped the wives and daughters of slave families."[380] A famous example was Thomas Jefferson's mistress, Sally Hemings.[381] Although publicly opposed to race mixing, Jefferson, in his Notes on the State of Virginia published in 1785, wrote: "The improvement of the Blacks in body and mind, in the first instance of their mixture with the whites, has been observed by every one, and proves that their inferiority is not the effect merely of their condition of life".[382]

Harvard University historian Henry Louis Gates Jr. wrote in 2009 that "African Americans...are a racially mixed or mulatto people—deeply and overwhelmingly so". After the Emancipation Proclamation, Chinese American men married African American women in high proportions to their total marriage numbers due to few Chinese American women being in the United States.[383] African slaves and their descendants have also had a history of cultural exchange and intermarriage with Native Americans,[384] although they did not necessarily retain social, cultural or linguistic ties to Native peoples.[385] There are also increasing intermarriages and offspring between non-Hispanic Blacks and Hispanics of any race, especially between Puerto Ricans and African Americans.[386]

Racially mixed marriages have become increasingly accepted in the United States since the civil rights movement.[387] Approval in national opinion polls has risen from 36% in 1978, to 48% in 1991, 65% in 2002, 77% in 2007.[388] A Gallup poll conducted in 2013 found that 84% of Whites and 96% of Blacks approved of interracial marriage, and 87% overall.[389] Black men are more than twice as likely to date and marry interracially than Black women.[390]

At the end of World War II, some African American military men stationed in Japan and Germany impregnated local non-Black women, resulting in the birth of thousands of mixed-race children. Many of these families later immigrated to the United States.[391][392]

Terminology dispute

[edit]

Author Debra Dickerson has argued that the term Black should refer strictly to the descendants of Africans who were brought to America as slaves, and not to the sons and daughters of Black immigrants who lack that ancestry. Thus, under her definition, President Barack Obama, who is the son of a Kenyan, is not Black.[393][394] She makes the argument that grouping all people of African descent together regardless of their unique ancestral circumstances would inevitably deny the lingering effects of slavery within the American community of slave descendants, in addition to denying Black immigrants recognition of their own unique ancestral backgrounds. "Lumping us all together", Dickerson wrote, "erases the significance of slavery and continuing racism while giving the appearance of progress."[393] Similar comments have been made concerning Kamala Harris, the daughter of a Caribbean immigrant, who was elected vice president in 2020.[395][396][397]

Similar viewpoints to Dickerson's have been expressed by author Stanley Crouch in a New York Daily News piece, Charles Steele Jr. of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference[398] and African American columnist David Ehrenstein of the Los Angeles Times, who accused White liberals of flocking to Blacks who were Magic Negros, a term that refers to a Black person with no past who simply appears to assist the mainstream White (as cultural protagonists/drivers) agenda.[399] Ehrenstein went on to say "He's there to assuage white 'guilt' they feel over the role of slavery and racial segregation in American history."[399]

The American Descendants of Slavery (ADOS) movement coalesces around this view, arguing that Black descendants of American slavery deserve a separate ethnic category that distinguishes them from other Black groups in the United States.[400] Their terminology has gained popularity in some circles, but others have criticized the movement for a perceived bias against (especially poor and Black) immigrants, and for its often inflammatory rhetoric.[395][401][402] Politicians such as Obama and Harris have received especially pointed criticism from the movement, as neither are ADOS and have spoken out at times against policies specific to them.[396][397]

Many Pan-African movements and organizations that are ideologically Black nationalist, anti-imperialist, anti-Zionist, and Scientific socialist like The All-African People's Revolutionary Party (A-APRP), have argued that African (relating to the diaspora) or New Afrikan should be used instead of African American.[403] Most notably, Malcolm X and Kwame Ture expressed similar views that African Americans are Africans who "happen to be in America", and should not claim or identify as being American if they are fighting for Black (New Afrikan) liberation. Historically, this is due to the enslavement of Africans during the transatlantic slave trade, ongoing anti-Black violence, and structural racism in countries like the United States.[404][405]

Terms no longer in common use

[edit]

Before the independence of the Thirteen Colonies until the abolition of slavery in 1865, an African American slave was commonly known as a negro. Free negro was the legal status in the territory of an African American person who was not enslaved.[406] In response to the project of the American Colonization Society to transport free Blacks to the future Liberia, a project most Blacks strongly rejected, the Blacks at the time said they were no more African than White Americans were European, and referred to themselves with what they considered a more acceptable term, "colored Americans". The term was used until the second quarter of the 20th century, when it was considered outmoded and generally gave way again to the exclusive use of negro. By the 1940s, the term was commonly capitalized (Negro); but by the mid-1960s, it was considered disparaging. By the end of the 20th century, negro had come to be considered inappropriate and was rarely used and perceived as a pejorative.[407][408] The term is rarely used by younger Black people, but remained in use by many older African Americans who had grown up with the term, particularly in the Southern US.[409] The term remains in use in some contexts, such as the United Negro College Fund, an American philanthropic organization.

There are many other deliberately insulting terms, many of which were in common use (e.g., nigger), but had become unacceptable in normal discourse before the end of the 20th century. One exception is the use, among the Black community, of the slur nigger rendered as nigga, representing the pronunciation of the word in African American English. This usage has been popularized by American rap and hip-hop music cultures and is used as part of an in-group lexicon and speech. It is not necessarily derogatory and, when used among Black people, the word is often used to mean "homie" or "friend".[410] Acceptance of intra-group usage of the word nigga is still debated, although it has established a foothold among younger generations. The NAACP denounces the use of both nigga and nigger.[411]

See also

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Diaspora

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Lists

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Notes

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References

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Further reading

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[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
African Americans are a racial and ethnic group in the United States comprising individuals with origins in any of the Black racial groups of sub-Saharan Africa, the vast majority of whom trace their ancestry primarily to Africans forcibly transported to North America as slaves between the 16th and 19th centuries via the transatlantic slave trade. As of 2023, this population numbered approximately 48.3 million people, representing about 14.5 percent of the total U.S. population, with significant concentrations in the Southern states and major urban centers following the Great Migration of the early 20th century. Despite enduring centuries of chattel slavery, legal segregation under Jim Crow laws, and persistent socioeconomic disparities—such as a 2022 poverty rate of 17.1 percent compared to the national average of 11.5 percent—African Americans have profoundly shaped American culture through innovations in music genres like jazz, blues, and hip-hop, advancements in civil rights advocacy led by figures such as Frederick Douglass and Martin Luther King Jr., and contributions to science, literature, and politics, including the election of Barack Obama as the first Black president in 2008. These achievements coexist with empirical challenges, including elevated rates of family fragmentation (with over 70 percent of Black children born to unmarried mothers as of recent data) and disproportionate involvement in violent crime (Blacks accounting for roughly 50 percent of homicide offenders despite being 13-14 percent of the population), outcomes linked by causal analyses to factors like disrupted family structures post-slavery, urban decay, policy incentives from welfare expansions since the 1960s, and possible genetic factors including IQ discrepancies, among others.

Terminology and Identity

Origins and Evolution of the Term

The term "African American" traces its earliest documented use to 1782, in a sermon by an anonymous author identifying as an "African American," reflecting self-identification among free blacks in the early republic who emphasized their continental origins amid emerging American nationality. Similar phrasing appeared sporadically in the 19th century, such as in an 1835 publication, but remained marginal compared to dominant descriptors like "free Negro" or "person of color," which were codified in legal documents and censuses to denote free people of African descent distinct from enslaved individuals. In the colonial and antebellum periods, terminology evolved from imported European labels—"Negro" derived from Portuguese and Spanish for "black," first recorded in Virginia records by 1619—to self-applied terms like "African" until around 1816, when the American Colonization Society's efforts to repatriate blacks to Africa prompted a shift away from direct continental identification toward "colored" or "Negro" to assert permanence in the U.S. Post-emancipation, the Freedmen's Bureau and 1870 Census formalized "colored" as a census category, while "Negro" gained traction in intellectual circles, as in W.E.B. Du Bois's advocacy for its capitalization in 1925 to signify respectability. By the mid-20th century, "Negro" persisted in official usage, such as the 1965 Voting Rights Act, but the Civil Rights and Black Power movements of the 1960s popularized "Black" as a defiant assertion of pride and solidarity, supplanting "Negro" by the 1970s in activism and media. The modern resurgence of "African American" began in the late 1980s, championed by Jesse Jackson in 1988 as a culturally affirming alternative to "Black," intended to highlight ancestral ties to Africa and counter perceived dehumanization in color-based labels. Its adoption accelerated in the 1990s, entering style guides like the Associated Press in 1992 and U.S. Census options by 2000, though surveys show persistent preference for "Black" among many, especially younger respondents and non-slave-descendant immigrants from Africa or the Caribbean, who comprise about 20% of the U.S. black population by 2020 estimates. This evolution reflects not only linguistic shifts but also debates over identity exclusivity, with critics arguing the term's emphasis on U.S.-specific slave heritage marginalizes broader pan-African or global black experiences.

Contemporary Usage and Debates

The term "African American" refers to individuals in the United States with ancestry tracing to sub-Saharan Africa, often emphasizing descent from those enslaved during the transatlantic slave trade, and saw renewed adoption in the late 1980s following advocacy by figures such as Jesse Jackson to highlight cultural and historical continuity. In official contexts like the U.S. Census Bureau's racial categories, it is paired with "Black" as "Black or African American," under which 46,936,733 people self-identified alone or in combination in the 2020 Census, comprising about 14.2% of the total population. Contemporary debates question the term's precision amid demographic shifts, including a surge in Black immigration from Africa and the Caribbean post-1965 Immigration and Nationality Act, which has introduced over 4 million foreign-born Black individuals by recent estimates, many without direct ties to U.S. chattel slavery. This influx challenges the term's assumed focus on native-born descendants, leading some scholars and commentators to argue it inaccurately lumps distinct groups, potentially diluting narratives of American-specific historical trauma while overlooking ethnic specificities like Nigerian or Jamaican heritage. Self-identification data reflect growing diversity, with 8% of Black respondents in recent surveys reporting multiracial or additional ethnic affiliations, up significantly from prior decades. Preference for "Black" over "African American" has intensified, with critics like linguist John McWhorter describing the latter as linguistically cumbersome and less inclusive of non-U.S.-born or mixed-ancestry individuals, advocating "Black" for its neutrality and alignment with global usage. Surveys indicate that while 76% of Black adults view racial identity as central to self-conception—52% deeming it "extremely" important—term-specific preferences vary regionally and generationally, with younger cohorts and immigrants favoring "Black" for its brevity and avoidance of hyphenated implications of foreignness. These discussions also intersect with capitalization conventions, where "Black" gained traction post-2020 amid pushes for recognition as a proper noun denoting shared cultural experience, though not universally adopted. Empirical data from Pew underscore intra-group connections but highlight fractures, as only 41% rate local Black communities highly for quality of life, informing debates on whether terms foster unity or obscure socioeconomic disparities.

Historical Background

African Origins and the Transatlantic Slave Trade

The forebears of African Americans were predominantly West and Central Africans captured and sold into the transatlantic slave trade, which forcibly transported approximately 12.5 million Africans across the Atlantic between 1526 and 1867. Of these, an estimated 388,000 enslaved individuals disembarked directly in the territory that became the United States, representing less than 4% of the total arrivals in the Americas, with the remainder going primarily to Brazil and the Caribbean. This relatively low direct importation figure contrasted with higher numbers to other regions, yet the U.S. enslaved population expanded to nearly 4 million by 1860 through natural reproduction, a demographic pattern unique among New World slave societies due to factors including a more balanced sex ratio and comparatively lower mortality. The trade to British North America commenced modestly with the arrival of about 20 Africans in Jamestown, Virginia, in 1619, initially treated as indentured servants but soon codified into hereditary chattel slavery. Imports accelerated in the late 17th and 18th centuries, peaking around 1750 amid rising demand for labor on tobacco plantations in the Chesapeake colonies and, later, rice and indigo in the Carolinas. By 1770, enslaved Africans numbered roughly 462,000 in British North America, comprising about one-fifth of the total population. The U.S. Congress prohibited further slave imports in 1808, though illegal trafficking persisted until the Civil War. Enslaved Africans hailed from diverse ethnic groups across coastal and interior regions of West and West-Central Africa, including Senegambia (modern Senegal, Gambia, Guinea), the Gold Coast (Ghana), the Bight of Benin (Nigeria, Benin), the Bight of Biafra (southeastern Nigeria, Cameroon), and West-Central Africa (Angola, Congo). For mainland North America, significant proportions originated from the Bight of Biafra (associated with Igbo people) and West-Central Africa (Kongo and Angola groups), alongside contributions from Akan, Yoruba, and Mandinka peoples. Most captives were procured through African intermediaries via warfare between kingdoms, judicial enslavement, or raids, rather than direct European capture inland; African rulers exchanged prisoners for European goods such as firearms, textiles, and rum at coastal trading posts like Elmina and Cape Coast Castle. The transatlantic voyage, known as the Middle Passage, entailed extreme hardship, with embarkation mortality and passage deaths totaling around 1.8 million Africans overall, yielding average mortality rates of 10-15% per voyage due to overcrowding, disease, malnutrition, and violence. Survivors faced auctions and dispersal to plantations, where cultural retention of African languages, religions, and practices occurred amid forced assimilation, laying the foundation for African American identity.

Colonial Era and Early American Republic

The first recorded Africans arrived in the English colony of Virginia in late August 1619, when approximately 20 individuals from Angola were brought ashore at Point Comfort by the English privateer White Lion after being captured from a Portuguese vessel. Initially treated as indentured servants similar to European laborers, some gained freedom after several years of service, though their legal status remained ambiguous amid labor shortages and tobacco cultivation demands. Over the following decades, colonial legislatures enacted laws solidifying racialized chattel slavery, with Virginia's 1662 statute declaring that children inherited their mother's enslaved status, making bondage perpetual and inheritable along maternal lines. By 1705, Virginia's comprehensive slave code further entrenched these practices, prohibiting enslaved people from holding property, bearing arms, or testifying against whites, while authorizing severe punishments for resistance. The enslaved population expanded rapidly due to continued imports from Africa and natural increase, reaching an estimated 20% of the total colonial populace by 1775, with over half concentrated in southern colonies where plantation agriculture predominated. In the North, slavery supported urban households and farms but comprised less than 5% of the population, while southern staples like tobacco and rice drove demand for bound labor. Free blacks, often manumitted servants or those who purchased freedom, numbered fewer than 1% of the black population in most colonies, facing restrictions on movement, assembly, and militia service; in Virginia by mid-century, they totaled around 300 amid thousands of slaves. Enslaved Africans endured harsh conditions, including family separations, physical punishments, and cultural suppression, prompting sporadic resistance such as the 1739 Stono Rebellion in South Carolina, where about 100 rebels briefly seized arms before suppression. During the American Revolution, thousands of blacks participated, motivated by promises of freedom; approximately 5,000 to 9,000 served in Continental forces, often in integrated units, while up to 20,000 joined British ranks via offers of emancipation, including Lord Dunmore's 1775 proclamation. Crispus Attucks, a black sailor, was among the first casualties in the 1770 Boston Massacre, symbolizing early involvement. Post-independence, northern states enacted gradual emancipation laws: Pennsylvania's 1780 act freed children born to enslaved mothers after that date upon reaching 28, followed by similar measures in New York (1799) and New Jersey (1804), prioritizing existing owners' interests over immediate abolition. In the South, slavery persisted and intensified, with the 1793 cotton gin enabling expansion into upland frontiers, as southern economies rejected emancipation amid fears of unrest and economic disruption. By 1800, the institution remained foundational to southern society, with enslaved numbers growing through domestic reproduction and smuggling despite the 1808 import ban.

Antebellum Period and Civil War


The antebellum period, spanning roughly from the early 19th century to 1861, witnessed the entrenchment and expansion of chattel slavery in the American South, fueled by the invention of the cotton gin in 1793 and subsequent demand for cotton in textile mills. By 1860, the U.S. Census enumerated 3,953,760 enslaved individuals, representing about 12.6% of the nation's total population of 31,443,321, with the vast majority—over 90%—residing in the slaveholding states. Enslaved African Americans endured severe physical and psychological hardships, including field labor from dawn to dusk, corporal punishments such as whippings, and familial separations through sales; slave codes across Southern states prohibited literacy, unauthorized assembly, and manumission without legislative approval, reinforcing control amid fears of unrest.
A small but significant free Black population coexisted within this system, totaling approximately 488,000 by 1860—roughly half in the South (261,000) and half in the North (226,000)—often urban dwellers engaged in skilled trades, entrepreneurship, or domestic service, though subject to discriminatory laws like special taxes and restrictions on firearm ownership. Free Blacks founded mutual aid societies, churches, and newspapers, yet faced persistent threats of re-enslavement or violence, particularly after events like the 1831 Nat Turner rebellion in Virginia, which killed nearly 60 whites and prompted harsher Black Codes. Slave resistance manifested in everyday acts like work slowdowns, tool breakage, and flight—evidenced by thousands of runaway advertisements annually—as well as organized plots, including Denmark Vesey's failed 1822 Charleston conspiracy involving up to 9,000 potential participants and the 1811 German Coast uprising in Louisiana, where 200-500 enslaved people marched against plantations before suppression. Prominent African American abolitionists emerged as vocal critics, leveraging autobiographies and oratory to expose slavery's brutality. Frederick Douglass, born enslaved around 1818 in Maryland, escaped in 1838, published his influential Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass in 1845, and toured Europe and America advocating immediate emancipation while founding newspapers like The North Star. Figures like Harriet Tubman, who escaped Maryland slavery in 1849, conducted at least 13 missions via the Underground Railroad, liberating around 70 people including family members, often at gunpoint to deter pursuers. The Civil War (1861-1865) transformed the status of African Americans when President Abraham Lincoln issued the Emancipation Proclamation on January 1, 1863, declaring free all enslaved persons in Confederate-held territories—effectively applying to about 3.5 million slaves—while authorizing their enlistment in the Union Army to undermine the Southern economy and war effort. This shift enabled nearly 180,000 African American men to serve in the Union forces, comprising about 10% of the total army, in 175 regiments including infantry, artillery, and cavalry; they participated in over 40 major battles, such as the 54th Massachusetts Infantry's assault on Fort Wagner in 1863, suffering disproportionate casualties—around 40,000 dead from combat, disease, or imprisonment—while earning 16 Medals of Honor. Black soldiers initially received lower pay (until equalized in 1864) and faced execution if captured by Confederates, yet their contributions bolstered Union manpower and morale, hastening the war's end and slavery's abolition via the 13th Amendment in December 1865. ![Harriet Tubman c1868-69 (cropped](./assets/Harriet_Tubman_c1868-69_croppedcropped

Reconstruction and Its Immediate Aftermath

Following the Civil War's conclusion on April 9, 1865, the Thirteenth Amendment, ratified on December 6, 1865, formally abolished slavery throughout the United States, freeing approximately 4 million African Americans in the South. The Freedmen's Bureau, established by Congress on March 3, 1865, under the U.S. War Department, aimed to assist freed people and white refugees by distributing rations, clothing, and medical aid; supervising labor contracts; operating hospitals and refugee camps; and promoting education through the establishment of over 4,000 schools that enrolled more than 200,000 students by 1870. However, the Bureau faced chronic underfunding, opposition from Southern whites, and bureaucratic inefficiencies, limiting its long-term impact on land redistribution or economic independence for freedmen. Southern states responded to emancipation with Black Codes in late 1865 and 1866, restrictive laws designed to control freed labor and maintain white supremacy under the guise of regulating vagrancy and contracts. For instance, Mississippi's 1865 code required African Americans to sign annual labor contracts or face arrest as vagrants, fined "masters" for firing workers without cause but not vice versa, and prohibited freedmen from owning firearms or testifying against whites in court; similar measures in South Carolina mandated yearly labor agreements and restricted migration to ensure plantation workforces remained intact. These codes effectively recreated elements of slavery by compelling sharecropping arrangements, where freedmen farmed land in exchange for a share of crops but often incurred debts for seeds, tools, and supplies from landowners, trapping many in cycles of peonage with average earnings too low for self-sufficiency. Congressional Radicals, overriding President Andrew Johnson's lenient policies, enacted the Reconstruction Acts of 1867, dividing the South into five military districts and requiring new state constitutions that enfranchised black men and ratified the Fourteenth Amendment, which granted citizenship and equal protection under the law upon ratification on July 9, 1868. The Fifteenth Amendment, ratified February 3, 1870, prohibited denying voting rights based on race, enabling African American men to participate in elections and hold office. This period saw unprecedented black political involvement, with approximately 2,000 African Americans elected to state and local offices across the South, including 16 in Congress—such as Hiram Revels, the first black U.S. Senator from Mississippi in 1870—and majorities in the South Carolina legislature by 1872, where they advanced public education, infrastructure, and civil rights legislation despite widespread accusations of corruption in biracial governments. White paramilitary resistance, exemplified by the Ku Klux Klan founded in Pulaski, Tennessee, on December 24, 1865, by Confederate veterans, escalated into systematic terror campaigns targeting freedmen, Republican voters, and officials to suppress black enfranchisement and economic gains. Klan night rides, whippings, and murders—numbering in the thousands between 1865 and 1877—aimed to enforce labor discipline and deter political activity, with federal enforcement via the Enforcement Acts of 1870-1871 leading to arrests but failing to eradicate the violence amid local complicity. Economic dependency exacerbated vulnerabilities, as sharecropping yielded minimal wealth accumulation; by 1870, most freed families owned no land, with crop-lien systems ensuring planters retained control over production and markets. Reconstruction effectively ended with the Compromise of 1877, resolving the disputed 1876 presidential election by awarding Rutherford B. Hayes the presidency in exchange for withdrawing remaining federal troops from the South, allowing "Redeemer" Democrats to regain statehouses. This shift dismantled Republican protections, enabling Southern legislatures to impose poll taxes, literacy tests, and grandfather clauses that evaded the Fifteenth Amendment, sharply reducing black voter turnout from over 90% in some states during Reconstruction to near zero by 1900. In the immediate aftermath, African Americans faced intensified disenfranchisement, economic stagnation under sharecropping dominance, and the groundwork for formal segregation, though community institutions like churches and mutual aid societies provided resilience amid eroding federal support.

Jim Crow Era and Segregation

The Jim Crow era began following the Compromise of 1877, which resolved the disputed 1876 presidential election by awarding Rutherford B. Hayes the presidency in exchange for the withdrawal of remaining federal troops from the Southern states, effectively ending Reconstruction. This federal disengagement allowed Southern Democratic legislatures, dominated by former Confederates, to enact a system of racial segregation and disenfranchisement targeting African Americans. Jim Crow laws, named after a derogatory minstrel show character, comprised state and local statutes that mandated separation of races in public facilities, transportation, schools, and housing from the late 1870s until the mid-1960s, primarily in the South but with de facto practices elsewhere. These laws expanded on earlier Black Codes, prohibiting interracial marriage, requiring segregated schools and businesses, and enforcing customs like separate entrances and seating. For instance, Tennessee passed 20 such laws between 1866 and 1955, including mandates for segregated education and bans on miscegenation. The U.S. Supreme Court's 1896 decision in Plessy v. Ferguson upheld Louisiana's segregated railway car law under the "separate but equal" doctrine, ruling that such measures did not violate the Fourteenth Amendment's equal protection clause as long as facilities were ostensibly equivalent. In practice, segregated facilities for African Americans were consistently inferior, perpetuating disparities in education and public services. Disenfranchisement systematically stripped African Americans of voting rights despite the Fifteenth Amendment, through devices like poll taxes, literacy tests, grandfather clauses exempting whites whose ancestors voted before 1867, and all-white Democratic primaries. By 1900, black voter registration in states like Louisiana plummeted from over 130,000 in 1896 to 1,342, while similar declines occurred across the South, consolidating white political control. Economic coercion, including sharecropping debt peonage and job discrimination, further entrenched dependency, with African Americans largely confined to low-wage agricultural and domestic labor. Enforcement relied on extralegal violence, exemplified by lynchings, with Tuskegee Institute records documenting 3,446 black victims and 1,297 white victims between 1882 and 1968, often justified by accusations of crimes like homicide or perceived threats to white social order. Groups like the Ku Klux Klan terrorized communities, suppressing black advancement and political participation. These measures stifled economic mobility, as segregation barred access to skilled trades, higher education, and capital, resulting in persistent wealth gaps traceable to this period.

Great Migration and Mid-20th Century Urbanization

The Great Migration involved the movement of approximately six million African Americans from rural areas in the Southern United States to urban centers in the Northeast, Midwest, and West between 1910 and 1970. This exodus, comprising two primary phases—the initial wave from roughly 1916 to 1940 and a larger second wave from 1940 to 1970—reduced the Southern black population share from about 90% in 1910 to 53% by 1970. Key push factors encompassed systemic racial oppression under Jim Crow laws, which enforced segregation and disenfranchisement, alongside pervasive violence including lynchings—documented at over 300 incidents targeting blacks between 1910 and 1920—and economic distress from sharecropping dependency and agricultural disruptions like the boll weevil infestation that destroyed millions of acres of cotton in the 1910s and 1920s. Pull factors included wartime labor demands during World War I and World War II, which created industrial job openings in Northern factories with wages often double those in Southern agriculture, supplemented by recruitment efforts from companies and chain migration via family networks. Major destinations included Chicago, where the black population surged from 44,103 in 1910 to 234,446 by 1930; Detroit, which experienced a similar percentage-point increase in its black share during 1910–1940; New York City; Philadelphia; and Pittsburgh, each seeing black population growth exceeding 50% in the interwar period. The second wave extended to Western cities like Los Angeles and Oakland, drawn by defense manufacturing opportunities, further diversifying settlement patterns beyond the Northeast and Midwest. This migration accelerated the urbanization of African Americans, shifting them from predominantly rural Southern life to concentrated urban enclaves that birthed cultural phenomena such as the Harlem Renaissance while intensifying residential segregation through mechanisms like restrictive covenants and local resistance to influxes, as evidenced by race riots in over 25 cities during the 1919 "Red Summer." By mid-century, these patterns had established dense black neighborhoods in industrial hubs, enabling political mobilization but also exposing migrants to new forms of discrimination, overcrowded housing, and labor market exclusion outside Southern agriculture.

Civil Rights Movement and Legislative Reforms

The modern Civil Rights Movement gained momentum following the U.S. Supreme Court's decision in Brown v. Board of Education on May 17, 1954, which unanimously declared racial segregation in public schools unconstitutional, overturning the "separate but equal" doctrine established by Plessy v. Ferguson in 1896. This ruling, argued by Thurgood Marshall on behalf of the NAACP Legal Defense Fund, addressed cases from Kansas, South Carolina, Virginia, Delaware, and Washington, D.C., asserting that segregated educational facilities were inherently unequal and violated the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. Implementation faced resistance, as seen in the 1955 follow-up Brown II decision mandating desegregation "with all deliberate speed," which allowed Southern states to delay compliance for years. A pivotal early action was the Montgomery Bus Boycott, sparked on December 1, 1955, when Rosa Parks refused to yield her bus seat to a white passenger in Montgomery, Alabama, leading to her arrest. African Americans, comprising about 70% of the city's bus riders, boycotted the system for 381 days, organized by the Montgomery Improvement Association under Martin Luther King Jr., who emerged as a national leader advocating nonviolent resistance inspired by Gandhi. The boycott ended successfully on December 20, 1956, after the Supreme Court upheld a lower federal court ruling that bus segregation violated the Fourteenth Amendment, resulting in integrated public transit in Montgomery. Subsequent events escalated the movement's visibility and pressure for change. In 1957, the Little Rock Nine attempted to integrate Central High School in Arkansas, prompting federal intervention by President Dwight D. Eisenhower, who deployed the National Guard to enforce court orders. The 1961 Freedom Rides challenged interstate bus segregation, facing violent attacks that drew federal enforcement under the Interstate Commerce Commission. Birmingham's 1963 campaign, led by King, exposed police brutality against protesters, including children, via media coverage, influencing national opinion. The March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom on August 28, 1963, drew an estimated 250,000 participants to the Lincoln Memorial, where King delivered his "I Have a Dream" speech calling for racial harmony and economic justice. This nonviolent demonstration highlighted demands for civil rights legislation and job opportunities, occurring amid high unemployment among African Americans. Violence peaked in Selma, Alabama, during voting rights campaigns. On March 7, 1965—known as "Bloody Sunday"—state troopers attacked approximately 600 marchers, including John Lewis and Hosea Williams, on the Edmund Pettus Bridge, an event broadcast nationwide and galvanizing support for federal action. Subsequent marches, protected by federal troops after court approval, culminated in Montgomery on March 25, 1965, amplifying calls to eliminate voter suppression tactics like literacy tests and poll taxes. These protests directly spurred legislative reforms. The Civil Rights Act of 1964, signed by President Lyndon B. Johnson on July 2, 1964, prohibited discrimination in public accommodations, employment, and federally funded programs based on race, color, religion, sex, or national origin; Title VII established the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission to enforce anti-discrimination in hiring. It addressed segregation in schools, voting barriers, and community facilities, though enforcement relied on federal oversight amid local resistance. The Voting Rights Act of 1965, enacted on August 6, 1965, targeted disenfranchisement by suspending literacy tests, authorizing federal examiners in discriminatory jurisdictions, and requiring preclearance for voting changes in covered states. In the five years post-enactment, black voter registration in the South surged from about 30% to nearly 60%, enabling greater political participation and representation. The Fair Housing Act of 1968, signed April 11 amid riots following King's assassination, banned discrimination in housing sales, rentals, and financing. These reforms dismantled legal segregation and barriers to voting, marking a shift from de jure to de facto discrimination, though socioeconomic disparities persisted due to factors beyond legislation, including family structure and educational outcomes. Federal enforcement proved crucial, as Southern compliance varied, with ongoing litigation needed to uphold gains.

Post-Civil Rights Period to Present

Following the enactment of major civil rights legislation in the mid-1960s, including the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965, African Americans experienced increased legal protections against discrimination and expanded access to voting and public accommodations. These reforms facilitated greater political participation, with the number of black elected officials rising from fewer than 1,000 in 1965 to over 10,000 by the 1990s, including landmark elections such as Carl Stokes as mayor of Cleveland in 1967 and the first black U.S. senators since Reconstruction in the 1970s. However, socioeconomic disparities persisted and in some cases widened, influenced by policy shifts like the Great Society programs, which expanded welfare but correlated with declining black labor force participation—from 83% for black men in 1960 to around 70% by the 1980s—and a sharp rise in out-of-wedlock births. Family structure underwent profound changes, with the proportion of black children living in single-parent households increasing from 22% in 1960 to 49.7% in 2023, compared to 20.2% for white children; by 2011, 72% of black births were to unmarried mothers, a rate that has remained above 70% into the 2020s. This shift, often attributed by analysts to welfare incentives that reduced marriage rates without addressing underlying behavioral factors, contributed to cycles of poverty and reduced child outcomes, as two-parent households correlate with higher educational and economic stability across racial groups. Crime rates surged in the late 1960s and 1970s, particularly in urban black communities, leading to a homicide victimization rate for blacks that reached peaks over 30 per 100,000 in the 1990s; by 2023, it stood at 21.3 per 100,000 for blacks versus 3.2 for whites, with blacks comprising 51.3% of murder offenders despite being 13-14% of the population. Most homicides were intra-racial, concentrated in cities with high poverty and family disruption. Incarceration rates for black Americans rose dramatically from the 1970s onward, peaking in the early 2000s at over 5 times the white rate, reflecting responses to elevated violent crime rather than solely discriminatory policing, as clearance rates for black-victim homicides remained low due to witness reluctance in affected communities. Rates have since declined by nearly 50% for blacks since 2008, amid falling overall crime. Economically, black poverty fell from about 40% in 1966 to 18.8% in 2019, and median black household income reached about 60% of white levels by the 1970s, with further gains in employment and homeownership, though wealth gaps persisted due to lower savings rates and family instability. Educational attainment improved, with high school completion rates for blacks rising from 31% in 1960 to over 90% by 2020 and bachelor's degrees increasing, narrowing white-black achievement gaps by 30-40% since the 1970s, yet gaps in test scores and graduation from selective colleges remain substantial. Affirmative action policies from the 1970s boosted black enrollment in higher education and employment, increasing representation in institutions, but critics argue they led to mismatch—placing underprepared students in rigorous environments with higher dropout risks—and failed to address root causes like K-12 performance gaps. The Supreme Court's 2023 ban on race-based admissions has reduced black enrollment at elite universities by varying degrees, prompting debates over long-term effects on outcomes. Politically, African Americans have aligned overwhelmingly with the Democratic Party since the 1960s, achieving milestones like Barack Obama's presidency in 2008, but urban governance under black mayors in cities like Detroit and Chicago has often coincided with fiscal decline and persistent crime, highlighting limits of representation without broader cultural reforms. Recent movements like Black Lives Matter, following high-profile incidents from 2014 onward, amplified discussions of policing but have been critiqued for overlooking intra-community violence, which accounts for the majority of black homicides. Overall, while legal barriers diminished, persistent disparities in family stability, crime, and education suggest causal factors rooted in behavioral and policy incentives rather than ongoing systemic racism alone.

Demographics

Population Size, Growth, and Geographic Distribution

As of 2023, approximately 48.3 million individuals self-identified as Black or African American in the United States, either alone or in combination with other races, accounting for 14.4% of the total U.S. population. This figure reflects a 33% increase from 36.2 million in 2000, with growth rates outpacing the overall U.S. population expansion during that period. Between 2010 and 2020, the Black alone population grew by 5.6%, while the Black alone or in combination category expanded by 88.7%, largely due to changes in self-reporting of multiracial identities and increased immigration from Africa and the Caribbean. Recent estimates indicate continued modest growth, with the non-Hispanic Black alone population reaching about 43.1 million by 2024. A significant portion of this growth stems from foreign-born Black individuals and their U.S.-born children, who comprised 10% of the Black population in 2019, up from 3% in 1980; including second-generation, this group reached 21%. Thus, while the core population of African Americans—defined as descendants of those enslaved in the United States—remains the majority, their share has declined relative to newer arrivals, with about 79% of Black adults reporting enslaved ancestors in family history surveys. Geographically, 56% of the Black population resides in the South as of 2023, a reversal from mid-20th-century patterns driven by the Great Migration northward, followed by a "New Great Migration" southward since the 1970s for economic opportunities and family ties. Another 17% live in the Northeast, 17% in the Midwest, and 10% in the West. The population is highly urbanized, with over 90% concentrated in metropolitan areas. Texas hosts the largest absolute Black population, followed by Florida, Georgia, New York, and California.
StateBlack Population (est. recent)
Texas3,900,000+
Florida3,800,000+
Georgia3,600,000+
New York3,400,000+
California2,500,000+
In terms of proportion, the District of Columbia has the highest at around 46%, followed by states like Mississippi (38%) and Georgia (32%), reflecting historical settlement patterns from slavery and sharecropping eras. Roughly 55% of Black Americans live in the South and Southeast regions combined.

Age Structure, Fertility, and Family Formation

The African American population features a relatively youthful age structure, with a median age of 32.6 years in 2023, lower than the 38.9-year national median and the 44.3-year median for non-Hispanic whites. This disparity stems from higher historical fertility rates and lower mortality in younger cohorts, resulting in about 27% of Black Americans being under 18 years old, compared to roughly 18% nationally. The proportion of Black adults aged 65 and older remains smaller at around 12%, reflecting ongoing demographic momentum from past population growth patterns. Fertility among Black women has trended downward, with the total fertility rate falling to 1.568 children per woman in 2022 from 1.978 in 1992, positioning it below the 2.1 replacement level and converging with rates for other groups amid broader socioeconomic shifts like increased education and urbanization. The general fertility rate for Black women declined 2% from 2021 to 2022, continuing a pattern of postponement in childbearing that has reduced teen birth rates while elevating maternal age at first birth. These trends align with national declines but occur from a base influenced by factors including economic pressures and access to contraception, though Black fertility remains slightly above that of non-Hispanic whites at approximately 1.6. Family formation patterns among African Americans diverge notably from national norms, characterized by lower marriage prevalence and higher rates of nonmarital childbearing and single parenthood. In 2023, only 31% of Black adults were married, versus 48% overall, with Black women at 29% married compared to 36% of Black men, reflecting gender imbalances in partnering and economic disparities. Nearly half (49.7%) of Black children lived with one parent in 2023, predominantly mothers, far exceeding the 20.2% rate for white children and correlating with elevated child poverty and behavioral outcomes in empirical studies. Around 70% of births to non-Hispanic Black women were nonmarital in recent years, a sharp rise from under 25% in 1965, driven by declining shotgun marriages, welfare policies, and cultural shifts rather than fertility changes alone. These structures persist despite marriage's documented links to wealth accumulation and child stability across racial groups.

Educational Attainment and Institutions

As of 2022, 39.0% of Black adults aged 25 and older in the United States had attained an associate degree or higher, trailing the 52.9% rate for non-Hispanic White adults and the 66.5% rate for Asian adults. Among single-race, non-Hispanic Black adults in this age group, 26% held a bachelor's degree or higher, reflecting slower progress relative to other groups despite overall increases in attainment since the 1970s. High school completion rates for Black adults aged 25 and older reached approximately 93% in recent Census data, approaching parity with the national average but with persistent gaps in advanced metrics.
Educational Attainment (Ages 25+, 2022)BlackWhite (non-Hispanic)AsianNational Average
High School Diploma or Equivalent93%95%92%94%
Associate Degree or Higher39%53%67%48%
Bachelor's Degree or Higher26%40%60%38%
Data compiled from U.S. Census Bureau and related analyses; percentages approximate based on reported figures. Performance on standardized assessments underscores foundational challenges preceding higher education. In the 2024 National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP), Black eighth-grade students scored 15 points lower in reading than their White peers, a gap that has narrowed modestly since the 1990s but remains substantial, with Black students averaging below basic proficiency levels in both reading and mathematics. Twelfth-grade NAEP mathematics scores for Black students also lagged, declining relative to pre-pandemic benchmarks and highlighting skill deficits that correlate with lower postsecondary persistence. These disparities persist despite equivalent per-pupil spending across racial groups in many districts, pointing to non-financial factors such as family structure and instructional efficacy as empirically linked contributors. In higher education, Black college enrollment has grown, but completion rates lag. The six-year graduation rate for Black students at all institutions hovered around 46% as of 2024, compared to 73% for White students and 77% for Asian students. Historically Black Colleges and Universities (HBCUs), numbering 99 institutions with 289,000 students in 2022, enroll about 9% of Black undergraduates and award nearly 20% of Black bachelor's degrees, including a disproportionate share in STEM fields. However, average four-year graduation rates at HBCUs stood at 23.2% in recent data, with six-year rates often below 50% at larger institutions, attributed in part to incoming students' academic preparation gaps. HBCUs originated in the 19th century to provide access amid segregation but now face enrollment pressures, with Black student numbers rising only 15% from 1976 to 2022 versus 117% for non-Black students at these schools. Post-2023 Supreme Court rulings limiting race-based admissions have intensified scrutiny on merit-based selection, potentially affecting Black enrollment at selective non-HBCUs while underscoring HBCUs' role in targeted support.

Economic Metrics Including Income, Wealth, and Homeownership

In 2023, the median household income for Black households in the United States stood at $56,490 in inflation-adjusted dollars, representing approximately 70% of the national median of $80,610. This figure marked a modest increase from prior years but trailed the median for non-Hispanic White households at $89,050 and Asian households at $112,800. Per capita income for Black individuals was $28,630 in 2022, lower than the $41,260 for Whites, reflecting structural differences in household composition and labor force participation. Wealth disparities remain pronounced, with the median net worth of Black households at $44,890 in 2022 according to the Federal Reserve's Survey of Consumer Finances, compared to $285,000 for White households—a ratio of about 1:6. Mean wealth for Black households was higher at approximately $352,000, but skewed by outliers; Black households held just 4.7% of total U.S. wealth despite comprising 13.6% of households. Housing equity constitutes a significant portion of Black wealth, accounting for over 90% of gains between 2013 and 2022, though overall racial wealth gaps have widened since 1989 due to divergent asset appreciation rates. Homeownership rates for Black households hovered at 44.3% in 2022, up slightly from 42.2% in 2019 but largely unchanged since the late 1960s, compared to 73.8% for non-Hispanic Whites and 63% for Asians. The gap with Whites widened to 28 percentage points by 2023, exacerbated by higher mortgage denial rates and lower down payment savings among Black applicants. Recent data for 2025 indicate a rate of 43.9%, with Black homeowners representing only 10.5% of owner-occupied units despite 14.5% of the population in major metros.
Metric (Latest Available)Black HouseholdsWhite HouseholdsNational Average
Median Household Income (2023)$56,490$89,050$80,610
Median Net Worth (2022)$44,890$285,000$192,700
Homeownership Rate (2022/2023)44.3%73.8%65.7%
From 2000 to 2023, Black median income rose nominally from $41,511 to $56,490 (in 2023 dollars), but the Black-White income ratio stagnated around 60-70%, with recessions disproportionately eroding gains. Wealth accumulation accelerated post-2013 for Blacks via housing and business equity, yet the median gap with Whites persisted at 85% in 2022, similar to 1992 levels. Homeownership edged up 2-3 points over two decades but remains fragile, with foreclosures hitting Black owners harder during downturns like 2008. These metrics highlight persistent inequalities, where Black households derive wealth primarily from home equity rather than diversified assets like stocks or businesses, which Whites hold in greater proportions.

Genetic Ancestry

Autosomal Admixture Studies

Autosomal admixture studies utilize genome-wide markers from the 22 non-sex chromosomes to estimate the proportional contributions of ancestral populations to African American genomes, revealing a history of admixture primarily between sub-Saharan African and European sources, with minimal Native American input. These analyses employ methods such as linkage disequilibrium decay and supervised clustering algorithms to infer ancestry proportions, accounting for historical migration and intermixing patterns dating to the transatlantic slave trade and subsequent centuries. Large-scale genome-wide association studies have established that self-identified African Americans exhibit an average ancestry composition of approximately 73.2% sub-Saharan African, 24.0% European, and 0.8% Native American. This estimate derives from genotyping over 5,000 African American participants via commercial platforms like 23andMe, which apply support vector machine-based algorithms trained on reference panels from diverse continental populations. Individual variation is substantial, with African ancestry ranging from under 2% to over 96% across samples, reflecting diverse family histories; however, the population mean underscores predominant West and West-Central African origins, consistent with documented slave trade routes from regions like Senegal, Gambia, and Angola. Earlier marker-based studies, such as those using short tandem repeats, reported lower European admixture averages around 14-20%, but these were limited by smaller sample sizes and fewer loci compared to modern array-based approaches. Regional differences within the United States highlight admixture gradients shaped by historical settlement and endogamy patterns. African Americans in southern states, such as Louisiana (mean 80.9% African ancestry) and South Carolina (78.2%), show higher African proportions, while those in northern and midwestern regions, like New York (68.7%) and Minnesota (around 70%), exhibit elevated European contributions, averaging up to 30% in some cohorts. These disparities correlate with proximity to early colonial ports and varying rates of post-emancipation intermarriage, with southern populations retaining stronger African genetic signatures due to larger enslaved inflows and less early admixture. Genome-wide scans also detect uneven admixture distribution across chromosomes, with the X chromosome displaying reduced African ancestry (around 10-15% less than autosomes) due to sex-biased gene flow favoring European male contributions during slavery. Fine-scale analyses within African ancestry components indicate a primary West African cluster (55-65%), supplemented by Central and Southwestern Bantu-related inputs (20-30%), aligning with ethnographic records of forced migrations from Upper Guinea and Bight of Benin regions. Native American admixture remains trace-level (median 0.18%), often attributable to indirect exchange via European intermediaries rather than direct intermarriage, and shows no significant geographic patterning. These findings from admixture mapping enhance understanding of disease risk alleles, as European-derived variants influence traits like hypertension prevalence in admixed groups, emphasizing the value of ancestry-informed genomics over self-reported race alone.

Maternal and Paternal Lineage Analyses

Mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) analyses of African Americans consistently reveal a predominance of sub-Saharan African maternal lineages, with haplogroups L0 through L6 accounting for the vast majority of sequences. In a study of 343 individuals, mtDNA control region sequences showed high diversity (nucleotide diversity ranging from 0.9952 to 0.9998), with most haplotypes tracing to West, West-Central, and Southwestern Africa; over 55% of lineages originated in West Africa, and less than 41% from West-Central or Southwestern regions. European-derived mtDNA haplogroups (e.g., H, U, J) appear infrequently, comprising 0% to 14.9% across various samples, underscoring limited maternal gene flow from European females. This pattern aligns with historical records of enslaved African women comprising the primary female population in early American colonies, with minimal European female immigration until later periods. Y-chromosome (Y-DNA) studies, in contrast, indicate substantial European paternal contributions among African American males, reflecting asymmetrical admixture. Approximately 30-40% of Y-chromosomes in African American populations carry European haplogroups such as R1b or I, compared to predominantly African haplogroups like E1b1a (common in West Africa) in the remainder. One analysis estimated 27.5% to 33.6% European-origin Y lineages, far exceeding the European mtDNA proportion and consistent with sex-biased gene flow favoring European male ancestors during slavery. Rare exceptions include ancient African basal lineages, such as the A00 haplogroup identified in one African American individual, which predates other known Y-chromosome branches by over 200,000 years but does not alter the population-level European admixture trend. These uniparental markers highlight directional mating patterns: African maternal lines preserve origins from the transatlantic slave trade's source regions (primarily Upper Guinea, Bight of Benin, and Bight of Biafra), while paternal lines evidence post-arrival European introgression, with negligible Native American contributions in either. Such disparities, corroborated across multiple cohorts, inform reconstructions of admixture timing, often dating major European paternal input to the 17th-19th centuries. Limitations include sampling biases toward urban or self-identified groups, potentially underrepresenting rural or regionally variant ancestries.

Recent Genome-Wide Research Findings

Recent large-scale genome-wide analyses, such as those from the All of Us Research Program cohort involving over 297,000 participants, have elucidated substantial population structure and heterogeneous genetic ancestry patterns among individuals of African descent, including African Americans. These studies employ principal component analysis (PCA) and admixture inference to identify dense clusters of genetic similarity, revealing gradients of variation within self-identified racial groups rather than discrete boundaries. For participants with predominantly African ancestry, subcontinental components are primarily West Central African, followed by West African and Bantu expansions, with an average East Bantu contribution of 7.7%, though reference panel limitations may influence these estimates. Admixture proportions in African Americans, derived from genome-wide SNP data, consistently show averages of 75-85% sub-Saharan African ancestry and 15-25% European ancestry, with minor Native American contributions around 0.8-2%, varying by region and historical migration patterns. Recent subcontinental resolution highlights finer-scale origins, such as differential West-Central versus East African ancestries correlating with traits like body mass index (BMI), underscoring the limitations of continental-level ancestry summaries for biomedical research. These findings emphasize the impact of the transatlantic slave trade on genetic diversity, with greater heterozygosity and linkage disequilibrium differences compared to unadmixed African populations. Genome-wide scans for post-admixture selection signals in African Americans, including large cohorts exceeding 29,000 individuals, have found no loci with significant evidence of directional selection favoring European or African ancestry proportions since admixture events primarily occurring 10-15 generations ago. However, targeted analyses identify localized selection, such as on chromosome 1 encompassing the Duffy blood group locus, where African-derived null alleles (conferring resistance to Plasmodium vivax malaria) show elevated frequencies, affecting up to 25% of the chromosome in admixed populations. This reflects historical selective pressures rather than recent genome-wide shifts. Polygenic score transferability from European-ancestry GWAS to African Americans remains limited due to elevated genetic diversity and altered linkage disequilibrium, reducing predictive accuracy across traits by 20-50% on average, necessitating ancestry-specific models.00355-3)

Culture and Traditions

Language, Dialects, and Naming Practices

African Americans predominantly speak English as their first language, with over 99% proficiency reported in U.S. Census data from 2020. A significant dialect associated with the community is African American Vernacular English (AAVE), a rule-governed variety primarily used by working-class and some middle-class speakers, characterized by systematic phonological, grammatical, and lexical differences from mainstream American English. Phonological features of AAVE include consonant cluster reduction (e.g., "test" pronounced as "tes'"), post-vocalic r-lessness (e.g., "car" as "cah"), and monophthongization of diphthongs (e.g., "I" as "ah"). Grammatical hallmarks encompass zero copula (e.g., "She Ø working" instead of "She is working"), habitual "be" (e.g., "He be late" indicating recurrence), and absence of third-person singular -s (e.g., "She walk" rather than "She walks"). These elements reflect consistent internal rules rather than random errors, as evidenced by linguistic analyses of speech patterns in urban and rural communities. The origins of AAVE trace to the 17th-century Chesapeake Bay region, where interactions between enslaved West Africans speaking Niger-Congo languages and British English dialects during early colonization shaped its creolized features, including substrate influences from African serial verb constructions and suprasegmental timing. Subsequent divergence from Southern White Vernacular English occurred post-emancipation, reinforced by social isolation in segregated communities, though AAVE shares substrates with broader Southern dialects. Regional variations exist, such as stronger Gullah influences in coastal South Carolina and Georgia, blending AAVE with more pronounced West African retentions like tonal elements. Naming practices among African Americans feature a higher prevalence of distinctively Black names compared to other groups, with roots extending to the antebellum era where enslaved individuals were four to nine times more likely than owners to receive unique names like "Perlie" or "Booker," often drawn from classical, biblical, or invented sources independent of European norms. This pattern intensified in the 1970s, following the Civil Rights Movement and Black Power era; prior to 1970, Black and White naming overlapped significantly, but by the 1980s, over 40% of Black newborns received names rare or absent among Whites, driven by cultural assertion and family traditions rather than socioeconomic factors alone. Contemporary trends show continued innovation, with examples like "DeShawn" or "Latoya" achieving near-exclusive use within the community—e.g., in 1920 census data, 99% of males named Booker were Black—reflecting identity signaling amid historical marginalization, though empirical studies indicate such names correlate with but do not causally produce lower socioeconomic outcomes. Surnames often derive from former slaveholders or post-emancipation adoptions, with hyphenated or invented forms gaining traction in recent decades for matrilineal emphasis or uniqueness.

Artistic Expressions in Music, Dance, and Literature

African American musical expressions trace roots to spirituals sung by enslaved people from the 18th century, incorporating African-derived call-and-response patterns and serving dual purposes of labor accompaniment and subtle resistance communication. Following emancipation in 1865, these evolved into blues in the Deep South during the late 1860s, as former slaves under sharecropping systems expressed personal anguish through secular songs featuring "blue notes" and repetitive structures reflecting cyclical hardship. Blues migrated northward with the Great Migration starting in 1916, influencing jazz, which coalesced in New Orleans around 1895 through fusions of blues, ragtime, brass bands, and African polyrhythms, with commercial recordings commencing in 1917 via groups like the Original Dixieland Jazz Band. Gospel music, formalized in urban churches by the 1930s from spirituals and blues elements, emphasized fervent group singing and improvisation, while hip-hop emerged in the Bronx in 1973, blending rhythmic spoken-word storytelling (rapping) over drum breaks sampled from funk and soul records, initially as party music among youth in economically strained communities. In dance, African Americans adapted ancestral forms after enslavement stripped traditional instruments, developing body percussion and rhythmic footwork; tap dance arose in the 18th and 19th centuries from enslaved West Africans' juba dances—characterized by improvisation and flat-footed stomps—merging with Irish immigrants' jig and clog steps in urban settings like minstrel troupes. By the early 20th century, tap gained prominence through performers like Bill "Bojangles" Robinson in vaudeville, emphasizing speed and syncopation. Jazz dance paralleled jazz music's rise, incorporating African-derived isolations, grounded stances, and polyrhythmic improvisation into social partner dances like the Lindy Hop, popularized in Harlem's Savoy Ballroom during the 1920s and 1930s amid swing era bands. African American literature originated with oral traditions and early written works by free and enslaved individuals, culminating in 19th-century slave narratives that documented brutality and advocated abolition; Frederick Douglass's Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass, an American Slave (1845) sold 5,000 copies in months, blending autobiography with rhetorical appeals to white readers' morality based on his experiences of whippings and self-taught literacy. The Harlem Renaissance (circa 1918–1937) represented a peak of artistic assertion post-Great Migration, with poets like Langston Hughes (1901–1967) capturing jazz-age rhythms in works such as "The Weary Blues" (1926), and novelists like Zora Neale Hurston chronicling Southern Black folklore in Their Eyes Were Watching God (1937), amid patronage from figures like Charlotte Osgood Mason. Post-World War II, authors including Richard Wright (Native Son, 1940) and Ralph Ellison (Invisible Man, 1952) dissected racial alienation through naturalism and modernism, influencing later generations despite critical debates over protest literature's dominance.

Religious Beliefs and Practices

The majority of African Americans identify as Christian, with Protestants comprising 66% of the group according to a 2021 Pew Research Center survey of over 8,000 Black adults. Catholics account for 6%, other Christians 3%, and the religiously unaffiliated 18%, while Muslims represent approximately 2%. Among Protestants, historically Black denominations such as the African Methodist Episcopal Church (founded 1816), National Baptist Convention (1880), and Church of God in Christ (1907) predominate, reflecting independent institutional development from white-led churches during and after slavery. Religious practices among African Americans exceed national averages, with 63% reporting daily prayer and 80% praying at least several times monthly, compared to lower rates among white Americans. Nearly all (97%) affirm belief in God or a higher power, with 74% specifying the biblical God who created humans in present form. Church attendance, though declining—Black membership fell nearly 20 percentage points from 2000 to 2020 per Gallup data—remains relatively robust, with services often featuring expressive elements like call-and-response preaching, gospel music, and communal testimony. These practices foster social cohesion, mutual aid, and moral instruction within congregations. Historically, the Black church has served as a primary institution for African American resilience and organization, originating in the late 18th century as segregated worship spaces evolved into independent bodies resisting white ecclesiastical control. During slavery, it preserved oral traditions, spirituals encoding escape plans, and ethical frameworks; post-emancipation, it coordinated education, economic cooperatives, and political mobilization, including voter registration drives. In the 20th century, leaders like Martin Luther King Jr. leveraged pulpits for civil rights advocacy, underscoring the church's role in nonviolent protest and community leadership amid systemic exclusion. Beyond Christianity, the Nation of Islam, founded in 1930, attracts a small but influential segment emphasizing self-reliance, racial separatism, and discipline, though its adherents constitute under 1% of African Americans overall. Mainstream Sunni Islam, often adopted via conversion, accounts for most Black Muslim practice, with mosques providing parallel community services. Recent trends show younger African Americans (under 30) exhibiting lower affiliation rates, with Gen Z church participation lagging due to secular influences and online alternatives, yet religion retains elevated importance—79% deem it "very important" versus 56% nationally.

Culinary and Social Customs

African American culinary traditions, commonly known as soul food, emerged primarily during the era of slavery in the antebellum South, where enslaved individuals transformed rationed scraps such as offal, pig feet, and ham hocks—along with foraged greens and cornmeal—into flavorful, nutrient-dense meals using African cooking techniques like slow simmering and frying. These practices drew from West African staples including okra, black-eyed peas, and yams, which were adapted to New World ingredients like collard greens, sweet potatoes, and corn influenced by Native American agriculture. The term "soul food" gained prominence in the 1960s amid the Black Power movement, reflecting cultural pride in these resilient foodways originating from states like Georgia, Mississippi, and Alabama. Characteristic dishes include fried chicken, which combines African seasoning methods with Scottish frying techniques adopted in the South; cornbread and hushpuppies made from cornmeal; and sides like collard greens simmered with pork fat for flavor enhancement. Barbecue, involving slow-cooked meats over pits, traces to West African smoking practices and became a communal staple post-emancipation. These elements emphasize resourcefulness, with meals often featuring one-pot preparations such as gumbo or hoppin' john (black-eyed peas and rice), preserving nutritional value amid scarcity. Social customs intertwine with these culinary practices through family reunions, annual summer gatherings that reinforce kinship ties disrupted by slavery and migration, featuring barbecues, potluck spreads of soul food, and activities like line dancing to transmit oral histories and values across generations. Such events, common since the early 20th century, often incorporate Sunday church services and games like spades, fostering community cohesion in extended networks that prioritize relational bonds over strict bloodlines. Juneteenth celebrations, marking the June 19, 1865, announcement of emancipation in Galveston, Texas, highlight these customs with red-hued foods and drinks—such as strawberry soda, hibiscus tea, or red velvet cake—symbolizing ancestral sacrifice and resilience, alongside barbecues and watermelons evoking post-slavery freedom feasts. These gatherings underscore food's role in cultural continuity, with black-eyed peas consumed for good fortune, adapting African and Southern rituals to affirm identity amid historical adversity.

Socioeconomic Status

Labor Market Participation and Occupational Patterns

In 2024, the labor force participation rate (LFPR) for Black or African American individuals aged 16 and older averaged around 62.4%, slightly below the national average of 62.7% but showing stability amid broader demographic shifts toward older populations reducing overall participation. This rate reflects a modest recovery from pandemic lows, with prime-age (25-54) Black LFPR reaching near-historic highs of 77.7% in 2023, driven by strong wage growth in service sectors. However, Black male LFPR remains lower than for white males, at approximately 66% versus 70% in recent years, partly due to higher incarceration rates and skill mismatches in deindustrialized regions. Unemployment rates for African Americans consistently exceed those of other groups, standing at 7.5% in August 2025 compared to 3.8% for whites, a gap of 3.7 percentage points that has widened from early 2025 lows amid federal layoffs and sector-specific slowdowns. This disparity, averaging twice the white rate since 2000, narrows during economic expansions but persists due to geographic concentration in high-unemployment urban areas and cyclical vulnerabilities in low-wage service jobs. From 2000 to 2024, Black unemployment trended downward overall from peaks above 15% in recessions (e.g., 2009-2010) to sub-6% in booms, yet the Black-white ratio hovered at 1.9-2.0, indicating structural rather than purely cyclical factors.
YearBlack Unemployment Rate (%)White Unemployment Rate (%)Ratio (Black/White)
20007.63.52.2
201016.08.71.8
20207.56.91.1
2024 (avg.)6.13.51.7
Aug 20257.53.82.0
Data sourced from BLS and FRED; averages approximate annual figures. Occupationally, African Americans, comprising 13% of the U.S. workforce in 2023, are overrepresented in protective services (e.g., 21% of security guards), healthcare support (32% of nursing assistants), and transportation (19% of bus drivers), sectors often characterized by lower median wages and limited upward mobility. They are underrepresented in management (7% share versus 13% population) and professional fields like engineering (4%) and software development (5%), reflecting educational attainment gaps and hiring network effects despite affirmative action policies. Since 2000, shifts from manufacturing (down from 20% to 9% Black employment share) to services have concentrated Blacks in gig and retail roles, with self-employment rates lagging at 5% versus 10% for whites. Black women, in particular, dominate clerical and service occupations (25% in office support), contributing to higher part-time work prevalence. These patterns underscore persistent segregation, with urban enclaves limiting access to high-growth tech and finance hubs.

Family Structures and Their Societal Impacts

In 2023, 44.6% of Black children under age 18 lived in two-parent households, compared to 76.3% of white children and 67.4% of Hispanic children. This reflects longstanding trends in family formation, with nonmarital birth rates among Black Americans at 69% in 2023, far exceeding rates for other groups. Black adults also exhibit lower marriage prevalence and higher divorce rates relative to whites and Asians; for instance, first divorce rates are elevated among Black adults across age groups. Single-parent households, predominantly headed by mothers, predominate in these patterns, with father absence affecting a majority of Black children. Empirical analyses link this structure to heightened risks for children, including 3.5 times greater likelihood of poverty for Black children in single-parent homes versus two-parent ones. Educational outcomes suffer as well, with children in such households scoring lower on achievement measures on average. Father absence specifically correlates with increased externalizing behaviors among Black boys, such as aggression and delinquency. These family dynamics contribute to societal burdens, including elevated poverty persistence and criminal justice involvement. Father-absent homes are associated with higher violent crime rates, as paternal presence acts as a protective factor against delinquency. In Black communities, this fosters intergenerational cycles, straining public resources for welfare, incarceration, and remedial education while impeding economic mobility. Poverty rates among Black single mothers reached 31% in recent data, amplifying community-level disparities.

Involvement in Crime and the Criminal Justice System

African Americans are disproportionately represented among offenders for violent crimes in the United States, according to arrest data from the Federal Bureau of Investigation's Uniform Crime Reporting (UCR) program. In 2019, Black individuals accounted for 51.3% of adults arrested for murder and nonnegligent manslaughter, despite comprising approximately 13% of the population. Similar patterns hold for other violent offenses; for instance, Blacks represented 33.9% of arrests for aggravated assault and 27.4% for robbery in the same year. These disparities align with offender perceptions reported in the Bureau of Justice Statistics' National Crime Victimization Survey (NCVS), where victims identify Black perpetrators in a disproportionate share of violent incidents, corroborating that arrest rates reflect actual offending patterns rather than solely policing biases. Homicide data further illustrates this overrepresentation. FBI expanded homicide tables indicate that in cases with known offenders, Black suspects commit the majority of homicides against Black victims, with intra-racial patterns predominant across races. CDC data on firearm homicides, which account for over 75% of U.S. homicides, show Black offending rates elevated relative to population share, contributing to Black Americans experiencing homicide victimization rates 20-30 times higher than whites in recent years. Overall, empirical evidence from victim surveys and arrest records consistently demonstrates higher per capita involvement in serious violent crime among African Americans compared to other groups. In the criminal justice system, African Americans face elevated incarceration rates, with Black individuals comprising 35% of jail populations in 2022 despite their demographic share. Prison incarceration rates for Black men reached 1,826 per 100,000 in 2022, over five times the rate for white men. These rates stem primarily from higher conviction volumes for violent and drug offenses, as offending disparities drive the pipeline into sentencing. U.S. Sentencing Commission analysis of federal cases from fiscal year 2022 found that while Black male offenders received prison sentences 4.7% longer than similarly situated white males after controlling for offense and criminal history, such differences are modest compared to the baseline disparities in offense commission. State-level data similarly show that reforms aimed at reducing sentencing disparities have had limited impact on overall racial gaps in imprisonment, underscoring behavioral factors over systemic bias as the dominant cause. Regarding wrongful convictions, the National Registry of Exonerations reports that Black Americans account for approximately 53% of known exonerations since 1989, exceeding their 13% population share. However, analyses indicate that exoneration rates per convicted individual or relative to prison populations are similar across races, contextualizing these figures within the higher baseline conviction volumes driven by offending disparities.
CategoryBlack Arrest Share (2019 FBI UCR)Population Share (approx.)
Murder/Nonnegligent Manslaughter51.3%13%
Robbery27.4%13%
Aggravated Assault33.9%13%
Disparities persist in pretrial detention and plea bargaining, where African Americans are more likely to be detained pretrial due to higher-risk profiles associated with offense severity, though studies attribute much of this to factual guilt differences rather than discrimination. Recidivism rates among released Black inmates exceed those of whites, with Bureau of Justice Statistics tracking showing 83% rearrest within nine years for state prisoners, a pattern linked to prior criminal embeddedness. Government-sourced data thus emphasize empirical offending rates as the causal core of involvement, with secondary effects from sentencing variations insufficient to explain the scale of overrepresentation.

Health Conditions, Mortality, and Access to Care

African Americans experience lower life expectancy compared to other racial groups in the United States, with a 2021-2023 average of 72.8 years versus 78.4 years overall. In 1970, life expectancy for Black Americans was around 64 years. This gap persists despite overall increases, driven by higher age-adjusted death rates from chronic conditions and external causes. Leading causes of death among African Americans include heart disease, cancer, unintentional injuries, stroke, and diabetes, with heart disease mortality rates approximately twice that of non-Hispanic whites. Homicide contributes disproportionately at younger ages, ranking higher for ages 15-34, while chronic lower respiratory diseases and HIV/AIDS also exceed rates in other groups. Prevalence of chronic conditions is elevated, including obesity at 49.6% among non-Hispanic Black adults versus 42.2% for non-Hispanic whites, correlating with higher risks for diabetes and hypertension. Diabetes affects Black adults at rates 1.7 times higher than whites, and hypertension prevalence stands at around 56% for Black adults aged 18 and older. Sickle cell disease, a genetic condition linked to African ancestry, occurs in approximately 1 in 365 Black newborns, leading to severe complications like pain crises and organ damage. Infant mortality rates for Black infants reached 10.9 deaths per 1,000 live births in 2023, more than double the 4.5 rate for white infants, with preterm birth and low birth weight as primary factors. These disparities hold across maternal age groups and are not fully explained by socioeconomic adjustments alone. Access to care remains uneven, with uninsured rates for non-elderly Black Americans at about 10.8% in 2023, higher than the 6.3% for non-Hispanic whites but lower than 19.1% for Hispanics. Even when insured, Black patients report lower utilization of preventive services, such as mammography or colorectal screening, potentially exacerbating outcomes. Barriers include geographic distribution of providers in underserved areas and cultural factors influencing health-seeking behaviors.

Political Orientation

Historical Party Alignments and Key Movements

Following the Civil War and emancipation in 1865, African Americans overwhelmingly aligned with the Republican Party, the political force behind Abraham Lincoln's presidency and the abolition of slavery via the Thirteenth Amendment. The party championed Reconstruction policies, including the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments, which granted citizenship and voting rights to former slaves, leading to the election of numerous black Republicans to Congress, such as Joseph Rainey in 1870. Prior to 1932, Republican presidential candidates consistently secured the majority of the black vote, with all black members of Congress being Republicans. This alignment persisted into the early twentieth century despite Southern disenfranchisement efforts by Democratic-controlled state governments, which imposed poll taxes, literacy tests, and violence to suppress black voters after the end of Reconstruction in 1877. The Great Migration of African Americans to Northern cities from 1910 onward increased their political influence in urban machines, where Republicans initially retained support through patronage. The shift toward the Democratic Party accelerated during the Great Depression with Franklin D. Roosevelt's New Deal programs in the 1930s, which provided economic relief through jobs and welfare initiatives appealing to urban black communities. In 1936, Democrats captured approximately 71% of the national black vote, rising to about three-fourths in key cities like Chicago. This realignment solidified post-World War II, with black support for Democrats reaching 80% or more by 1972 and persisting thereafter, influenced by Lyndon B. Johnson's Great Society programs and civil rights legislation in 1964-1965, despite bipartisan congressional support for the latter. Key movements reflected these alignments: During Reconstruction, black Republicans participated in state governments and conventions advocating for civil rights. The early civil rights efforts, such as the Niagara Movement in 1905 and NAACP founding in 1909, operated independently but drew from Republican traditions of legal advocacy. The mid-century Civil Rights Movement, culminating in events like the 1955-1956 Montgomery Bus Boycott, pressured national policy shifts, aligning black activism more closely with the Democratic coalition amid Northern liberal support, though figures like Frederick Douglass exemplified enduring Republican ties to anti-slavery principles. Later movements like Black Power in the 1960s introduced separatist elements less tied to major parties, fostering independent black political organizing. By the late twentieth century, Republican outreach waned, with black voter support for GOP candidates stabilizing around 10% since 1964.

Voting Patterns in Recent Elections

In the 2016 presidential election, African Americans supported Democratic nominee Hillary Clinton by approximately 88%, with Republican Donald Trump receiving about 8%, according to validated voter analysis from Pew Research Center. This pattern reflected longstanding alignment with the Democratic Party, with minimal variation by subgroup. Exit polls from the Roper Center indicated similar margins, underscoring near-unanimous opposition to the Republican candidate among black voters. The 2020 election showed continuity, as Joe Biden secured 87% of the African American vote nationwide, per Roper Center exit polls, while Trump garnered 12%. New York Times analysis of national exit polls corroborated this, with Biden's support ranging from 87% to 91% across major polling aggregates, driven by high turnout in key battleground states like Georgia and Pennsylvania. Gender differences emerged modestly, with black women favoring Biden at over 90%, while black men supported him at around 80-85%, hinting at early signs of divergence within the demographic. In 2024, Kamala Harris received 83-86% of the black vote, according to AP VoteCast and Roper Center data, with Trump increasing his share to 13-16%, marking a modest rightward shift from 2020. Pew Research Center's validated voter study confirmed this erosion, attributing it partly to gains among black men (Trump support rising to 20-24% in some breakdowns) and younger voters under 30, where Democratic allegiance dipped below 80%. Turnout among African Americans declined relative to 2020, from 12% of the electorate to about 11%, concentrated in urban areas, though the group remained a reliable Democratic base despite the incremental Republican inroads.
Election YearDemocratic ShareRepublican ShareKey Notes
201688%8%Clinton dominant; low GOP support overall.
202087%12%Biden strong; slight gender gap among men.
202483-86%13-16%Harris lead holds; Trump gains with men and youth.
These patterns demonstrate persistent Democratic loyalty, with Republican candidates historically struggling to exceed 15% support, though recent cycles show accelerating diversification influenced by economic concerns and cultural issues rather than racial mobilization alone.

Emergence of Conservative and Independent Perspectives

Black conservatism emerged prominently in the late 20th century as a critique of liberal welfare policies, with figures like economist Thomas Sowell arguing that government interventions fostered dependency rather than self-reliance among African Americans. Sowell, in works such as Black Rednecks and White Liberals (2005), contended that cultural behaviors, not systemic racism alone, explained persistent socioeconomic disparities, drawing on historical patterns of adaptation from Southern white culture. Similarly, Clarence Thomas, appointed to the U.S. Supreme Court in 1991, has advocated for color-blind constitutionalism and opposed race-based affirmative action, viewing it as patronizing and counterproductive to individual achievement. These perspectives gained traction amid rising crime rates and urban decay in the 1970s and 1980s, as black conservatives like Walter Williams highlighted how Great Society programs correlated with family breakdown and out-of-wedlock births, which reached 72% among African American children by 2010. The movement's intellectual foundations trace to earlier self-help advocates like Booker T. Washington, whose emphasis on vocational education and economic independence influenced modern black conservatives, though it waned during the Civil Rights era's focus on integration and federal remedies. By the 1980s, organizations such as the Lincoln Institute for Research and Education promoted these views, countering narratives of perpetual victimhood with data on entrepreneurial success in pre-welfare black communities. Polling data indicate a modest but growing self-identification as conservative or Republican: in 1980, only 7% of African Americans identified as Republican, rising to around 15% by the 2010s, with independents comprising up to 40% who lean away from Democratic orthodoxy on issues like school choice and criminal justice reform. In recent elections, independent and conservative sentiments manifested in shifting voting patterns, particularly among younger men. In 2020, Donald Trump received approximately 12% of the African American vote; by 2024, exit polls showed this doubling to 20-24%, with black men under 45 supporting him at rates exceeding 30% due to emphases on economic opportunity, border security, and opposition to progressive cultural mandates. Figures like Candace Owens, who rose to prominence in the 2010s via critiques of identity politics and Democratic loyalty, amplified these views through media platforms, arguing that party allegiance stifles accountability for community issues like fatherlessness and educational failure. Surveys of Gen Z and millennial black voters reveal increasing disillusionment with Democratic policies on inflation and crime, with 20-25% expressing conservative leanings on fiscal responsibility and traditional family structures. This trend persists despite mainstream media portrayals often marginalizing such voices as outliers, reflecting a broader rejection of monolithic racial voting blocs.

Causal Explanations for Disparities

Cultural and Behavioral Contributors

Single-parent households predominate among African American families, with 67% of youth residing in such arrangements as of recent analyses, a figure substantially higher than the national average and linked to elevated poverty risks, reduced academic performance, and increased involvement in antisocial behaviors. This structure correlates with poverty rates over three times higher for single-mother families compared to married-couple households, independent of race, as single earners face greater economic strain and children experience diminished parental investment in supervision and resources. Out-of-wedlock birth rates, reaching approximately 70% for African American children in data spanning the early 21st century, perpetuate this cycle, as nonmarital childbearing often results in unstable family formations that hinder long-term socioeconomic mobility. Cultural norms within segments of African American communities emphasize immediate gratification and interpersonal conflict resolution through violence, patterns traceable to the adoption of pre-Civil War southern "redneck" or "cracker" behaviors—such as an honor-based code prioritizing retaliation over restraint—by enslaved and free blacks in proximity to low-achieving white populations. Economist Thomas Sowell argues this cultural inheritance, rather than solely African origins or post-slavery oppression, accounts for persistent underperformance, evidenced by higher homicide rates in areas with strong southern cultural markers and the superior outcomes of African American subgroups less exposed to these influences, like those from northern migrations or West Indian immigrants. Empirical examinations of homicide data support partial validity of this thesis, showing correlations between regional cultural traits like impulsivity and violence that transcend racial lines but disproportionately affect African Americans due to historical diffusion. In education and labor markets, behavioral orientations including lower rates of deferred gratification, resistance to academic rigor perceived as "acting white," and preferences for leisure over sustained effort contribute to disparities, as evidenced by gaps in self-reported study habits and engagement metrics that persist after controlling for school quality. Studies on the "culture of poverty" reveal attitudinal differences among the persistently poor—such as fatalism toward work ethic or family stability—that align more closely with African American poverty persistence than with transient white poverty, though mainstream academic interpretations often downplay these in favor of structural attributions despite contradictory longitudinal data. These patterns suggest that voluntary behavioral adaptations, reinforced across generations, amplify environmental disadvantages, with interventions targeting cultural shifts—like promoting two-parent norms—yielding measurable improvements in subgroups adopting them.

Genetic and Biological Considerations

African Americans exhibit substantial genetic admixture, with genome-wide studies estimating an average ancestry composition of approximately 73% sub-Saharan African (predominantly from West and Central African populations such as Yoruba and Bantu), 24% European, and less than 1% Native American. This admixture reflects historical events including the transatlantic slave trade and subsequent intermixing, with regional variations; for instance, African Americans in the southeastern United States often show higher African ancestry proportions compared to those in northern states. The elevated genetic diversity within African-descended populations, stemming from humanity's origins in Africa, contributes to both resilience against certain pathogens and heightened susceptibility to others. Certain inherited conditions disproportionately affect African Americans due to alleles maintained by natural selection in ancestral malaria-endemic regions of Africa. Sickle cell disease, caused by a mutation in the HBB gene, occurs in about 1 in 500 African American births, with carrier rates (sickle cell trait) at 1 in 12-13; the trait confers partial resistance to malaria but homozygous forms lead to severe anemia and organ damage. Similarly, higher prevalence of glucose-6-phosphate dehydrogenase (G6PD) deficiency and certain hypertension-linked variants trace to these selective pressures. Prostate cancer incidence is elevated among African American men, with some evidence attributing part of the risk to genetic variants more common in African ancestry, independent of socioeconomic factors. Physiological differences include higher average serum testosterone levels in African American men compared to European American men, with studies reporting 19% higher total testosterone and 21% higher free testosterone in young black males, even after adjusting for age and body mass. These levels decline more sharply with age in black men but remain elevated in younger cohorts, potentially influencing muscle mass, aggression, and reproductive behaviors. In athletics, individuals of West African descent, predominant in African American ancestry, show overrepresentation in elite sprinting, linked to genetic factors such as a higher proportion of fast-twitch muscle fibers and variants in genes like ACTN3, which optimize explosive power but may disadvantage endurance events. Cognitive ability differences are observed, with meta-analyses consistently finding an average IQ gap of about 15 points between African Americans (around 85) and European Americans (around 100), persisting after controlling for socioeconomic status. IQ heritability estimates range from 50-80% within populations, and twin/adoption studies suggest a partial genetic basis for group differences, though environmental confounds complicate attribution; surveys of intelligence researchers indicate 50% or more believe genetics contribute substantially to the black-white gap. Admixture studies show correlations between higher European ancestry and elevated cognitive test scores in African Americans, supporting a heritable component, but causation remains debated amid critiques of racial categories as proxies for ancestry. These patterns align with broader polygenic score research, where African-ancestry populations score lower on intelligence-related GWAS predictors derived from European samples, though transferability across ancestries is limited.

Policy Interventions and Their Outcomes

The Great Society programs, initiated under President Lyndon B. Johnson in 1964, represented a major federal expansion of anti-poverty initiatives including Medicaid, food stamps, and Aid to Families with Dependent Children (AFDC), aimed at reducing economic disparities affecting African Americans. By 1968, the black poverty rate had declined from 55% in 1960 to 27%, coinciding with these early efforts and broader economic growth. However, subsequent trends showed stagnation, with black poverty remaining more than twice the white rate into the 21st century, at around 19-22% from 2000 to 2021 despite trillions in spending—over $22 trillion in constant dollars on anti-poverty programs since 1965. These programs correlated with declines in black family stability, as documented in the 1965 Moynihan Report, which highlighted a 25% out-of-wedlock birth rate among blacks and warned that welfare expansions could exacerbate father absence by creating financial disincentives for marriage. By the 2020s, over 70% of black children were born to unmarried mothers, with black labor force participation falling and unemployment rising post-1960s, contrasting with pre-intervention gains in black male earnings that had closed one-third of the income gap with whites from 1940 to 1970. Critics attribute this to welfare rules prioritizing single-mother households, leading to intergenerational poverty cycles, though proponents credit safety nets with lifting millions temporarily while acknowledging persistent structural issues. Affirmative action policies, formalized in the 1960s and expanded via executive orders and court rulings, sought to boost African American representation in education and employment through race-based preferences. Empirical studies show increased black enrollment in selective colleges—over 20% boosts in underrepresented minorities—but also evidence of mismatch, where beneficiaries underperform and face higher dropout rates (e.g., lower bar passage for black law students at elite schools) compared to attending less competitive institutions. Long-term outcomes include modest gains in college completion and earnings for some, but bans in states like California led to initial enrollment dips offset by race-neutral alternatives, with no clear closure of overall racial gaps. School desegregation efforts, enforced via busing after the 1954 Brown v. Board decision and 1971 Swann ruling, aimed to equalize educational opportunities. National analyses indicate reduced black dropout rates in the 1970s and some long-run earnings improvements for desegregated cohorts, yet recent studies, such as on Boston's METCO program, find no academic benefits for bused students and potential harms like increased suspensions without offsetting gains. Achievement gaps narrowed modestly in the 1970s-1980s but widened again, with persistent disparities in test scores and graduation rates despite integration. The 1996 welfare reform under President Bill Clinton, replacing AFDC with Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF) and adding work requirements, reduced black welfare caseloads by over 50% and boosted employment, marking a partial reversal of prior trends. Overall, while civil rights legislation dismantled legal barriers, yielding initial socioeconomic advances, subsequent interventions have yielded mixed results, with enduring gaps in poverty, family formation, and outcomes suggesting limits of redistributive approaches absent cultural or behavioral shifts.

References

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