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Great Plains
Great Plains
from Wikipedia

The Great Plains is a broad expanse of flatland in North America. The region stretches east of the Rocky Mountains, much of it covered in prairie, steppe, and grassland. They are the western part of the Interior Plains, which include the mixed grass prairie, the Tallgrass prairie between the Great Lakes and Appalachian Plateau, and the Taiga Plains and Boreal Plains ecozones in Northern Canada. "Great Plains", or Western Plains, is also the ecoregion of the Great Plains or the western portion of the Great Plains, some of which in the farthest west is known as the High Plains.

Key Information

The Great Plains lie across both the Central United States and Western Canada, encompassing:

Usage

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The Great Plains (United States) and the Canadian Prairies

The term "Great Plains" is used in the United States to describe a sub-section of the even more vast Interior Plains physiographic division, which covers much of the interior of North America. It also has currency as a region of human geography, referring to the Plains Indians or the Plains states.[citation needed]

In Canada the term is rarely used; Natural Resources Canada, the government department responsible for official mapping, treats the Interior Plains as one unit consisting of several related plateaus and plains. There is no region referred to as the "Great Plains" in the Atlas of Canada.[2] In terms of human geography, the term "prairie" is more commonly used in Canada, and the region is known as the Canadian Prairies, prairie provinces or simply "the prairies".[3]

The North American Environmental Atlas, produced by the Commission for Environmental Cooperation, a North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) agency composed of the geographical agencies of the Mexican, American, and Canadian governments, uses the "Great Plains" as an ecoregion synonymous with predominant prairies and grasslands rather than as physiographic region defined by topography.[4] The Great Plains ecoregion includes five sub-regions: Temperate Prairies, West-Central Semi-Arid Prairies, South-Central Semi-Arid Prairies, Texas Louisiana Coastal Plains, and Tamaulipas-Texas Semi-Arid Plain, which overlap or expand upon other Great Plains designations.[5]

Extent

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The Great Plains near a farming community in central Kansas

The region is about 500 mi (800 km) east to west and 2,000 mi (3,200 km) north to south. Much of the region was home to American bison herds until they were hunted to near extinction during the mid/late-19th century. It has an area of approximately 500,000 sq mi (1,300,000 km2). Current thinking regarding the geographic boundaries of the Great Plains is shown by this map at the Center for Great Plains Studies, University of Nebraska–Lincoln.[1] This definition, however, is primarily ecological, not physiographic. The Boreal Plains of Western Canada are physiographically the same, but differentiated by their tundra and forest (rather than grassland) appearance.

The term "Great Plains", for the region west of about the 96th meridian west and east of the Rocky Mountains, was not generally used before the early 20th century. Nevin Fenneman's 1916 study Physiographic Subdivision of the United States[6] brought the term Great Plains into more widespread usage. Before that the region was almost invariably called the High Plains, in contrast to the lower elevation Prairie Plains of the Midwestern states.[7] Today the term "High Plains" is used for a subregion of the Great Plains.[8] The term still remains little-used in Canada compared to the more common "prairie".

Geography

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Farmland in Sioux and Lyon Counties, Iowa (2013)
Dust cloud moving across the Llano Estacado near Ransom Canyon, Texas

The Great Plains are the westernmost portion of the vast North American Interior Plains, which extend east to the Appalachian Plateau. The United States Geological Survey divides the Great Plains in the United States into ten physiographic subdivisions:

Further to this can be added Canadian physiographic sub-regions such as the Alberta Plain, Cypress Hills, Manitoba Escarpment (eastward), Manitoba Plain, Missouri Coteau (shared), Rocky Mountain Foothills (eastward), and Saskatchewan Plain.[9]

The Great Plains consist of a broad stretch of country underlain by nearly horizontal strata extending westward from the 97th meridian west to the base of the Rocky Mountains, a distance of 300 to 500 mi (480 to 800 km). It extends northward from the Mexican boundary far into Canada. Although the altitude of the plains increases gradually from 600 ft (180 m) or 1,200 ft (370 m) on the east to 4,000–5,000 ft (1,200–1,500 m) or 6,000 ft (1,800 m) near the mountains, the local relief is generally small. The semi-arid climate excludes tree growth and opens far-reaching views.[10]

The plains are by no means a simple unit. They are of diverse structure and of various stages of erosional development. They are occasionally interrupted by buttes and escarpments. They are frequently broken by valleys. Yet on the whole, a broadly extended surface of moderate relief so often prevails that the name, Great Plains, for the region as a whole is well-deserved.[10]

The western boundary of the plains is usually well-defined by the abrupt ascent of the mountains. The eastern boundary of the plains (in the United States) is more climatic than topographic. The line of 20 in (510 mm) of annual rainfall trends a little east of northward near the 97th meridian. If a boundary must be drawn where nature presents only a gradual transition, this rainfall line may be taken to divide the drier plains from the moister prairies.[10] However, in Canada the eastern boundary of the plains is well defined by the presence of the Canadian Shield to the northeast.

The plains (within the United States) may be described in northern, intermediate, central and southern sections, in relation to certain peculiar features.[10] In Canada, no such division is used: the climatic and vegetation regions are more impactful on human settlement than mere topography, and therefore the region is split into (from north to south), the taiga plains, boreal plains, aspen parkland, and prairie ecoregion regions.

Northern Great Plains

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Herd of plains bison of various ages resting in Elk Island Park, Alberta
The Great Plains as seen in Minnesota's upland prairie at Glacial Lakes State Park

The northern section of the Great Plains, north of latitude 44°, includes eastern Montana, eastern Wyoming, most of North Dakota and South Dakota, southwestern Minnesota and portions of the Canadian provinces including southeastern Alberta, southern Saskatchewan and southwestern Manitoba. The strata here are Cretaceous or early Tertiary, lying nearly horizontal. The surface is shown to be a plain of degradation by a gradual ascent here and there to the crest of a ragged escarpment, the escarpment-remnant of a resistant stratum. There are also the occasional lava-capped mesas and dike formed ridges, surmounting the general level by 500 ft (150 m) or more and manifestly demonstrating the widespread erosion of the surrounding plains. All these reliefs are more plentiful towards the mountains in central Montana. The peneplain is no longer in the cycle of erosion that witnessed its production. It appears to have suffered a regional uplift or increase in elevation, for the upper Missouri River and its branches no longer flow on the surface of the plain, but in well graded, maturely opened valleys, several hundred feet below the general level. A significant exception to the rule of mature valleys occurs, however, in the case of the Missouri, the largest river, which is broken by several falls on hard sandstones about 50 mi (80 km) east of the mountains. This peculiar feature is explained as the result of displacement of the river from a better graded preglacial valley by the Pleistocene ice sheet. Here, the ice sheet overspread the plains from the moderately elevated Canadian highlands far on the north-east, instead of from the much higher mountains nearby on the west. The present altitude of the plains near the mountain base is 4,000 ft (1,200 m).[10]

The northern plains are interrupted by several small mountain areas. The Black Hills, chiefly in western South Dakota, are the largest group. They rise like a large island from the sea, occupying an oval area of about 100 mi (160 km) north-south by 50 mi (80 km) east-west. At Black Elk Peak, they reach an altitude of 7,216 ft (2,199 m) and have an effective relief over the plains of 2,000 or 3,000 ft (610 or 910 m) This mountain mass is of flat-arched, dome-like structure, now well dissected by radiating consequent streams. The weaker uppermost strata have been eroded down to the level of the plains where their upturned edges are evenly truncated. The next following harder strata have been sufficiently eroded to disclose the core of underlying igneous and metamorphic crystalline rocks in about half of the domed area.[10]

Intermediate Great Plains

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In the intermediate section of the plains, between latitudes 44° and 42°, including southern South Dakota and northern Nebraska, the erosion of certain large districts is peculiarly elaborate. Known as the Badlands, it is a minutely dissected form with a relief of a few hundred feet. This is due to several causes:

  • the dry climate, which prevents the growth of a grassy turf
  • the fine texture of the Tertiary strata in the badland districts
  • every little rill, at times of rain, carves its own little valley.[10]

Central Great Plains

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The High Plains of Kansas, in the Smoky Hills near Nicodemus

The central section of the Great Plains, between latitudes 42° and 36°, occupying eastern Colorado and western Kansas, is mostly a dissected fluviatile plain. That is, this section was once smoothly covered with a gently sloping plain of gravel and sand that had been spread far forward on a broad denuded area as a piedmont deposit by the rivers which issued from the mountains. Since then, it has been more or less dissected by the erosion of valleys. The central section of the plains thus presents a marked contrast to the northern section.

While the northern section owes its smoothness to the removal of local gravels and sands from a formerly uneven surface by the action of degrading rivers and their inflowing tributaries, the southern section owes its smoothness to the deposition of imported gravels and sands upon a previously uneven surface by the action of aggrading rivers and their outgoing distributaries. The two sections are also alike in that residual eminences still here and there surmount the peneplain of the northern section, while the fluviatile plain of the central section completely buried the pre-existent relief. An exception to this statement must be made for the southwest, close to the mountains in southern Colorado, where some lava-capped mesas (Mesa de Maya, Raton Mesa) stand several thousand feet above the general plain level, and thus testify to the widespread erosion of this region before it was aggraded.[10]

Southern Great Plains

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Short-grass prairie near the front range of the Rockies in Colorado
View of Lake Lawtonka and wind turbines from Mount Scott, Oklahoma

The southern section of the Great Plains, between latitudes 35.5° and 25.5°, lies in western Texas, eastern New Mexico, and western Oklahoma. Like the central section, it is for the most part a dissected fluviatile plain. However, the lower lands which surround it on all sides place it in such strong relief that it stands up as a table-land, known from the time of Mexican occupation as the Llano Estacado. It measures roughly 150 mi (240 km) east-west and 400 mi (640 km) north-south. It is of very irregular outline, narrowing to the south. Its altitude is 5,500 ft (1,700 m) at the highest western point, nearest the mountains whence its gravels were supplied. From there, it slopes southeastward at a decreasing rate, first about 12 ft (3.7 m), then about 7 ft/mi (1.3 m/km), to its eastern and southern borders, where it is 2,000 ft (610 m) in altitude. Like the High Plains farther north, it is extraordinarily smooth.[10]

It is very dry, except for occasional shallow and temporary water sheets after rains. Llano is separated from the plains on the north by the mature consequent valley of the Canadian River, and from the mountains on the west by the broad and probably mature valley of the Pecos River. On the east, it is strongly undercut by the retrogressive erosion of the headwaters of the Red, Brazos, and Colorado rivers of Texas and presents a ragged escarpment approximately 500 to 800 ft (150 to 240 m) high, overlooking the central denuded area of that state. There, between the Brazos and Colorado rivers, occurs a series of isolated outliers capped by limestone that underlies both the Llano Uplift on the west and the Grand Prairies escarpment on the east. The southern and narrow part of the table-land, called the Edwards Plateau, is more dissected than the rest, and falls off to the south in a frayed-out fault scarp. This scarp overlooks the coastal plain of the Rio Grande embayment. The central denuded area, east of the Llano, resembles the east-central section of the plains in exposing older rocks. Between these two similar areas, in the space limited by the Canadian and Red Rivers, rise the subdued forms of the Wichita Mountains in Oklahoma, the westernmost member of the Ouachita system.[10]

Other terminology

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The term "Western Plains" is used to describe the ecoregion of the Great Plains,[11] [12] or alternatively the western portion of the Great Plains.[13]

Natural history

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Climate

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In general, the Great Plains have a wide range of weather, with very cold and harsh winters and very hot and humid summers. Wind speeds are often very high, especially in winter.

The 100th meridian roughly corresponds with the line that divides the Great Plains into an area that receives 20 in (510 mm) or more of rainfall per year and an area that receives less than 20 in (510 mm). In this context, the High Plains, as well as Southern Alberta, south-western Saskatchewan and Eastern Montana are mainly semi arid steppe land and are generally characterised by rangeland or marginal farmland. The region (especially the High Plains) is periodically subjected to extended periods of drought; high winds in the region may then generate devastating dust storms. The eastern Great Plains near the eastern boundary falls in the humid subtropical climate zone in the southern areas, and the northern and central areas fall in the humid continental climate.

Many thunderstorms occur in the plains in the spring through summer. The southeastern portion of the Great Plains is the most tornado active area in the world and is sometimes referred to as Tornado Alley.

Flora

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The Great Plains are part of the floristic North American Prairies province, which extends from the Rocky Mountains to the Appalachians.[14]

Fauna

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Mammals

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Although the American bison (Bison bison) historically ranged throughout much of North America (from New York to Oregon and Canada to northern Mexico), they are strongly associated with the Great Plains where they once roamed in immense herds. Pronghorn (Antilocapra americana) range into western areas of the region. The black-tailed prairie dog (Cynomys ludovicianus) is another iconic species among several rodents that are linked to the region including the thirteen-lined ground squirrel (Ictidomys tridecemlineatus), spotted ground squirrel (Xerospermophilus spilosoma), Franklin's ground squirrel (Poliocitellus franklinii), plains pocket gopher (Geomys bursarius), hispid pocket mouse (Chaetodipus hispidus), olive-backed pocket mouse (Perognathus fasciatus), plains pocket mouse (Perognathus flavescens), and plains harvest mouse (Reithrodontomys montanus), Two carnivores associated with the Great Plains include the swift fox (Vulpes velox) and the endangered black-footed ferret (Mustela nigripes).[15]

Birds

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The lesser prairie-chicken (Tympanuchus pallidicinctus) is endemic to the Great Plains and the distribution of the greater prairie-chicken (Tympanuchus cupido) predominantly occurs in the region, although the latter historically ranged further eastward. The Harris's sparrow (Zonotrichia querula) spends winter months in southern areas of the region. Other species migrate from the south in the spring and spend their breeding season on the plains, including the white-faced ibis (Plegadis chihi), mountain plover (Charadrius montanus), marbled godwit (Limosa fedoa), Sprague's pipit (Anthus spragueii), Cassin's sparrow (Peucaea cassinii), Baird's sparrow (Centronyx bairdii), lark bunting (Calamospiza melanocorys), chestnut-collared longspur (Calcarius ornatus), thick-billed longspur or McCown's longspur (Rhynchophanes mccownii), and dickcissel (Spiza americana).[16]

Reptiles

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The prairie rattlesnake (Crotalus viridis) ranges throughout much of the Great Plains and into the valleys and lower elevations of the eastern Rocky Mountains and portions of the American southwest. Other snakes include the plains hog-nosed snake (Heterodon nasicus), western milksnake (Lampropeltis gentilis), Great Plains ratsnake (Pantherophis emoryi), bullsnake (Pituophis catenifer sayi), plains black-headed snake (Tantilla nigriceps), plains gartersnake (Thamnophis radix), and lined snake (Tropidoclonion lineatum). Reptile diversity increases significantly in southern regions of the Great Plains. The ornate box turtle (Terrapene ornata) and Great Plains skink (Plestiodon obsoletus) occur in southern areas.[17]

Amphibians

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Although few salamanders are strongly associated with the region, the western tiger salamander (Ambystoma mavortium) ranges through much of the Great Plains and the Rocky Mountains, as does the Rocky Mountain toad (Anaxyrus w. woodhousi). Other anurans related to region include the Great Plains toad (Anaxyrus cognatus), plains leopard frog (Lithobates blairi), and plains spadefoot toad (Spea bombifrons).[17][18]

Fish

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Some species predominantly associated with various river basins in the Great Plains include sturgeon chub (Macrhybopsis gelida), peppered chub (Macrhybopsis tetranema), prairie chub (Macrhybopsis australis), western silvery minnow (Hybognathus argyritis), plains minnow (Hybognathus placitus), smalleye shiner (Notropis buccula), Arkansas River shiner (Notropis girardi), Red River shiner (Notropis bairdi), Topeka shiner (Notropis topeka), plains topminnow (Fundulus sciadicus), plains killifish (Fundulus zebrinus), Red River pupfish (Cyprinodon rubrofluviatilis), and Arkansas darter (Etheostoma cragini).[19][20]

Invertebrates

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The Great Plains also has many invertebrate species living here both alive and extinct such as the American burying beetle (Nicrophorus americus), Salt Creek tiger beetle (Cinidela nevadica lincolniana), Great Plains giant tiger beetle (Amblycheila chylindriformis), Microstylum morosum,[21] bean leaf beetle (Cerotoma trifurcata), Great Plains camel cricket (Daihinia brevipes),[22] and the Great Plains spittlebug (Lepyronia gibbosa).[23][24] Some species in the Great Plains have gone extinct like the Rocky Mountain locust (Melanoplus spretus).[25]

Paleontology

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Excavation of a fossil Daemonelix burrow at Agate Fossil Beds National Monument.

During the Cretaceous Period (145–66 million years ago), the Great Plains were covered by a shallow inland sea called the Western Interior Seaway. However, during the Late Cretaceous to the Paleocene (65–55 million years ago), the seaway had begun to recede, leaving behind thick marine deposits and a relatively flat terrain which the seaway had once occupied.[26]

During the Cenozoic era, specifically about 25 million years ago during the Miocene and Pliocene epochs, the continental climate became favorable to the evolution of grasslands. Existing forest biomes declined and grasslands became much more widespread. The grasslands provided a new niche for mammals, including many ungulates and glires, that switched from browsing diets to grazing diets. Traditionally, the spread of grasslands and the development of grazers have been strongly linked. However, an examination of mammalian teeth suggests that it is the open, gritty habitat and not the grass itself which is linked to diet changes in mammals, giving rise to the "grit, not grass" hypothesis.[27]

Paleontological finds in the area have yielded bones of mammoths, saber-toothed cats and other ancient animals,[28] as well as dozens of other megafauna (large animals over 100 lb [45 kg]) – such as giant sloths, horses, mastodons, and American lion – that dominated the area of the ancient Great Plains for thousands to millions of years. The vast majority of these animals became extinct in North America at the end of the Pleistocene (around 13,000 years ago).[29]

A number of significant fossil sites are located in the Great Plains including Agate Fossil Beds National Monument (Nebraska), Ashfall Fossil Beds (Nebraska), Clayton Lake State Park (New Mexico), Dinosaur Valley State Park (Texas), Hudson-Meng Bison Kill (Nebraska), Makoshika State Park (Montana), and The Mammoth Site (South Dakota).

Public and protected lands

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Scotts Bluff National Monument, Nebraska

Public and protected lands in the Great Plains include National Parks and National Monuments, administers by the National Park Service with the responsibility of preserving ecological and historical places and making them available to the public.[30] The U.S. Fish & Wildlife Service manages the National Wildlife Refuges, with the primary responsibility of conserving and protecting fish, wildlife, plants, and habitat in the public trust.[31] Both are agencies of the Department of the Interior.

In contrast, U.S. Forest Service, an agency of the U. S. Department of Agriculture, administers the National Forests and National Grasslands, under a multiple-use concept. By law, the U.S. Forest Service must consider all resources, with no single resource emphasized to the detriment of others, including water, soil, grazing, timber harvesting, and minerals (mining and drilling), as well as recreation and conservation of fish and wildlife.[32] Each individual state also administers state lands, typically smaller areas, for various purposes including conservation and recreation.

Grasslands are among the least protected biomes.[33] Humans have converted much of the prairies for agricultural purposes or to create pastures. Several of the protected lands in the region are centered around aberrant and uncharacteristic features of the region, such as mountains, outcrops, and canyons (e.g. Devil's Tower National Monument, Wind Cave National Park, Scotts Bluff National Monument), and as splendid and worthy as they are, they are not primarily focused on conserving the plains and prairies.

United States:

Canada:

Ecological changes

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the Great Plains biome is found to be at the brink of collapse due to woody plant encroachment, with 62% of Northern American grassland lost to date.[34][35]

History to 1850

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Original American contact

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Buffalo hunt under the wolf-skin mask, George Catlin, 1832–33.

The first Peoples (Paleo-Indians) arrived on the Great Plains thousands of years ago.[36][37] The introduction of corn around 800 CE allowed the development of the mound-building Mississippian culture along rivers that crossed the Great Plains and that included trade networks west to the Rocky Mountains.[38][39] Mississippians settled the Great Plains at sites now in Oklahoma and South Dakota.

Siouan language speakers may have originated in the lower Mississippi River region. They were agriculturalists and may have been part of the Mound Builder civilization during the 9th–12th centuries.

Pressure from other Indian tribes, themselves driven west and south by the encroachment of European settlers as well as economic incentives such as the fur trade, alongside the arrival of the horse and firearms from Europe pushed multiple tribes onto the Great Plains.[40][41]

Among those to have lived on the Great Plains were the Blackfoot, Crow, Sioux, Cheyenne, Arapaho, Comanche, and others. Eastern portions of the Great Plains were inhabited by tribes who lived at Etzanoa and in semi-permanent villages of earth lodges, such as the Arikara, Mandan, Pawnee, and Wichita.[citation needed]

Wars with the Ojibwe and Cree peoples pushed the Lakota (Teton Sioux) west onto the Great Plains in the mid- to late-17th century.[42] The Shoshone originated in the western Great Basin and spread north and east into present-day Idaho and Wyoming. By 1500, some Eastern Shoshone had crossed the Rocky Mountains into the Great Plains. After 1750, warfare and pressure from the Blackfoot, Crow, Lakota, Cheyenne, and Arapaho pushed Eastern Shoshone south and westward. Some of them moved as far south as Texas, emerging as the Comanche by 1700.[43]

Arrival of horses

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Indian family alarmed at the approach of a prairie fire, George Catlin, c. 1846

The first known contact between Europeans and Indians in the Great Plains occurred in what is now Texas, Kansas, and Nebraska from 1540 to 1542 with the arrival of Francisco Vázquez de Coronado, a Spanish conquistador. In that same period, Hernando de Soto crossed a west-northwest direction in what is now Oklahoma and Texas which is now known as the De Soto Trail. The Spanish thought that the Great Plains were the location of the mythological Quivira and Cíbola, a place said to be rich in gold.[44]

People in the southwest began to acquire horses in the 16th century by trading or stealing them from Spanish colonists in New Mexico. As horse culture moved northward, the Comanche were among the first to commit to a fully mounted nomadic lifestyle. This occurred by the 1730s, when they had acquired enough horses to put all their people on horseback.[45]

The real beginning of the horse culture of the plains began with the Pueblo Revolt of 1680 in New Mexico and the capture of thousands of horses and other livestock. In 1683 a Spanish expedition into Texas found horses among Native people. In 1690, a few horses were found by the Spanish among the Indians living at the mouth of the Colorado River of Texas and the Caddo of eastern Texas had a sizeable number.[46][47]

The French explorer Claude Charles Du Tisne found 300 horses among the Wichita on the Verdigris River in 1719, but they were still not plentiful. Another Frenchman, Bourgmont, could only buy seven at a high price from the Kaw in 1724, indicating that horses were still scarce among tribes in Kansas. By 1770, that Plains Indians culture was mature, consisting of mounted buffalo-hunting nomads from Saskatchewan and Alberta southward nearly to the Rio Grande.

This painting by Alfred Jacob Miller is a portrayal of Plains Indians chasing buffalo over a small cliff.[48] The Walters Art Museum.

The milder winters of the southern Plains favored a pastoral economy by the Indians.[49] On the northeastern Plains of Canada, the Indians were less favored, with families owning fewer horses, remaining more dependent upon dogs for transporting goods, and hunting bison on foot. The scarcity of horses in the north encouraged raiding and warfare in competition for the relatively small number of horses that survived the severe winters.[50]

Comanche power peaked in the 1840s when they conducted large-scale raids hundreds of miles into Mexico proper, while also warring against the Anglo-Americans and Tejanos who had settled in independent Texas.

Fur trade

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The fur trade brought thousands of colonial settlers into the Great Plains over the next 100 years. Fur trappers made their way across much of the region, making regular contacts with Indians.

The Hudson's Bay Company (HBC) had first been granted in 1670 a commercial monopoly over the huge Hudson Bay drainage area known as Rupert's Land covering a northern portion of the Great Plains. The North West Company fur trade incumbent had also been present in the area until acquired by the HBC during the early 1820s.

The United States acquired the Louisiana Purchase in 1803 and conducted the Lewis and Clark Expedition in 1804–1806, and more information became available concerning the Plains, and various pioneers entered the areas. Fur trading posts were often the basis of later settlements. Through the 19th century, more settlers migrated to the Great Plains as part of a vast westward expansion of population, and new settlements became dotted across the Great Plains.[citation needed]

The settlers also brought diseases against which the Indians had no resistance. Between a half and two-thirds of the Plains Indians are thought to have died of smallpox by the time of the Louisiana Purchase.[51] The 1837 Great Plains smallpox epidemic spread across the Great Plains, killing many thousands between 1837 and 1840. In the end, it is estimated that two-thirds of the Blackfoot population died, along with half of the Assiniboines and Arikaras, a third of the Crows, and a quarter of the Pawnees.[52]

Great Plains in North Dakota c. 2007, where communities began settling in the 1870s.[53]

European settlement

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Beginning in 1821, the Santa Fe Trail ran from the Missouri River to New Mexico, skirting north of Comancheria. Beginning in the 1830s, the Oregon Trail led from the Missouri River across the Great Plains.

Much of the Great Plains became open range where cattle roamed free, hosting ranching operations where anyone was free to run cattle. In the spring and fall, ranchers held roundups where their cowboys branded new calves, treated animals, and sorted the cattle for sale. Such ranching began in Texas and gradually moved northward. Between 1866 and 1895, cowboys herded 10 million cattle north to rail heads such as Dodge City, Kansas[54] and Ogallala, Nebraska; from there, cattle were shipped east.[55]

Passage of the Kansas-Nebraska Act in 1854 opened both territories to White settlement. The Homestead Acts of 1862 further encouraged settlement and agricultural development in the Great Plains; the population of Nebraska, for instance, increased from under 30,000 in 1860 to over one million in 1890.[56] A homesteader was permitted to claim up to 160 acres (65 ha) of land for only a small filing fee, provided that he or she lived on the land for a period of five years and cultivated it. The provisions were expanded under the Kinkaid Act of 1904 to include a homestead of an entire section. Hundreds of thousands of people claimed such homesteads, sometimes building houses out of the very turf of the land. Many of them were not skilled farmers, and failures were frequent. The Canadian Dominion Lands Act of 1871 served a similar function for establishing homesteads on the prairies in Canada.[57]

Railroads

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After 1870, the new railroads across the Plains brought hunters who killed off almost all the bison for their hides. The railroads offered attractive packages of land and transportation to American farmers, who rushed to settle the land. They also took advantage of the homestead laws to obtain farms. Land speculators and local boosters identified many potential towns, and those reached by the railroad had a chance, while the others became ghost towns. Towns flourished if they were favored by proximity to the railroad.[58]

The population of Minnesota, Dakota, Nebraska, and Kansas experienced significant growth during the 1870s. The total population in these states grew from 1.0 million in 1870 to 2.4 million in 1880, more than doubling in just 10 years. The number of farms in the region tripled, increasing from 99,000 in 1870 to 302,000 in 1880. The improved acreage (land under cultivation) quintupled, rising from 5.0 million acres to 24.6 million acres during the same period. the new settlers mostly purchased land on generous terms from transcontinental railroads that were given land grants by Washington. They focused on wheat and cattle. This rapid population influx and agricultural expansion was a hallmark of the settlement and development of the Great Plains in the late 19th century, as the region attracted waves of new settlers from Germany, Scandinavia, and Russia, as well as farmers who sold land in older states to move to larger farms.[59][60]

First American settlements

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Fort William, the first Fort Laramie, as it looked prior to 1840. Painting from memory by Alfred Jacob Miller

The first White settlements in the Great Plains were forts, particularly along the Santa Fe Trail, and trading posts. Some of the first built were:

Social life

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Grange in session, 1873

The railroads opened up the Great Plains for settlement, making it possible to ship wheat and other crops at low cost to the urban markets in the East and overseas. Homestead land was free for American settlers. Railroads sold their land at cheap rates to immigrants in the expectation that they would generate traffic as soon as farms were established. Immigrants poured in, especially from Germany and Scandinavia. On the plains, very few single men attempted to operate a farm or ranch by themselves; they understood the need for a hard-working wife and numerous children to handle the many responsibilities.[61] During the early years of settlement, farm women played an integral role in assuring family survival by working outdoors. After approximately one generation, women increasingly left the fields, thus redefining their roles within the family. New technology encouraged women to turn to domestic roles, including sewing and washing machines. Media and government extension agents promoted the "scientific housekeeping" movement, along with county fairs which featured achievements in home cookery and canning, advice columns for women regarding farm book keeping, and home economics courses in the schools.[62]

The eastern image of farm life in the prairies emphasized the isolation of the lonely farmer and wife, yet plains residents created busy social lives for themselves. They often sponsored activities which combined work, food, and entertainment, such as barn raisings, corn huskings, quilting bees,[63] Grange meetings, church activities and school functions. Women organized shared meals and potluck events, as well as extended visits among families.[64]

20th century

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Progressive Era

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The Progressive movement was a reform movement that took place in all parts of the country during the late 19th and early 20th centuries. The movement sought to address social, political, and economic problems that had arisen as a result of the Industrial Revolution. Progressives believed that the government could play a role in solving these problems by regulating businesses, protecting workers, and providing social welfare programs.[65][66]

The Plains states were a hotbed of Progressive activity. Many of the reforms that were enacted at the national level were first implemented in the Plains states.[67] For example, the initiative and referendum process, which allows voters to directly enact laws, was first adopted in South Dakota in 1898. The direct primary, which allows voters to choose their party's candidates in primary elections, was first adopted in Wisconsin in 1903.[68][69]

Progressive reformers in the Great Plains focused on high priority issues, especially:[70][71]

  • Regulation of railroads and public utilities
  • Prohibition[72]
  • Employer liability and workers' compensation
  • Protections for consumers
  • State-owned enterprises
  • Woman suffrage

Progressives in the Great Plains were more likely to support direct democracy, woman suffrage, and Prohibition than their counterparts elsewhere. They were also more likely to favor state-owned enterprises, especially those devoted to economic development. Plains progressivism was more radical than progressivism in eastern states, with a greater focus on direct democracy, woman suffrage, and Prohibition. Plains progressives were more isolationist regarding foreign policy, largely in response to the large German and Scandinavian elements. Socialists were more active than elsewhere, Progressive reforms had a significant long-term impact on the region. They helped to improve the lives of workers, farmers, and consumers. They also helped to make the Plains states more democratic and responsive to the needs of their citizens.[73]

Dust Bowl and water resources

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Withdrawal rates from the Ogallala Aquifer

The region roughly centered on the Oklahoma Panhandle was known as the Dust Bowl during the late 1920s and early 1930s, including southeastern Colorado, southwestern Kansas, the Texas Panhandle, and extreme northeastern New Mexico. The effects of an extended drought, inappropriate cultivation, and financial crises of the Great Depression forced many farmers off the land throughout the Great Plains.[citation needed]

From the 1950s on, many areas of the Great Plains have become productive crop-growing areas because of extensive irrigation on large land-holdings. The United States is a major exporter of agricultural products. The southern portion of the Great Plains lies over the Ogallala Aquifer, a huge underground layer of water-bearing strata. Center pivot irrigation is used extensively in drier sections of the Great Plains, resulting in aquifer depletion at a rate that is greater than the ground's ability to recharge.[74]

Population decline

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The rural Plains have lost a third of their population since 1920. Several hundred thousand square miles of the Great Plains have fewer than 6 inhabitants per square mile (2.3/km2), the density standard that Frederick Jackson Turner used to declare the American frontier "closed" in 1893. Many have fewer than 2 inhabitants per square mile (0.77/km2). According to Kansas historian Daniel Fitzgerald, there are more than 6,000 ghost towns in Kansas alone. This problem is often exacerbated by the consolidation of farms and the difficulty of attracting modern industry to the region. In addition, the smaller school-age population has forced the consolidation of school districts and the closure of high schools in some communities. The continuing population loss has led some to suggest that the current use of the drier parts of the Great Plains is not sustainable,[75] and there has been a proposal to return approximately 139,000 sq mi (360,000 km2) of these drier parts to native prairie land as a Buffalo Commons.

Wind farm in the plains of West Texas

Wind power

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The Great Plains contributes substantially to wind power in the United States. T. Boone Pickens developed wind farms after a career as a petroleum executive, and he called for the U.S. to invest $1 trillion to build an additional 200,000 MW of wind power in the Plains as part of his Pickens Plan. He cited Sweetwater, Texas, as an example of economic revitalization driven by wind power development.[76][77][78]

See also

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International steppe-lands

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References

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Further reading

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
The Great Plains form a vast, high-elevation plateau of flat to gently undulating terrain in central , bounded on the west by the and extending eastward approximately to the , with its northern limits in the Canadian provinces of , , and and southern reaches into northern . The region encompasses roughly 1.3 million square kilometers across parts of ten U.S. states including , , , , , , , , , and . Characterized by shortgrass, mixed-grass, and tallgrass , the Great Plains historically supported immense herds of and diverse adapted to a semi-arid featuring cold winters, hot summers, low averaging under 20 inches annually in many areas, and persistent strong winds. Since European settlement in the , much of the native grassland has been converted to cropland and rangeland, making the area a cornerstone of North American agriculture that produces over 60% of U.S. alongside significant corn, , and outputs, while also yielding substantial oil and resources. This transformation has enabled economic productivity but contributed to environmental challenges such as soil degradation and aquifer depletion, underscoring the Plains' role in ongoing debates over sustainable .

Definition and Extent

Terminology and Boundaries

The Great Plains form the western segment of North America's , distinguished by broad expanses of flat to undulating terrain primarily covered in grasslands, with limited tree cover due to semiarid conditions receiving less than 24 inches of annual in most areas, often under 16 inches. Elevations generally rise gradually from east to west, spanning 2,000 to 6,000 feet above , shaped by fluvial , deposition, and minimal glaciation compared to eastern lowlands. The term "Great Plains" originated in the early to denote this region's role as an expansive frontier, first documented in accounts following the of 1804–1806, which highlighted its vast, open prairies as a barrier to westward expansion. Western boundaries align with the eastern front of the , where abrupt topographic rises mark the transition from plains to alpine terrain. Eastern limits follow the interface with the Central Lowland, defined by escarpments such as the Missouri Escarpment in northern states like and , and the in and , beyond which rainfall increases and forested lowlands predominate. Southern extents terminate at the Balcones fault zone in , separating the plains from the more humid , while the northern boundary extends indefinitely into , incorporating grassland extensions in , , and without discrete physiographic breaks. Overall, the region encompasses roughly 2.3 million square kilometers across parts of at least 10 U.S. states—primarily , , , , , , , , , and —and adjacent Canadian provinces. Variations in definitions arise from ecological versus strict physiographic criteria, with some delineations incorporating marginal forested-savanna zones in the northeast based on 19th-century surveys.

Regional Divisions

The Great Plains are subdivided into physiographic and ecological regions that reflect variations in topography, precipitation gradients, and historical geological processes. Physiographically, the region encompasses the Missouri Plateau in the north, the High Plains across the west and south, and the as a distinct uplift. The Missouri Plateau, spanning parts of , , and , consists of rolling uplands and badlands with elevations typically between 2,000 and 4,000 feet (610–1,220 m), shaped by Pleistocene glaciation in its eastern sections and fluvial erosion elsewhere. The High Plains form an extensive, relatively flat tableland in the southwestern and central portions, covering eastern Colorado, western , western , and extending into , , , and , with average elevations of 3,000–4,000 feet (910–1,220 m) due to thick accumulations of Tertiary gravels and sands from ancestral rivers draining the Rockies. The , an isolated dome-shaped uplift in western and northeastern , rises abruptly to over 7,000 feet (2,130 m) at Harney Peak, composed of granites and surrounded by sedimentary rims, creating a localized mountainous interruption in the otherwise low-relief plains. Ecologically, the Great Plains are delineated into three primary prairie subregions aligned east-to-west along a decreasing gradient from over 30 inches (760 mm) annually in the east to under 15 inches (380 mm) in the west, influencing dominant grass species and dynamics. The occupies the eastern, moister fringe in portions of eastern , , , and , featuring deep soils and tall perennial grasses such as big bluestem (Andropogon gerardii) reaching 6–8 feet (1.8–2.4 m) in height, which historically supported dense herds and frequent fires. The mixed-grass prairie transitions centrally across the Dakotas, , eastern , and eastern Colorado, blending mid-height grasses like western wheatgrass (Pascopyrum smithii) and June grass (Koeleria macrantha) with sparser cover, adapted to 20–25 inches (510–640 mm) of rainfall and periodic droughts. The dominates the arid western expanse in western , eastern Colorado, , , and the , characterized by drought-tolerant species such as buffalo grass () and blue grama () forming bunchgrasses under 2 feet (0.6 m) tall, with alkaline soils and reliance on subsurface moisture. In Canada, the Great Plains extend northward into the Prairie Provinces of , , and , mirroring U.S. subregions with predominant mixed- and shortgrass prairies in the drier interior, though less extensively mapped physiographically due to overlapping boreal influences. These divisions overlap with state boundaries across 10 U.S. states—, , , , , , , , , and —facilitating regional management for , conservation, and , as seen in U.S. Forest Service assessments covering these states for forest health monitoring.

Physical Geography

Topography and Geology

The Great Plains comprise a vast interior lowland of , characterized by relatively flat to gently rolling that slopes imperceptibly eastward from the foothills of the . Elevations typically rise from around 600 meters (2,000 feet) in the eastern sections near the to over 1,800 meters (6,000 feet) along the western margin adjacent to the Rockies. This subtle gradient, combined with sparse vegetation and strong winds, facilitates the region's aridity and distinctive landforms, including broad fluvial valleys, occasional cuestas, and localized formed by differential of layered sediments. Geologically, the plains rest upon a thick of nearly horizontal sedimentary rocks spanning to ages, with the bulk consisting of deposits from the Cretaceous , a shallow epicontinental that inundated the from about 100 to 66 million years ago. These strata, thickening westward from a few hundred meters to over 2,000 meters, include marine shales, chalks, and sandstones overlain by continental Tertiary sands and gravels. The seaway's retreat by the coincided with initial tectonic activity, depositing prograding clastic along its margins. The contemporary landscape emerged primarily through erosion following the (circa 80–35 million years ago), when far-field compression from the of the Farallon plate uplifted the and reversed regional drainage eastward, accelerating fluvial incision and pedimentation across the proto-plains. In the High Plains subsection, spanning parts of eight states from to , a resistant cap of the Ogallala Formation—Miocene-Pliocene alluvial fans and fluvial deposits up to 150 meters thick, sourced from the uplifting Rockies—preserves an elevated erosion surface, creating the and other intact tablelands demarcated by escarpments like the , which drops 300–600 meters to the Rolling Plains below. Northern extensions feature loess sheets and eolian sands mantling the Ogallala, with minimal direct glaciation but peripheral influences from the Laurentide Ice Sheet enhancing dissection in marginal zones.

Climate Patterns

The Great Plains display a marked by pronounced seasonal and diurnal temperature variations, with average annual temperatures ranging from less than 40°F in the northern mountainous fringes of and to around 70°F in southern . Summers are hot, with maximum temperatures frequently exceeding 100°F in the southern Plains for an average of seven days per year and 95°F in the northern Plains, while winters bring cold snaps dipping below 0°F in the north. Daily temperature swings average about 30°F in across the region, reflecting the flat terrain's limited moderation of solar heating and . Precipitation exhibits a sharp east-west gradient, decreasing from over 50 inches annually in eastern and to under 15 inches in western areas like , , and western , with much of the rainfall occurring as intense summer thunderstorms driven by moist colliding with drier continental flows. In the northern Plains, winter and spring precipitation has shown increases in heavy events, while summer rains dominate centrally. Annual snowfall varies from less than 1 inch in the south to over 40 inches in the north, contributing to recharge but also flood risks upon melting. High interannual variability defines the region's climate, with recurrent droughts—such as those in the and —stemming from prolonged dry periods exacerbated by high evaporation rates and low humidity, often linked to shifts in Pacific and temperatures influencing air mass dynamics. The central Great Plains, known as , experiences frequent severe thunderstorms in spring and early summer, where unstable air along the dryline fosters development and tornadoes, with historical data showing peaks in activity from clashing Gulf moisture and dry Rocky Mountain air. Persistent winds, averaging higher than in eastern , amplify erosion during droughts and fuel convective storms.

Hydrology and Soils

The hydrology of the Great Plains is characterized by major eastward-draining river systems originating in the , including the , North Platte, South Platte, , and Canadian rivers, which flow into the basin or . These rivers exhibit flashy hydrographs driven by runoff in spring and intense summer thunderstorms, with flows decreasing downstream due to high and infiltration in the . Many western tributaries are intermittent or ephemeral, reflecting annual precipitation of 10-30 inches that diminishes from east to west. Groundwater plays a critical role, with the High Plains aquifer system—primarily the —underlying approximately 174,000 square miles across , , , , , , , and . This unconfined , composed of Tertiary sands and gravels up to 1,000 feet thick in places, receives recharge mainly from local precipitation and river underflow, estimated at 0.024 to 2.6 inches per year. However, extensive irrigation pumping since the mid-20th century has caused water-level declines of over 100 feet in parts of and , reducing baseflows in streams and exacerbating drought vulnerability. The soils of the Great Plains consist predominantly of Mollisols, which feature a mollic epipedon—a dark, organic matter-rich surface horizon 24-31 inches deep formed under perennial grasses, with high base saturation supporting fertility. These loamy, well-drained soils, often with underlying argillic or calcic horizons, vary by suborder: Udolls in the humid east under tallgrass prairie hold more organic carbon (up to 5-6%), while Ustolls in the semiarid west have thinner A horizons (1-2% organic matter) prone to drought and blowing. Northern areas feature chernozemic Mollisols (Borolls) developed on loess, with black topsoils from deep grass root decomposition in semiarid conditions. Mollisols' fertility enabled conversion to cropland, but tillage and overgrazing have accelerated erosion, with wind removing fine, nutrient-rich particles and water eroding slopes, as seen in the 1930s Dust Bowl when millions of acres lost topsoil. Annual soil loss rates in cultivated fields average 5-10 tons per acre in central Great Plains, depleting organic matter and productivity without conservation practices like no-till and cover crops. Despite this, Mollisols remain among the world's most productive for grains, sorghum, and forages when managed sustainably.

Natural History and Ecology

Flora and Vegetation Zones

The of the Great Plains consists predominantly of grasses adapted to periodic droughts, fires, and , forming distinct vegetation zones that transition from east to west in response to a rainfall decreasing from over 760 mm (30 inches) annually in the east to less than 500 mm (20 inches) in the west. This zonal pattern results from climatic controls, with higher moisture supporting denser, taller eastward and favoring sparse, shorter westward, as grasses with deeper and efficient water use dominate drier regimes. In the eastern Great Plains, the tallgrass prairie prevails in areas receiving more than 760 mm of precipitation per year, characterized by lush, deep-rooted grasses reaching heights of 1.8–2.4 m (6–8 ft). Dominant species include big bluestem (Andropogon gerardii), switchgrass (Panicum virgatum), and Indiangrass (Sorghastrum nutans), which comprise the bulk of biomass alongside 40–60 grass species and diverse forbs. These communities historically covered mesic loams, with forb diversity enhancing soil fertility through nitrogen fixation by legumes. The central Great Plains feature the mixed-grass prairie, a transitional spanning precipitation zones of 500–760 mm (20–30 inches) annually, blending from both tall- and shortgrass types for moderate productivity. Key grasses here include little bluestem (), western wheatgrass (Pascopyrum smithii), and needle-and-thread (Hesperostipa comata), supporting a heterogeneous of and sedges adapted to variable moisture. This zone exhibits higher forb richness than shortgrass areas, with cool-season invaders like Kentucky bluegrass () appearing under altered grazing regimes. Western dominates the arid lowlands with less than 500 mm of annual precipitation, featuring low-stature, drought-tolerant bunchgrasses on loamy uplands that maintain sparse cover under intense solar exposure and wind. Primary dominants are (Bouteloua gracilis) and (Bouteloua dactyloides), often with (Carex filifolia), forming resilient sods that recover via tillering after disturbance. These systems exhibit low diversity and minimal nitrogen-fixing , reflecting edaphic constraints and herbivory pressures that suppress taller growth forms. Riparian corridors and edaphic outliers introduce localized woody elements, such as cottonwoods () along rivers, but the plains remain largely treeless due to frequent fires and herbivory preventing establishment. Over 300 grass species occur regionally, with endemics concentrated in and families, underscoring the biome's botanical specialization to continental interiors.

Fauna and Biodiversity

The Great Plains harbor a diverse adapted to expansive habitats, featuring approximately 120 and more than 200 , alongside notable reptiles, amphibians, and . These have evolved strategies to cope with the region's variable and periodic disturbances like and , which historically maintained ecological balance. diversity includes keystone such as black-tailed prairie dogs (Cynomys ludovicianus), whose burrows and colonies support numerous other taxa, including predators and burrow-nesters. Large herbivores like the (Bison bison), once numbering 30 to 60 million across , dominated pre-settlement ecosystems but were reduced to fewer than 1,000 individuals by the late due to commercial hunting. Conservation efforts have restored populations to around 500,000 total , with approximately 20,500 (B. b. bison) in managed conservation herds as of recent assessments. Other prominent mammals include (Antilocapra americana), (Odocoileus hemionus), and the endangered (Mustela nigripes), whose wild population persists at 300 to 500 individuals, largely dependent on prey and habitat. Avian biodiversity is high, with grassland-obligate birds such as the greater prairie-chicken (Tympanuchus cupido), estimated at 360,000 individuals and classified as near threatened, and the lesser prairie-chicken (T. pallidicinctus), with about 26,500 birds remaining after federal threatened status was vacated in 2025. Endangered species like the (Grus americana) and (Charadrius melodus) highlight ongoing declines linked to and prairie loss. Reptiles and amphibians exhibit greater diversity in southern portions, with over 40 species recorded in areas like the Flint Hills, including the Great Plains toad (Anaxyrus cognatus) and Great Plains ratsnake (Pantherophis emoryi). Invertebrates, though understudied, include rare taxa like the Platte River caddisfly and play critical roles in pollination and decomposition. Biodiversity in the Great Plains faces severe threats from habitat conversion, with roughly 70% of native grasslands lost to agriculture and development, contributing to listings of numerous vertebrates as threatened or endangered. Restoration initiatives emphasize maintaining heterogeneous landscapes to support interdependent species assemblages.

Paleontological Record

The paleontological record of the Great Plains documents a progression from marine invertebrates to marine reptiles and dinosaurs, and terrestrial mammals culminating in Pleistocene . Underlying bedrock from the Era, exposed in areas like the uplift, contains fossils of trilobites, brachiopods, and from shallow seas that covered the proto-continent. These deposits, dating to approximately 541-252 million years ago, indicate repeated marine transgressions over the region prior to the formation of the modern plains. In the Cretaceous Period (145-66 million years ago), the inundated much of the central and eastern Great Plains, depositing chalk and shale rich in marine fauna. The in preserves mosasaurs, plesiosaurs, ammonites, and fish such as , reflecting a diverse subtropical around 87-82 million years ago. Western margins, less submerged, feature terrestrial sediments like the in , , and , which contain dinosaur remains including Tyrannosaurus rex, horridus, and from the stage (72-66 million years ago), alongside evidence of the Cretaceous-Paleogene marked by iridium anomalies and . The Cenozoic Era (66 million years ago to present) records the rise of grasslands and mammalian diversification. Paleogene formations such as the White River Group in and yield Eocene-Oligocene fossils of early perissodactyls (e.g., titanotheres), , and , indicating humid woodlands transitioning to open habitats around 37-26 million years ago. Ogallala Group deposits across , , and contain Miocene-Pliocene proboscideans, equids, and camels, evidencing the expansion of C4 grasslands driven by cooling climates and CO2 decline. Pleistocene sediments reveal including Columbian mammoths (Mammuthus columbi), American mastodons (Mammut americanum), giant short-faced bears (Arctodus simus), and saber-toothed cats (Smilodon fatalis), with sites like the Dent Clovis site in preserving remains dated to 11,000-13,000 years ago alongside human artifacts. These assemblages document the terminal Pleistocene extinction of approximately 35 genera around 12,000-10,000 years ago, correlated with climatic shifts and human arrival.

Pre-Settlement Ecological Dynamics

Pre-settlement ecological dynamics in the Great Plains were dominated by recurrent disturbances from and intensive herbivory, which maintained the dominance of grasses over woody vegetation and fostered high through spatial heterogeneity. Lightning strikes and intentional burns by initiated at frequencies of 1–5 years in eastern tallgrass prairies, extending to 5–10 years or longer in drier western shortgrass regions, recycling nutrients, reducing litter accumulation, and stimulating tillering in C4 grasses like Andropogon gerardii and . These created a shifting of burned and unburned patches, suppressing tree seedlings such as oaks and junipers while enhancing diversity and soil aeration. American bison (Bison bison), numbering between 10 and 30 million across the Plains prior to the 19th century, acted as keystone herbivores whose migratory herds shaped vegetation structure through selective grazing, trampling, and wallowing. Herds, often exceeding 10,000 individuals, followed seasonal patterns influenced by new growth post-fire and precipitation, heavily cropping grasses in preferred areas before relocating, which prevented localized overgrazing and allowed regrowth facilitated by the deep root systems of native perennials. Bison activities generated microhabitats—such as dust bowls from wallowing that supported wetland species and reduced grass continuity to mitigate fire intensity—while their dung and urine enriched soil nitrogen, promoting nutrient cycling in a system coevolved over millennia with large ungulates. The synergy between fire and bison grazing amplified ecosystem resilience; post-fire tender regrowth attracted herds, whose grazing reduced fuel loads for subsequent fires, resulting in patchier burns that preserved refugia for small mammals, birds, and invertebrates. This recoupling of processes sustained a grassland matrix resilient to drought and herbivory, with short-duration, high-intensity disturbances preventing succession to shrublands and supporting dependent species like prairie dogs (Cynomys ludovicianus), whose colonies further fragmented habitats and enhanced small-mammal diversity. Climatic oscillations, including periodic droughts, interacted with these disturbances to drive boom-bust cycles in productivity, reinforcing the adaptive traits of drought- and graze-tolerant flora across the region's precipitation gradient from 500 mm annually in the west to over 1,000 mm in the east.

Indigenous and Early Human Interactions

Pre-Columbian Populations

The Great Plains supported indigenous human populations for over 12,000 years before European contact, with archaeological evidence tracing initial settlement to Paleo-Indian hunters who arrived following the retreat of Pleistocene glaciers. These early groups, adapting to a rich in , relied on Clovis and Folsom points for hunting , , and other large game, establishing seasonal campsites across the region from approximately 11,000 to 8,000 BCE. Transitioning into the Archaic period (circa 8,000–500 BCE), populations shifted toward diversified foraging economies, exploiting herds, small game, wild plants, and riverine resources while using atlatls and grinding stones for processing foods, with evidence of semi-permanent base camps indicating growing sedentism in river valleys. By the Plains Woodland period (250 BCE–1200 CE), cultural adaptations incorporated , with groups cultivating , beans, and squash alongside continued bison hunting, marking a subsistence transition from pure foraging. Pottery production emerged for storage and cooking, and the replaced earlier technologies, enabling more efficient pedestrian hunting across vast grasslands; semi-permanent villages appeared, often near water sources, reflecting population nucleation and networks extending to Midwestern mound-builders. This era saw the Plains relatively sparsely populated compared to eastern woodlands or southwestern pueblos, with densities limited by the challenges of mobility without domesticated transport beyond dogs. The subsequent Plains Village tradition (circa 900–1700 CE), concentrated along major rivers like the and its tributaries, featured fortified earth-lodge villages housing hundreds to low thousands per settlement, sustained by intensive agriculture supplemented by procurement via communal drives and hides for transport. Ancestral groups to later Caddoan (e.g., Pawnee, Wichita, ) and Siouan-speaking peoples (e.g., , ) dominated, with archaeological sites revealing planned villages, storage pits, and defensive palisades amid evidence of intergroup conflict, such as mass graves indicating warfare over resources. Population peaks occurred around 1150 CE, followed by regional declines possibly linked to shifts like the Medieval Warm Period's droughts or , though recovery preceded direct European influence; overall pre-1492 estimates for the broader Plains remain imprecise but suggest densities far below the millions in more fertile eastern regions, constrained by aridity and herd unpredictability.

Impact of Horse Introduction

The introduction of horses to the Great Plains occurred through Spanish expeditions, beginning with explorations like Francisco Vázquez de Coronado's in 1540–1542, which brought domesticated horses northward from . These animals, derived from high-quality Iberian breeds, proliferated via escaped herds, raids, and trade following events such as the of 1680, which released thousands of Spanish horses into Native hands. Archaeological and historical evidence indicates that Plains tribes integrated horses into their societies by the early 1600s, predating previous estimates of widespread 18th-century adoption. Horses revolutionized hunting practices, enabling tribes to pursue herds over vast distances with greater speed and efficiency compared to methods. Mounted hunters could surround and drive herds into traps or over cliffs more effectively, yielding larger kills—up to several tons of per hunt—and supporting expanded populations through improved protein access. This shift intensified reliance on , fostering a nomadic equestrian culture among groups like the , Lakota , and , who transitioned from semi-sedentary village life to mobile camps with portable tipis transported by -drawn . Economic wealth accumulated through ownership, as herds served as status symbols, payments, and commodities, facilitating broader exchange networks for hides, , and European goods. In warfare, horses conferred tactical advantages, allowing rapid mounted charges, flanking maneuvers, and retreats that outmatched infantry-based foes. Raiding parties could cover hundreds of miles to steal enemy , a practice that elevated to a rite of prowess and expanded territorial control, as seen in dominance over southern Plains routes by the mid-1700s. However, this mobility also escalated intertribal conflicts and vulnerability to disease-transmitting , contributing to demographic alongside short-term . Overall, horse adoption amplified ' adaptive capacity to the ecology but sowed seeds of over-reliance on herds that later faced European overhunting pressures.

Fur Trade Era

The fur trade in the Great Plains emerged in the late , building on earlier French and British systems in the northern regions and Spanish influences in the south, with American traders dominating the central Plains by the early 1800s. French voyageurs and coureurs de bois initially penetrated the valley from the 1780s, establishing seasonal trade with , , and villages for beaver pelts and bison robes, though volumes remained modest until U.S. expansion post-Lewis and Clark Expedition in 1804-1806. The trade intensified along the Upper Missouri, where steamboats facilitated transport after 1831, enabling posts like Fort Union (established 1829) to handle up to 100,000 buffalo robes annually by the mid-1830s. The , founded in 1808 by , consolidated control over much of the Plains trade by the 1820s through mergers and aggressive expansion, operating a network of forts spanning the central and northern Plains by 1834. Its Upper Missouri Outfit competed with the , which ventured south from Canadian territories but focused more on in the northern Plains, trading goods like firearms, kettles, and cloth for furs from tribes including the , Blackfeet, and . robes became the primary commodity after 1830 as European demand for declined with changing hat fashions, shifting Native economies toward intensified communal hunts using horses and guns obtained via trade. This exchange introduced manufactured goods that enhanced Native hunting and warfare capabilities but fostered dependency on European items, disrupting traditional self-sufficiency and prompting of herds. Firearms fueled intertribal conflicts over prime hunting territories, as groups like the Lakota expanded aggressively to control routes. Epidemics, transmitted through trader-Native contacts, devastated populations; the 1837 outbreak alone killed an estimated 50% of and other Upper Missouri tribes, exacerbating economic vulnerability. The waned by the due to and fashion shifts, though buffalo robe exports peaked at over 200,000 annually in the before declining sharply.

European-American Settlement

Exploration and Initial Colonization

European exploration of the Great Plains commenced with Spanish expeditions in the , driven by quests for precious metals and conversion of . In 1540–1541, led an expedition northward from , traversing approximately 650 miles to the region of near present-day , after being guided by a Native American captive known as the Turk; the party encountered Wichita and Pawnee villages consisting of grass-thatched huts rather than the anticipated golden cities, leading to disillusionment and retreat. Subsequent Spanish ventures included Juan de Oñate's 1601 expedition, which marked the first use of wagons on the Plains during a journey to , with 129 soldiers and extensive livestock, aimed at expanding colonial presence. Later efforts, such as Pedro de Villasur's 1720 reconnaissance from to investigate French influences, ended in ambush by Pawnee and warriors armed with French firearms, resulting in the loss of 48 of 106 men and reinforcing Spanish caution toward the region. French exploration targeted the northern Plains in the , primarily through routes along the and Rivers. The La Vérendrye brothers, Pierre Gaultier de Varennes and Louis-Joseph, undertook expeditions between 1738 and 1743, venturing from French Canada into present-day North and , seeking a western passage to the Pacific and establishing alliances with and tribes; they reached the vicinity but faced logistical challenges and hostile encounters, yielding maps that informed later claims but no permanent outposts. These probes, combined with earlier voyages by figures like René-Robert Cavelier de La Salle in the 1680s, positioned as a contender for the upper Plains, though actual control remained nominal amid indigenous resistance and vast distances. Following the in 1803, United States-led explorations systematically charted the Great Plains for territorial assertion and scientific assessment. The (1804–1806) ascended the through the northern Plains, documenting geography, flora, fauna, and interactions with tribes like the and , providing foundational data on the region's hydrology and resources without establishing settlements. Zebulon Pike's 1806–1807 expedition, originating from , escorted Osage captives westward and probed the drainage, crossing prairies and sighting the peak later named in on November 15, 1806, while noting the area's aridity and Native alliances. Major Stephen H. Long's 1819–1820 scientific foray up the Platte and South Platte Rivers culminated in labeling the central Plains the "," emphasizing its low rainfall, short grasses, and unsuitability for agriculture based on topographic and botanical observations, which deterred immediate settlement for decades. Initial colonization by was limited to transient fur trading posts and military outposts, reflecting the Plains' perceived inhospitality rather than widespread agrarian establishment. The Missouri Fur Company, founded in 1807, erected early posts like Fort Lisa near present-day , to facilitate trade with upper tribes, marking the first semi-permanent American footholds. John Jacob Astor's , established in 1808, expanded this network, constructing Fort Union in 1828 at the Missouri-Yellowstone confluence in as its flagship post, where annual exchanges of tens of thousands of robes and pelts generated significant revenue until overhunting depleted stocks by the 1830s. These ventures, numbering over a dozen major sites by the 1830s, relied on Native trappers and involved fewer than 1,000 Euro-American personnel at peak, prioritizing commerce over land occupancy amid ongoing indigenous sovereignty and environmental constraints. Military installations, such as Fort Atkinson (1820–1827) in , provided logistical support but housed only hundreds of troops, underscoring colonization's embryonic scale before railroad-enabled influxes post-1860.

Railroads and Homestead Expansion

The Homestead Act, enacted on May 20, 1862, granted up to 160 acres of surveyed public to any adult citizen or intended citizen who was the head of a family, head of household, or over 21 years old, provided they resided on the , built a dwelling, and cultivated it for five continuous years. This policy targeted the vast public domains of the Great Plains, where fertile soils and open spaces promised agricultural opportunity, though the region's often confounded expectations of reliable rainfall. By offering at minimal cost—initial filing fees of about $18—after fulfilling residency requirements, the Act incentivized overland migration from the eastern states and , directly contributing to the transformation of grasslands into family farms. Between 1868 and 1934, approximately 1.6 million homesteaders received patents under the Act, with a significant portion claiming in Plains territories like , , and the Dakotas, though success rates varied due to environmental and economic pressures. Railroad construction, bolstered by federal land grants under the Pacific Railway Act of July 1, 1862, and subsequent legislation, provided the infrastructural backbone for homestead expansion across the Great Plains. These grants awarded railroads alternating sections of public land—typically 10 to 20 miles wide on either side of the tracks—in a checkerboard pattern, totaling roughly 131 million acres nationwide by the 1870s, much of it in Plains states to finance transcontinental and branch lines. The Union Pacific Railroad, starting from Omaha, Nebraska, in 1865, laid tracks westward at a pace of up to a mile per day, completing the first transcontinental link with the Central Pacific on May 10, 1869, at Promontory Summit, Utah, which traversed core Great Plains terrain. Rail companies, receiving these subsidies to offset construction costs exceeding $50,000 per mile in rugged areas, then marketed and sold excess grant lands directly to settlers at prices from $2.50 to $10 per acre, often with promotional campaigns depicting the Plains as an agrarian paradise of endless sod-breaking potential. This synergy between homestead policy and rail development accelerated demographic shifts: rail mileage in Plains states like Kansas and Nebraska surged from negligible in 1860 to over 8,000 miles by 1880, enabling efficient shipment of lumber, machinery, and crops while reducing isolation for remote claims. Settlers, previously deterred by wagon-train hardships, could now travel hundreds of miles in days rather than months, with railroads hauling immigrants and freight that fueled farm establishment—wheat yields, for instance, expanded rapidly as rail access connected Plains granaries to eastern markets. By the 1880s, branch lines from major trunks like the Union Pacific spurred "railroad towns" such as those in western Kansas, where homestead clusters formed around depots, though over-optimistic advertising ignored recurrent droughts and sod-busting labor, contributing to failure rates exceeding 60% for some early claims. Overall, these mechanisms shifted the Great Plains from sparse Native American occupancy to a lattice of settled agriculture, with rail-enabled commerce underpinning economic viability despite inherent ecological limits.

Agricultural and Ranching Development

Ranching in the Great Plains expanded rapidly after the , fueled by the availability of vast open grasslands and the integration of with northern rail markets. Cattle drives from to railheads, such as Abilene, began in 1867 under figures like McCoy, transporting millions of head annually by the mid-1870s; for instance, over 5 million were driven north between 1866 and 1888. This open-range system relied on free grazing of public lands, with herds peaking at around 7.5 million head in the northern Plains by 1884, supported by British investment and seasonal roundups. However, overstocking led to degradation, exacerbated by harsh winters like the "Great Die-Up" of 1886-1887, which killed up to 90% of some herds in and . Agricultural development accelerated in the and as railroads, such as the Union Pacific and Northern Pacific lines, enabled homesteaders to claim land under the Homestead Act of 1862, converting prairie sod to cropland primarily for wheat. By 1900, cultivated acreage in the Plains states had expanded dramatically, with national farmland increasing by 225 million acres between 1870 and 1900, much of it in semi-arid regions like and where hard red varieties proved adaptable. Key innovations included steel plows invented by in the 1830s but widely adopted post-1870 for breaking tough sod, windmills for pumping groundwater from depths up to 300 feet, and patented by in 1874, which allowed fencing without timber scarcity. Dry farming techniques, such as and dust mulching to conserve moisture, further enabled rain-fed production during wet cycles, though yields remained volatile, averaging 10-15 bushels per acre in by the . The interplay between ranching and farming intensified competition for land, with farmers encroaching on ranges via the Timber Culture Act of 1873 and Desert Land Act of 1877, which incentivized and claims. By the 1890s, cultivation had supplanted much cattle grazing in central areas, as farm numbers in states like rose from 2,000 in 1870 to over 36,000 by 1890, driven by mechanized reapers and binders that boosted labor efficiency. Yet, small homestead sizes—often 160 acres—proved insufficient for sustainable operations in low-rainfall zones (under 20 inches annually), fostering boom-bust cycles tied to rather than inherent . This shift laid the groundwork for mixed farming-ranching economies but highlighted the Plains' marginal suitability for intensive without supplemental water.

Conflicts and Socio-Political Changes

Indian Wars and Land Transfers

The Indian Wars on the Great Plains, spanning roughly 1860 to 1890, stemmed from U.S. territorial expansion via railroads, mining rushes, and , which encroached on bison-dependent tribal economies and violated prior agreements. Federal policy sought to concentrate nomadic tribes like the Lakota , , , , and on reservations to free land for white settlement, often disregarding tribal resistance rooted in defense of hunting ranges. Early treaties facilitated initial land transfers but sowed conflict through inadequate enforcement and settler incursions. The Treaty of Fort Laramie, signed on September 17, 1851, by representatives of the , , , , , and other tribes, delineated approximate territories in the northern Plains and granted U.S. rights for emigrant roads and military posts in exchange for annuities and protection from rival tribes. Similar pacts, such as those in the 1850s with Pawnee, Omaha, , Otoe-Missouria, and Yankton tribes, involved cessions of lands in present-day and for small reservations and payments often deemed insufficient, averaging 10 cents per acre. These arrangements collapsed under pressures like the 1860s , which traversed Lakota hunting grounds en route to gold fields, prompting leader to wage war from 1866 to 1868. Red Cloud's War highlighted tactical tribal advantages in guerrilla warfare, including the Fetterman Fight on December 21, 1866, where Lakota, , and warriors killed 81 U.S. soldiers near , . U.S. abandonment of the trail forts marked a rare concession, leading to the second Treaty of Fort Laramie on April 29, 1868, which created the —spanning 60 million acres in , including the sacred —for exclusive use, while ceding northern and limiting unceded hunting rights west of the reservation. Subsequent violations accelerated land losses. Gold discoveries in the , confirmed by Lt. Col. George Custer's 1874 expedition, drew thousands of miners despite the 1868 treaty's protections, prompting a failed 1875 purchase offer and military orders for return to reservations. This ignited the –1877, where Lakota, Northern , and bands under and resisted; the coalition's victory at the on June 25, 1876, annihilated Custer's 7th detachment (268 killed), but relentless U.S. campaigns with superior numbers and forced surrenders by 1877. The resulting agreement compelled cession of the 9-million-acre region, halving the reservation and opening it to settlement via the 1877 U.S. v. Sioux Nation of Indians ruling upheld by . In the southern Plains, parallel dynamics unfolded. The Sand Creek Massacre on November 29, 1864, saw militia under Col. slay approximately 150 and —mostly women, children, and elders—despite their peaceful intent under U.S. protection, fueling retaliatory raids. The of October 1867 relocated , , , , and to reservations in (modern ), ceding vast and lands for annuities, but persistent raiding amid food shortages led to the of 1874–1875. U.S. Army offensives under Gen. captured key leaders like chief , enforcing compliance and confining tribes to reduced holdings totaling under 3 million acres by 1875. These conflicts culminated in near-total Plains tribal dispossession, with over 100 million acres ceded between 1784 and 1894 per U.S. records, often through duress, , or post-defeat impositions rather than voluntary exchange. slaughter—reducing herds from 30 million in 1800 to near by 1880—undermined tribal self-sufficiency, compelling reliance on reservations where federal agents controlled resources. By the , surviving populations faced allotment pressures, marking the effective end of sovereign control over ancestral ranges.

Reservation Systems and Tribal Outcomes

The reservation system in the Great Plains was formalized through a series of treaties and congressional acts following the Indian Wars of the and 1870s, confining nomadic tribes such as the Lakota , Northern Cheyenne, and to designated lands to facilitate white settlement and resource extraction. The 1868 Treaty of Fort Laramie established the , spanning approximately 60 million acres across parts of present-day , , , , and , intended as perpetual homeland for the Sioux nations in exchange for ceding broader territorial claims and allowing safe passage for settlers. Subsequent reductions diminished this territory: the 1877 Act opened the —sacred to the Lakota and rich in gold—to mining, while the 1889 Sioux Agreement, ratified amid coercion and famine, partitioned the remaining lands into six smaller reservations including Pine Ridge, Rosebud, and , totaling about 12.7 million acres. These boundaries, enforced by military presence and federal agents, disrupted traditional bison-hunting economies, forcing reliance on annuities and rations that often proved inadequate or corruptly administered. The General Allotment Act () of 1887 accelerated land loss on Great Plains reservations by dividing communal holdings into individual 160-acre parcels for heads of households, with "surplus" lands opened to non-Indian homesteaders; this policy, applied to tribes like the and , resulted in the transfer of over 90 million acres of tribal land nationwide by 1934, including significant portions in the Plains where fractionated ownership and sales to outsiders fragmented viable farming or ranching units. In practice, allotments often comprised marginal soils unsuited to without , and federal "trust" status restricted alienability, hindering or leasing for ; by the 1920s, Plains tribes had lost two-thirds of their post-treaty lands, exacerbating dependency on oversight. The of 1934 halted further allotments and restored some lands, but inheritance fractionated holdings into uneconomic checkerboards, perpetuating tenure insecurity that empirical analyses link to stifled investment and poverty traps. Socio-economic outcomes on Great Plains reservations remain dire, marked by entrenched and far exceeding national averages, as federal data and tribal reports indicate. On the Pine Ridge Reservation (Oglala Lakota), unemployment rates have hovered between 80% and 89% in assessments from the early 2000s to recent years, with around $8,768 annually and over 50% of residents below the line, contributing to Oglala Lakota County being designated America's poorest by income metrics. Similarly, the Reservation reports seasonal exceeding 75% to 85% among tribal members, with early affecting 70% of households and persistent reliance on cattle ranching yielding limited private-sector gains. These conditions correlate with elevated rates of disparities, , and family instability, where reservation isolation limits and private enterprise. Causal factors include the reservation system's structural isolation, which empirical studies attribute to restricted property rights, jurisdictional overlaps deterring , and a legacy of supplanting self-reliant economies; unlike off-reservation Natives who achieve higher incomes through urban mobility, on-reservation households face median earnings 64% below non-Native peers due to these barriers rather than land quality alone. Federal policies post-1934, emphasizing without corresponding , have sustained dynamics akin to concentrated urban poverty, with high fostering cycles of despair evidenced by low labor force participation and . Limited successes, such as tribal gaming or resource leases, highlight potential from , yet systemic inertia—rooted in paternalistic —predominates, yielding outcomes where 1 in 3 Natives nationwide lives in despite resource-rich lands.

20th Century Transformations

Progressive Reforms and Farm Policies

The Enlarged Homestead Act of 1909 doubled the standard homestead allotment from 160 to 320 acres for settlers in semi-arid regions, explicitly targeting in the Great Plains states such as , , and the Dakotas to encourage agricultural expansion on marginal lands previously deemed unsuitable under earlier laws. This reform addressed the limitations of the original Homestead Act of 1862 by recognizing the need for larger parcels to support subsistence farming without , amid efforts to promote efficient land use and rural development through federal incentives. However, the policy inadvertently spurred cultivation of fragile shortgrass prairies, as settlers adopted unproven dry farming methods like summer fallowing, which exposed soils to erosion risks without mandating conservation practices. Complementing land policies, the Smith-Lever Act of 1914 established the Cooperative Extension Service, partnering federal funds with land-grant universities to deliver practical directly to Great Plains farmers via county agents, focusing on , crop diversification, and to boost productivity in variable climates. In the Plains, extension programs emphasized techniques such as and monoculture suited to the region's extensive flatlands, disseminating research from experiment stations established under prior laws like the of 1887, which by 1914 numbered over 50 across the U.S., including key facilities in states like and . These services reached an estimated 1 million farm families annually by the 1920s, providing bulletins and demonstrations that increased yields from about 12 bushels per acre in 1900 to 15 by 1920 in Plains states, though critics later argued they overemphasized output over sustainability, contributing to overreliance on row crops. Financial reforms under the Federal Farm Loan Act of 1916 created the Federal Farm Loan Board to issue long-term, low-interest mortgages through 12 regional banks, alleviating credit shortages that had plagued Plains homesteaders facing volatile grain prices and high private lender rates often exceeding 10 percent. By 1920, these institutions had loaned over $500 million to farmers, enabling mechanized equipment purchases like , which proliferated from fewer than 1,000 in to over 200,000 nationwide by 1930, accelerating land clearance in the Plains but also consolidating smaller holdings into larger operations ill-equipped for . Such policies reflected Progressive ideals of government intervention to counter corporate monopolies in railroading and finance, yet empirical outcomes showed mixed causality: while stabilizing incomes during booms—when Plains wheat production surged 50 percent—they fostered debt accumulation on submarginal lands, setting stages for later economic distress without integrating ecological constraints.

Dust Bowl: Empirical Causes and Effects

The encompassed a of extreme and recurrent dust storms from 1930 to 1940 across the southern Great Plains, spanning parts of , , the , eastern Colorado, and northeastern , an area exceeding 100 million acres of former grassland converted to cropland. The primary empirical causes stemmed from the interaction of climatic — the most severe in instrumental records for the region, with deficits exceeding 50% below normal in peak years like 1934 and 1936—and anthropogenic land-use changes that amplified wind . High prices during and the , coupled with , drove farmers to plow up over 5 million additional acres annually in the Great Plains by the late , breaking the deep-rooted of native shortgrass prairies that had anchored soil against winds for millennia. techniques, including deep tillage to 7-10 inches and summer fallowing without cover crops, further reduced and cohesion, leaving bare fields susceptible when desiccated remaining vegetation. These factors triggered massive aeolian , with dust storms increasing from 14 in 1932 to 38 in 1933, culminating in "Black Sunday" on April 14, 1935, when a single storm carried an estimated 12 million pounds of per aloft, darkening skies as far as . loss was profound and often irreversible; in hardest-hit counties, depths declined by several inches, with total equivalent to centuries of natural rates compressed into years, as evidenced by post-event soil surveys showing redistributed silt deposits up to 12 inches deep hundreds of miles away. Agricultural plummeted, with yields falling over 60% in affected areas by 1935, exacerbating farm amid the . Economic repercussions included a 30-50% drop in farmland values and revenues in Dust Bowl cores, leading to nearly 750,000 farm foreclosures or bankruptcies nationwide between 1930 and , disproportionately in Plains states where small farms under 500 acres predominated. This spurred large-scale out-migration, with 2.5 million residents departing Plains states by 1940, including 200,000 to 500,000 "Okies" and similar refugees heading to for labor, rates far exceeding national Depression-era averages due to localized environmental collapse rather than general economic distress. Health impacts involved acute respiratory distress from fine particulate inhalation, termed "dust ," which caused an estimated 6,500 to 7,000 deaths by through silicosis-like inflammation and asphyxiation, particularly among children and the elderly exposed without adequate . Long-term, the event induced persistent land abandonment and shifted regional agriculture toward more resilient practices, though without it, marginal dry farming might have continued unchecked.

Post-Depression Recovery and Mechanization

Following the era of the 1930s, recovery in the Great Plains hinged on federal interventions under the , particularly the Soil Conservation Service (SCS), established in 1935, which promoted erosion-control practices such as , terracing, and strip cropping to restore soil stability and agricultural viability. These measures, combined with expanded and shifts away from dry farming, addressed the root causes of wind exacerbated by prior overcultivation and drought, enabling gradual land rehabilitation by the late 1930s. further accelerated recovery through surging demand for and other grains, which incentivized production increases and offset lingering Depression-era debts, though and parts shortages temporarily constrained operations. Mechanization emerged as a pivotal driver of postwar productivity gains, with tractor ownership rising from about 30% of U.S. farms in 1945 to surpassing draft animals nationwide by 1955, a trend amplified in the mechanization-friendly Great Plains due to expansive flatlands and variable climate suiting large-scale machinery. Farm machinery sales, which plummeted to 19,000 tractors in 1932 amid economic collapse, rebounded sharply post-1940 with redesigned combines pulled by gasoline tractors, enabling efficient harvesting over vast acreages and reducing labor dependency in regions like Oklahoma and the Northern Plains. This shift facilitated farm consolidation, as larger operations—often exceeding 1,000 acres—adopted yield-enhancing technologies, intensifying output while pressuring smaller holdings amid cost-price squeezes. By the , had transformed Great Plains agriculture into a capital-intensive model, with diffusion correlating to reduced and expanded cropland availability equivalent to 15% of U.S. totals through labor savings from to 1946. Conservation integration mitigated risks, but rapid adoption also amplified vulnerabilities to if not paired with , underscoring causal links between machinery scale, , and sustained yields. Empirical data from the era indicate that Plains states like and saw mechanized production double efficiency, underpinning economic stabilization despite ongoing strains.

Modern Economy and Resource Use

Water Management and Aquifer Depletion

The Great Plains region, characterized by semi-arid conditions with annual precipitation often below 20 inches in many areas, depends heavily on from the —also known as the High Plains Aquifer—for agricultural , which sustains over 30% of the nation's irrigated farmland. Covering approximately 174,000 square miles across eight states from to , the aquifer formed from Pleistocene-era deposits and provides the primary water source where is insufficient for large-scale farming. Extraction rates have historically outpaced natural recharge, which varies regionally from negligible in southern portions (less than 0.06 cm per year in ) to up to 15 cm annually in northern areas, leading to net losses that threaten long-term viability. Monitoring by the U.S. Geological Survey (USGS) reveals sustained depletion: from predevelopment (before 1950) to 2019, area-weighted average water levels declined 16.5 feet across the , with total recoverable water in storage dropping 286.4 million acre-feet to 2.91 billion acre-feet remaining. Declines are uneven, with southern regions like and experiencing drops exceeding 100 feet in some locales—up to 265 feet locally—while northern has seen relative stabilization or minor recoveries of 0.1 feet between 2017 and 2019 due to localized conservation. From predevelopment to 2015, overall levels fell an average of 15.8 feet, equating to a 9% loss of 273.2 million acre-feet, with a further 10.7 million acre-feet decline from 2013 to 2015 amid continued pumping. Peak annual depletion reached about 8.25 billion cubic meters in before tapering slightly, but recent assessments confirm ongoing quantity and quality declines in monitored regions. Irrigation accounts for 80-90% of withdrawals, primarily via center-pivot systems that enable efficient but high-volume application for water-intensive crops like corn, often grown for feed and production under federal subsidies that incentivize expansion since the . This extraction-driven drawdown follows basic hydrological principles: pumping exceeds recharge by factors of 10 to 100 in depleted zones, causing cone-of-depression effects that lower water tables and increase energy costs for deeper wells. While technological shifts to low-pressure nozzles and monitoring have improved application efficiency by 10-20% in some fields, economic pressures favor continued high-use over drastic reductions. Water management remains decentralized under state authority, with no federal oversight of the itself; operates over 100 groundwater conservation districts enforcing local rules like permit limits, while employs Local Enhanced Management Areas (LEMAs) that cap annual pumping at sustainable levels, achieving 30-40% voluntary reductions in participating zones through to or dryland practices. Federal programs, such as the Natural Resources Conservation Service's Initiative, provide incentives for efficient technologies and water rights leasing, yielding modest gains like temporary storage increases during low-pumping years (e.g., 1.6 million acre-feet rise from 2017-2019). However, enforcement varies, and farmer-led policies prioritize economic equity over strict caps, slowing but not halting depletion in high-extraction southern areas where projections indicate 50% volume loss within decades absent broader shifts. Depletion manifests in thousands of dry wells annually, reduced irrigated acres (e.g., High Plains lost 200,000 acres since 2010), and rising from upconing, compelling transitions to less productive land uses and higher food production costs nationwide. Causal analysis attributes primary responsibility to anthropogenic overpumping rather than variability, as evidenced by correlations between pumpage data and level changes exceeding climate signals in USGS models. Long-term recharge to predevelopment levels could take millennia, underscoring the need for policies balancing extraction with to avert irreversible agricultural contraction.

Energy Sector: Oil, Gas, and Wind

The Great Plains underpin a substantial portion of U.S. output through sedimentary basins rich in hydrocarbons, extracted primarily via hydraulic fracturing and horizontal drilling techniques refined since the early 2000s. Key formations include the Permian Basin spanning western and southeastern , the Bakken-Three Forks in and eastern Montana, and the across , , and the . These resources have fueled economic expansions, with production surges tied to technological efficiencies rather than reserve expansions alone. often accompanies extraction, providing feedstock for power generation and exports. In 2024, Permian Basin crude oil production averaged 6.3 million barrels per day, comprising 48% of national totals and driving 93% of U.S. growth since 2020 through high-productivity wells in counties like Midland and Lea. The Bakken Formation yielded approximately 1.1 million barrels per day on average in , with monthly outputs fluctuating between 1.07 million and 1.22 million barrels per day early in the year, supported by ongoing drilling despite pipeline constraints. Anadarko Basin gas production emphasized operations, projected to reach 7.7 billion cubic feet per day by year-end 2025, reflecting rebounds from low prices via infrastructure investments. Cumulative reserves assessments by the U.S. Geological Survey indicate billions of barrels of technically recoverable oil across these systems, though extraction rates depend on market dynamics and depletion curves. Wind power leverages the region's steady low-level jets and open terrain, with utility-scale farms proliferating since the 2000s. installed over 40,500 megawatts of capacity by late 2024, generating 28% of U.S. electricity and adding projects that boosted output to record levels. contributed around 10,000 megawatts, including 2,500 megawatts online between 2022 and 2024, while neared 8,000 megawatts, with these states collectively ranking among the top five nationally for generation. Wind's intermittency necessitates grid integrations, yet it generated 10.5% of U.S. in 2024, with Plains installations providing baseload support via hybrid fossil-renewable operations. Economically, oil and gas dominate GDP contributions in states like and , funding and reducing property taxes through severance revenues exceeding billions annually. Wind developments add rural incomes via land leases averaging 8,0008,000-20,000 per yearly and generated $24.4 million in taxes alone in 2024, though fossil sectors employ more directly in extraction. Environmental impacts include habitat disruption from pads and turbines, prompting mitigation via spacing regulations, with empirical studies showing localized declines but broader fiscal offsets.

Agricultural Innovations and Productivity

Mechanization transformed Great Plains agriculture in the early , replacing animal power with and enabling farmers to cultivate larger areas more efficiently. By the , tractor adoption remained low at around 3% in regions like , but it accelerated post-Dust Bowl, allowing average farm sizes to expand as labor productivity rose due to reduced reliance on draft animals. This shift contributed to output gains by permitting timely planting and harvesting across vast semi-arid expanses, though it initially exacerbated vulnerability without accompanying conservation practices. Seed technology innovations, particularly hybrid varieties, drove substantial yield improvements starting in the mid-20th century. Commercial hybrid corn seeds largely supplanted open-pollinated varieties by the , with adoption rates exceeding 90% nationally by then, yielding boosts of 20-30% in adaptable Great Plains regions through enhanced vigor and uniformity. For , a staple across the Plains, hybrid development lagged but progressed by the 2010s, with trials in showing potential yield stability and disease resistance gains of up to 10-15% over conventional inbred lines. Genetically engineered (GE) crops further amplified productivity from the late 1990s onward, with herbicide-tolerant and insect-resistant varieties adopted on over 90% of corn and acres in Plains states by 2023. These traits enabled higher seeding densities—corn rates rose 15% from 1996 to 2016—while reducing use and , contributing to farm-level output increases amid variable rainfall. Overall U.S. farm output tripled from 1948 to 2021, with Plains grains benefiting from such inputs declining slightly relative to gains, underscoring technology's role in countering environmental constraints. Irrigation advancements, including center-pivot sprinklers introduced in the , expanded cropland viability in drier western Plains areas, boosting water-use and enabling shifts to high-value feed grains like corn, which fattened more effectively than dryland . By enhancing productivity per acre, these systems supported regional output despite aquifer drawdown risks. Precision agriculture technologies, adopted widely by 2025, have yielded additional gains through data-driven practices like variable-rate application and GPS-guided machinery. In states such as Kansas and Nebraska, these tools increased crop yields by up to 30% and cut water use by 35% via satellite monitoring and AI analytics, optimizing inputs across heterogeneous Plains soils. Adoption correlates with farm scale, with larger operations reporting labor savings and yield stability as primary benefits, though integration of complementary tools maximizes efficiency. Despite these advances, productivity remains tied to climatic variability, with innovations mitigating but not eliminating drought-induced fluctuations.

Population Shifts and Rural Decline

The rural population of the Great Plains has experienced sustained decline since the mid-20th century, driven primarily by agricultural mechanization and farm consolidation that reduced labor demands. Following World War II, advancements in machinery such as combine harvesters and tractors enabled larger-scale operations, displacing small family farms and the workers they supported; the number of farms in the region fell from approximately 1.3 million in 1950 to under 600,000 by 2007, correlating with outmigration of rural youth seeking non-agricultural employment. This shift was exacerbated by limited economic diversification in many counties, where agriculture remains dominant, leading to chronic depopulation in nonmetropolitan areas. Census data indicate that rural counties across the Great Plains lost over 20% of their base from 1950 to the early , with many small towns seeing peak populations in the or followed by multi-decade erosion. For instance, in states like and , nonmetropolitan counties averaged annual population losses of 0.5-1% between 1990 and 2010, attributed to net outmigration exceeding natural increase (births minus deaths). Aging demographics amplified this trend, as rural areas recorded higher death rates and lower , with natural increase in North Dakota's Great Plains counties dropping 84% from 1949-1950 to 2006-2007. Mechanization's causal role is evident in labor displacement metrics: farm employment in the Plains states plummeted from 1.2 million workers in to about 300,000 by , as per worker rose over 10-fold due to and input efficiencies, rendering manual labor obsolete and prompting migration to urban centers for and service jobs. Farm consolidation intensified this, with average farm size expanding from 500 acres in to over 1,000 acres by , concentrating ownership and eliminating rural service economies like general stores and schools in depopulated areas. While some analyses link decline to broader factors like improved urban transit, prioritizes ag restructuring, as regions with diversified economies showed slower depopulation. Recent trends reflect ongoing rural contraction amid national , with U.S. nonmetropolitan populations declining 0.6% (289,000 people) from 2010 to 2020—the first decennial loss on record—particularly acute in Plains farming-dependent counties. Exceptions occurred in energy-boom locales, such as North Dakota's Bakken oil region, where the Northern Great Plains saw 8.3% growth from 2010 to 2019, outpacing the U.S. average of 6.3%; however, these gains were volatile and masked broader rural stagnation elsewhere, with projections indicating net losses in prime working-age cohorts (35-54) through . By 2024, nonmetro U.S. population stood at 46.2 million (14% of total), but Plains rural areas continued facing outmigration pressures from limited job creation beyond commodities.

Urbanization and Economic Migration

The urbanization of the Great Plains has been characterized by concentrated population growth in metropolitan areas amid widespread rural depopulation, driven primarily by economic shifts in agriculture that reduced labor demands through mechanization and consolidation. From 1950 to 2007, the region's total population more than doubled from 4.9 million to 9.9 million, with much of this expansion occurring in urban centers as rural net migration losses exceeded 2.1 million people since 1950, largely young adults seeking non-farm employment. This pattern reflects causal factors such as the replacement of manual farm labor with machinery, which decreased the need for agricultural workers from over 20% of the U.S. workforce in 1940 to under 2% by 2000, prompting migration to urban hubs for manufacturing, services, and energy-related jobs. Key urban centers in the Great Plains, including , Wichita, Omaha, and Fargo-Moorhead, have absorbed much of this influx, with states like showing urban populations at 56% by recent measures. For instance, between 2010 and 2020, metro areas in the northern Great Plains experienced population gains outpacing national averages in select locales, fueled by energy sector booms; , saw a 10.7% increase from 2010 to 2013 alone due to oil extraction drawing migrant workers. Rural-to-urban migration has selectively skewed demographics, elevating elderly proportions in non-metro counties while urban areas gained younger, working-age cohorts, as evidenced by data showing high out-migration rates straining rural communities. Economic migration patterns have intensified these trends, with net rural losses persisting through the —negative migration rates from 2010 to 2016—before partial reversals from onward linked to and resource booms adding 0.47% net migration to rural areas in 2020-2021. However, urban metro areas continue to dominate growth, capturing international and domestic inflows; for example, nonmetro migration gains from 2020 to 2024 included 69% from abroad, but overall regional reflects structural economic pulls toward diversified opportunities beyond . These dynamics underscore a causal linkage between farm gains and urban concentration, where fewer but larger operations sustain output while displacing labor to cities.

Controversies and Debates

Buffalo Commons Proposal

The Buffalo Commons proposal was articulated in 1987 by geographers Frank Popper, then at Rutgers University, and Deborah Popper, his wife and collaborator. In their article "The Great Plains: From Dust to Dust" published in the Journal of the American Planning Association's Planning magazine, they advocated for transforming approximately 139,000 square miles of marginal farmland in the drier western portions of the Great Plains—spanning parts of ten states including Montana, Wyoming, the Dakotas, Nebraska, Kansas, Oklahoma, Colorado, and Texas—into a large-scale nature preserve managed by the federal government. The plan envisioned voluntary relocation of residents from depopulating rural counties, restoration of native prairie grasses, and reintroduction of bison (Bison bison) and other indigenous wildlife to create contiguous grazing reserves and buffer zones, drawing on historical precedents like George Catlin's 1842 call for a national park in the Plains to preserve buffalo herds. The Poppers' rationale centered on empirical patterns of regional decline: persistent outmigration from over 400 rural counties with populations below viable thresholds for sustaining schools and services, economic unviability of dryland farming and ranching amid recurrent droughts and soil degradation reminiscent of the 1930s Dust Bowl, and the ecological mismatch of intensive European-style agriculture with the Plains' semi-arid shortgrass prairie biome. They argued that conventional development had failed across three historical cycles of settlement booms followed by busts, proposing the Commons as a pragmatic adaptation to restore biodiversity, promote ecotourism over extractive industries, and shift from cattle monoculture to native herbivores better suited to the landscape, potentially generating revenue through bison-related enterprises while alleviating federal subsidies for unprofitable agriculture. The proposal elicited immediate and vehement opposition from Great Plains residents, politicians, and agricultural interests, who characterized it as an elitist, urban-imposed scheme that disregarded property rights, local resilience, and ongoing adaptations like and . Critics, including governors and organizations, feared forced expropriation and cultural erasure of ranching heritage, framing it as a threat to in sparsely populated areas; surveys in the showed over 80% rejection rates among Plains dwellers, who viewed the idea as symbolic of broader coastal disdain for rural America. No federal implementation occurred, and legislative efforts to codify opposition, such as resolutions in state legislatures, underscored the political infeasibility. Over subsequent decades, while the core vision of a unified federal commons did not materialize, elements have influenced decentralized conservation: private and tribal herds expanded from about 20,000 in the to over 500,000 by , with initiatives like the InterTribal Buffalo Council restoring herds on Native lands and nonprofits acquiring marginal properties for prairie restoration. The later described it as partly metaphorical, intended to provoke debate on land-use futures rather than a literal blueprint, acknowledging that demographic declines persist in many counties but counterbalanced by energy booms and technological in others; nonetheless, it highlighted unresolved tensions between ecological limits and human persistence in fragile environments.

Soil Erosion and Conservation Policies

The Dust Bowl era of the 1930s exemplified severe in the Great Plains, where prolonged from 1931 onward combined with extensive of native grasslands for and exposed bare to high winds, resulting in massive dust storms that displaced millions of tons of across states like , , , and . Economic pressures during the incentivized farmers to cultivate marginal lands without adequate techniques, such as or residue management, amplifying wind erosion rates that reached catastrophic levels, with some areas losing up to 100% of in affected fields. In response, the U.S. passed the Soil Conservation Act on April 27, 1935, establishing the Soil Conservation Service (, renamed or NRCS in 1994) under the USDA to promote -control practices through technical assistance, demonstration projects, and cost-sharing programs targeted at Plains farmers. Early SCS initiatives emphasized structural measures like terracing, which covered about 71% of treated acreage in the Great Plains by the mid-20th century, alongside vegetative practices such as shelterbelts of trees to reduce wind speeds and strip cropping to alternate -resistant sod with row crops. The Great Plains Conservation Program (GPCP), authorized under 7 CFR Part 631, further supported comprehensive farm-unit treatments, including subsidies for enduring practices that addressed both water and wind on highly erodible croplands. Subsequent policies, including the Soil and Water Resources Conservation Act of 1977, mandated periodic USDA assessments of soil conditions and expanded incentives for conservation compliance, such as those tied to the Farm Bill's Conservation Reserve Program (CRP), which by the retired millions of acres of marginal Great Plains land from cultivation to restore vegetative cover and curb . Modern practices promoted by NRCS, including , cover cropping, and diverse rotations, have demonstrably reduced sheet and rill ; for instance, continuous cropping with residue retention in dryland systems improved and nutrient retention while lowering wind potential compared to traditional summer fallow. Despite these efforts, current rates in the Great Plains remain elevated, with USDA estimates indicating average annual loss of approximately 2.32 megagrams per under existing conservation practices as of 2020, primarily from in western areas and in eastern regions, exceeding natural formation rates by factors of 10 to 1,000 times in intensively farmed soils. Conservation adoption varies, with cover crops showing variable efficacy in reducing but facing challenges from herbicide-resistant weeds and dry conditions that limit production; economic analyses indicate that while practices like rotations enhance long-term , short-term yield tradeoffs deter widespread uptake without sustained subsidies. Overall, policy-driven interventions have mitigated the scale of 1930s losses, yet ongoing intensive underscores the need for intensified focus on -resilient systems to sustain productivity amid variable .

Climate Variability vs. Anthropogenic Claims

The Great Plains region has exhibited pronounced natural climate variability over millennia, characterized by recurrent droughts and periods documented through paleoclimate proxies such as tree-ring records and lake sediment analyses. Tree-ring data reveal megadroughts spanning decades or centuries, including a severe event from approximately AD 1500 to 1580 that affected much of , with drought severity exceeding that of the 20th-century in spatial extent and duration. Similarly, reconstructions of the Palmer Drought Severity Index (PDSI) from tree rings indicate multiple decadal-scale droughts more intense and prolonged than any in the instrumental record, such as those during the Medieval period (AD 900–1300), driven by internal ocean-atmosphere dynamics rather than external forcings. These patterns underscore a baseline of high variability, with hydrologic records from the northern Great Plains showing frequent oscillations between wet and dry states over the last 2,000 years. Instrumental observations since the confirm this variability, including multi-year droughts in the western Great Plains during 1845–1856, which contracted regionally but caused significant impacts prior to widespread industrialization. The era (1930s) exemplifies how natural drought persistence, compounded by land-use practices like of native grasslands, led to extreme dust storms and agricultural collapse, with atmospheric modeling attributing much of the anomalous heat to internal variability rather than early anthropogenic influences. Paleoclimatic syntheses spanning 2,000 years in the highlight that such events align with quasi-periodic cycles, challenging narratives that frame 20th-century extremes as novel. Contemporary claims attributing intensified variability—such as recent flash droughts or —predominantly to anthropogenic often rely on models that underemphasize natural modes like the Atlantic Multidecadal Oscillation or , which have modulated Plains and temperature on decadal scales. NOAA analyses of regional trends note warming since the mid-20th century alongside persistent high variability, but proxy evidence indicates that current intensities remain within historical ranges, with no empirical demonstration that anthropogenic forcing has shifted the system's inherent cyclicity beyond natural precedents. Attribution studies asserting human dominance, frequently from institutions with documented biases toward alarmist projections, overlook the role of antecedent deficits and effects from , which amplified 1930s conditions independently of CO2 trends. This discrepancy highlights the need for causal realism, prioritizing proxy-verified variability over model-dependent claims of unprecedented anthropogenic alteration.

References

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