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Ethics
Ethics
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Ethics is the philosophical study of moral phenomena. Also called moral philosophy, it investigates normative questions about what people ought to do or which behavior is morally right. Its main branches include normative ethics, applied ethics, and metaethics.

Normative ethics aims to find general principles that govern how people should act. Applied ethics examines concrete ethical problems in real-life situations, such as abortion, treatment of animals, and business practices. Metaethics explores the underlying assumptions and concepts of ethics. It asks whether there are objective moral facts, how moral knowledge is possible, and how moral judgments motivate people. Influential normative theories are consequentialism, deontology, and virtue ethics. According to consequentialists, an act is right if it leads to the best consequences. Deontologists focus on acts themselves, saying that they must adhere to duties, like telling the truth and keeping promises. Virtue ethics sees the manifestation of virtues, like courage and compassion, as the fundamental principle of morality.

Ethics is closely connected to value theory, which studies the nature and types of value, like the contrast between intrinsic and instrumental value. Moral psychology is a related empirical field and investigates psychological processes involved in morality, such as reasoning and the formation of character. Descriptive ethics describes the dominant moral codes and beliefs in different societies and considers their historical dimension.

The history of ethics started in the ancient period with the development of ethical principles and theories in ancient Egypt, India, China, and Greece. This period saw the emergence of ethical teachings associated with Hinduism, Buddhism, Confucianism, Daoism, and contributions of philosophers like Socrates and Aristotle. During the medieval period, ethical thought was strongly influenced by religious teachings. In the modern period, this focus shifted to a more secular approach concerned with moral experience, reasons for acting, and the consequences of actions. An influential development in the 20th century was the emergence of metaethics.

Definition

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Bust of Aristotle
According to Aristotle, how to lead a good life is one of the central questions of ethics.[1]

Ethics, also called moral philosophy, is the study of moral phenomena. It is one of the main branches of philosophy and investigates the nature of morality and the principles that govern the moral evaluation of conduct, character traits, and institutions. It examines what obligations people have, what behavior is right and wrong, and how to lead a good life. Some of its key questions are "How should one live?" and "What gives meaning to life?".[2] In contemporary philosophy, ethics is usually divided into normative ethics, applied ethics, and metaethics.[3]

Morality is about what people ought to do rather than what they actually do, what they want to do, or what social conventions require. As a rational and systematic field of inquiry, ethics studies practical reasons why people should act one way rather than another. Most ethical theories seek universal principles that express a general standpoint of what is objectively right and wrong.[4] In a slightly different sense, the term ethics can also refer to individual ethical theories in the form of a rational system of moral principles, such as Aristotelian ethics, and to a moral code that certain societies, social groups, or professions follow, as in Protestant work ethic and medical ethics.[5]

The English word ethics has its roots in the Ancient Greek word êthos (ἦθος), meaning 'character' and 'personal disposition'. This word gave rise to the Ancient Greek word ēthikós (ἠθικός), which was translated into Latin as ethica and entered the English language in the 15th century through the Old French term éthique.[6] The term morality originates in the Latin word moralis, meaning 'manners' and 'character'. It was introduced into the English language during the Middle English period through the Old French term moralité.[7]

The terms ethics and morality are usually used interchangeably but some philosophers distinguish between the two. According to one view, morality focuses on what moral obligations people have while ethics is broader and includes ideas about what is good and how to lead a meaningful life. Another difference is that codes of conduct in specific areas, such as business and environment, are usually termed ethics rather than morality, as in business ethics and environmental ethics.[8]

Normative ethics

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Normative ethics is the philosophical study of ethical conduct and investigates the fundamental principles of morality. It aims to discover and justify general answers to questions like "How should one live?" and "How should people act?", usually in the form of universal or domain-independent principles that determine whether an act is right or wrong.[9] For example, given the particular impression that it is wrong to set a child on fire for fun, normative ethics aims to find more general principles that explain why this is the case, like the principle that one should not cause extreme suffering to the innocent, which may itself be explained in terms of a more general principle.[10] Many theories of normative ethics also aim to guide behavior by helping people make moral decisions.[11]

Theories in normative ethics state how people should act or what kind of behavior is correct. They do not aim to describe how people normally act, what moral beliefs ordinary people have, how these beliefs change over time, or what ethical codes are upheld in certain social groups. These topics belong to descriptive ethics and are studied in fields like anthropology, sociology, and history rather than normative ethics.[12]

Some systems of normative ethics arrive at a single principle covering all possible cases. Others encompass a small set of basic rules that address all or at least the most important moral considerations.[13] One difficulty for systems with several basic principles is that these principles may conflict with each other in some cases and lead to ethical dilemmas.[14]

Distinct theories in normative ethics suggest different principles as the foundation of morality. The three most influential schools of thought are consequentialism, deontology, and virtue ethics.[15] These schools are usually presented as exclusive alternatives, but depending on how they are defined, they can overlap and do not necessarily exclude one another.[16] In some cases, they differ in which acts they see as right or wrong. In other cases, they recommend the same course of action but provide different justifications for why it is right.[17]

Consequentialism

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Consequentialism, also called teleological ethics,[18][a] says that morality depends on consequences. According to the most common view, an act is right if it brings the best future. This means that there is no alternative course of action that has better consequences.[20] A key aspect of consequentialist theories is that they provide a characterization of what is good and then define what is right in terms of what is good.[21] For example, classical utilitarianism says that pleasure is good and that the action leading to the most overall pleasure is right.[22] Consequentialism has been discussed indirectly since the formulation of classical utilitarianism in the late 18th century. A more explicit analysis of this view happened in the 20th century, when the term was coined by G. E. M. Anscombe.[23]

Consequentialists usually understand the consequences of an action in a very wide sense that includes the totality of its effects. This is based on the idea that actions make a difference in the world by bringing about a causal chain of events that would not have existed otherwise.[24] A core intuition behind consequentialism is that the future should be shaped to achieve the best possible outcome.[25]

The act itself is usually not seen as part of the consequences. This means that if an act has intrinsic value or disvalue, it is not included as a factor. Some consequentialists see this as a flaw, saying that all value-relevant factors need to be considered. They try to avoid this complication by including the act itself as part of the consequences. A related approach is to characterize consequentialism not in terms of consequences but in terms of outcome, with the outcome being defined as the act together with its consequences.[26]

Most forms of consequentialism are agent-neutral. This means that the value of consequences is assessed from a neutral perspective, that is, acts should have consequences that are good in general and not just good for the agent. It is controversial whether agent-relative moral theories, like ethical egoism, should be considered as types of consequentialism.[27]

Types

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There are many different types of consequentialism. They differ based on what type of entity they evaluate, what consequences they take into consideration, and how they determine the value of consequences.[28] Most theories assess the moral value of acts. However, consequentialism can also be used to evaluate motives, character traits, rules, and policies.[29]

Many types assess the value of consequences based on whether they promote happiness or suffering. But there are also alternative evaluative principles, such as desire satisfaction, autonomy, freedom, knowledge, friendship, beauty, and self-perfection.[30] Some forms of consequentialism hold that there is only a single source of value.[31] The most prominent among them is classical utilitarianism, which states that the moral value of acts only depends on the pleasure and suffering they cause.[32] An alternative approach says that there are many different sources of value, which all contribute to one overall value.[31] Before the 20th century, consequentialists were only concerned with the total of value or the aggregate good. In the 20th century, alternative views were developed that additionally consider the distribution of value. One of them states that an equal distribution of goods is better than an unequal distribution even if the aggregate good is the same.[33]

There are disagreements about which consequences should be assessed. An important distinction is between act consequentialism and rule consequentialism. According to act consequentialism, the consequences of an act determine its moral value. This means that there is a direct relation between the consequences of an act and its moral value. Rule consequentialism, by contrast, holds that an act is right if it follows a certain set of rules. Rule consequentialism determines the best rules by considering their outcomes at a community level. People should follow the rules that lead to the best consequences when everyone in the community follows them. This implies that the relation between an act and its consequences is indirect. For example, if telling the truth is one of the best rules, then according to rule consequentialism, a person should tell the truth even in specific cases where lying would lead to better consequences.[34]

Another disagreement is between actual and expected consequentialism. According to the traditional view, only the actual consequences of an act affect its moral value. One difficulty of this view is that many consequences cannot be known in advance. This means that in some cases, even well-planned and intentioned acts are morally wrong if they inadvertently lead to negative outcomes. An alternative perspective states that what matters are not the actual consequences but the expected consequences. This view takes into account that when deciding what to do, people have to rely on their limited knowledge of the total consequences of their actions. According to this view, a course of action has positive moral value despite leading to an overall negative outcome if it had the highest expected value, for example, because the negative outcome could not be anticipated or was unlikely.[35]

A further difference is between maximizing and satisficing consequentialism. According to maximizing consequentialism, only the best possible act is morally permitted. This means that acts with positive consequences are wrong if there are alternatives with even better consequences. One criticism of maximizing consequentialism is that it demands too much by requiring that people do significantly more than they are socially expected to. For example, if the best action for someone with a good salary would be to donate 70% of their income to charity, it would be morally wrong for them to only donate 65%. Satisficing consequentialism, by contrast, only requires that an act is "good enough" even if it is not the best possible alternative. According to this view, it is possible to do more than one is morally required to do.[36][b]

Mohism in ancient Chinese philosophy is one of the earliest forms of consequentialism. It arose in the 5th century BCE and argued that political action should promote justice as a means to increase the welfare of the people.[38]

Utilitarianism

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The most well-known form of consequentialism is utilitarianism. In its classical form, it is an act consequentialism that sees happiness as the only source of intrinsic value. This means that an act is morally right if it produces "the greatest good for the greatest number" by increasing happiness and reducing suffering. Utilitarians do not deny that other things also have value, like health, friendship, and knowledge. However, they deny that these things have intrinsic value. Instead, they say that they have extrinsic value because they affect happiness and suffering. In this regard, they are desirable as a means but, unlike happiness, not as an end.[39] The view that pleasure is the only thing with intrinsic value is called ethical or evaluative hedonism.[40]

Painting of Jeremy Bentham
Photo of John Stuart Mill
Jeremy Bentham and John Stuart Mill are the founding fathers of classical utilitarianism.[41]

Classical utilitarianism was initially formulated by Jeremy Bentham at the end of the 18th century and further developed by John Stuart Mill. Bentham introduced the hedonic calculus to assess the value of consequences. Two key aspects of the hedonic calculus are the intensity and the duration of pleasure. According to this view, a pleasurable experience has a high value if it has a high intensity and lasts for a long time. A common criticism of Bentham's utilitarianism argued that its focus on the intensity of pleasure promotes an immoral lifestyle centered around indulgence in sensory gratification. Mill responded to this criticism by distinguishing between higher and lower pleasures. He stated that higher pleasures, like the intellectual satisfaction of reading a book, are more valuable than lower pleasures, like the sensory enjoyment of food and drink, even if their intensity and duration are the same.[42] Since its original formulation, many variations of utilitarianism have developed, including the difference between act and rule utilitarianism and between maximizing and satisficing utilitarianism.[43]

Deontology

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Deontology assesses the moral rightness of actions based on a set of norms or principles. These norms describe the requirements that all actions need to follow.[44] They may include principles like telling the truth, keeping promises, and not intentionally harming others.[45] Unlike consequentialists, deontologists hold that the validity of general moral principles does not directly depend on their consequences. They state that these principles should be followed in every case since they express how actions are inherently right or wrong. According to moral philosopher David Ross, it is wrong to break a promise even if no harm comes from it.[46] Deontologists are interested in which actions are right and often allow that there is a gap between what is right and what is good.[47] Many focus on prohibitions and describe which acts are forbidden under any circumstances.[48]

Agent-centered and patient-centered

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Agent-centered deontological theories focus on the person who acts and the duties they have. Agent-centered theories often focus on the motives and intentions behind people's actions, highlighting the importance of acting for the right reasons. They tend to be agent-relative, meaning that the reasons for which people should act depend on personal circumstances. For example, a parent has a special obligation to their child, while a stranger does not have this kind of obligation toward a child they do not know. Patient-centered theories, by contrast, focus on the people affected by actions and the rights they have. An example is the requirement to treat other people as ends and not merely as a means to an end.[49] This requirement can be used to argue, for example, that it is wrong to kill a person against their will even if this act would save the lives of several others. Patient-centered deontological theories are usually agent-neutral, meaning that they apply equally to everyone in a situation, regardless of their specific role or position.[50]

Kantianism

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Oil painting of Immanuel Kant
Immanuel Kant formulated a deontological system based on universal laws that apply to all rational creatures.

Immanuel Kant (1724–1804) is one of the most well-known deontologists.[51] He states that reaching outcomes that people desire, such as being happy, is not the main purpose of moral actions. Instead, he argues that there are universal principles that apply to everyone independent of their desires. He uses the term categorical imperative for these principles, saying that they have their source in the structure of practical reason and are true for all rational agents. According to Kant, to act morally is to act in agreement with reason as expressed by these principles[52] while violating them is both immoral and irrational.[53]

Kant provided several formulations of the categorical imperative. One formulation says that a person should only follow maxims[c] that can be universalized. This means that the person would want everyone to follow the same maxim as a universal law applicable to everyone. Another formulation states that one should treat other people always as ends in themselves and never as mere means to an end. This formulation focuses on respecting and valuing other people for their own sake rather than using them in the pursuit of personal goals.[55]

In either case, Kant says that what matters is to have a good will. A person has a good will if they respect the moral law and form their intentions and motives in agreement with it. Kant states that actions motivated in such a way are unconditionally good, meaning that they are good even in cases where they result in undesirable consequences.[56]

Others

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Divine command theory says that God is the source of morality. It states that moral laws are divine commands and that to act morally is to obey and follow God's will. While all divine command theorists agree that morality depends on God, there are disagreements about the precise content of the divine commands, and theorists belonging to different religions tend to propose different moral laws.[57] For example, Christian and Jewish divine command theorists may argue that the Ten Commandments express God's will[58] while Muslims may reserve this role for the teachings of the Quran.[59]

Contractualists reject the reference to God as the source of morality and argue instead that morality is based on an explicit or implicit social contract between humans. They state that actual or hypothetical consent to this contract is the source of moral norms and duties. To determine which duties people have, contractualists often rely on a thought experiment about what rational people under ideal circumstances would agree on. For example, if they would agree that people should not lie then there is a moral obligation to refrain from lying. Because it relies on consent, contractualism is often understood as a patient-centered form of deontology.[60][d] Famous social contract theorists include Thomas Hobbes, John Locke, Jean-Jacques Rousseau, and John Rawls.[62]

Photo of Jürgen Habermas
According to discourse ethics, as formulated by Jürgen Habermas, moral norms are justified by rational discourse within society.

Discourse ethics also focuses on social agreement on moral norms but says that this agreement is based on communicative rationality. It aims to arrive at moral norms for pluralistic modern societies that encompass a diversity of viewpoints. A universal moral norm is seen as valid if all rational discourse participants do or would approve. This way, morality is not imposed by a single moral authority but arises from the moral discourse within society. This discourse should aim to establish an ideal speech situation to ensure fairness and inclusivity. In particular, this means that discourse participants are free to voice their different opinions without coercion but are at the same time required to justify them using rational argumentation.[63]

Virtue ethics

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The main concern of virtue ethics is how virtues are expressed in actions. As such, it is neither directly interested in the consequences of actions nor in universal moral duties.[64] Virtues are positive character traits like honesty, courage, kindness, and compassion. They are usually understood as dispositions to feel, decide, and act in a certain manner by being wholeheartedly committed to this manner. Virtues contrast with vices, which are their harmful counterparts.[65]

Virtue theorists usually say that the mere possession of virtues by itself is not sufficient. Instead, people should manifest virtues in their actions. An important factor is the practical wisdom, also called phronesis, of knowing when, how, and which virtue to express. For example, a lack of practical wisdom may lead courageous people to perform morally wrong actions by taking unnecessary risks that should better be avoided.[66]

Different types of virtue ethics differ on how they understand virtues and their role in practical life. Eudaimonism is the original form of virtue theory developed in Ancient Greek philosophy and draws a close relation between virtuous behavior and happiness. It states that people flourish by living a virtuous life. Eudaimonist theories often hold that virtues are positive potentials residing in human nature and that actualizing these potentials results in leading a good and happy life.[67] Agent-based theories, by contrast, see happiness only as a side effect and focus instead on the admirable traits and motivational characteristics expressed while acting. This is often combined with the idea that one can learn from exceptional individuals what those characteristics are.[67] Feminist ethics of care are another form of virtue ethics. They emphasize the importance of interpersonal relationships and say that benevolence by caring for the well-being of others is one of the key virtues.[68]

Influential schools of virtue ethics in ancient philosophy were Aristotelianism and Stoicism. According to Aristotle (384–322 BCE), each virtue[e] is a golden mean between two types of vices: excess and deficiency. For example, courage is a virtue that lies between the deficient state of cowardice and the excessive state of recklessness. Aristotle held that virtuous action leads to happiness and makes people flourish in life.[70] Stoicism emerged about 300 BCE[71] and taught that, through virtue alone, people can achieve happiness characterized by a peaceful state of mind free from emotional disturbances. The Stoics advocated rationality and self-mastery to achieve this state.[72] In the latter half of the 20th century, virtue ethics experienced a resurgence thanks to philosophers such as Elizabeth Anscombe, Philippa Foot, Alasdair MacIntyre, and Martha Nussbaum.[73]

Other traditions

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There are many other schools of normative ethics in addition to the three main traditions. Pragmatist ethics focuses on the role of practice and holds that one of the key tasks of ethics is to solve practical problems in concrete situations. It has certain similarities to utilitarianism and its focus on consequences but concentrates more on how morality is embedded in and relative to social and cultural contexts. Pragmatists tend to give more importance to habits than to conscious deliberation and understand morality as a habit that should be shaped in the right way.[74]

Postmodern ethics agrees with pragmatist ethics about the cultural relativity of morality. It rejects the idea that there are objective moral principles that apply universally to all cultures and traditions. It asserts that there is no one coherent ethical code since morality itself is irrational and humans are morally ambivalent beings.[75] Postmodern ethics instead focuses on how moral demands arise in specific situations as one encounters other people.[76]

Photo of Buddha statue
The practices of compassion and loving-kindness are key elements of Buddhist ethics.

Ethical egoism is the view that people should act in their self-interest or that an action is morally right if the person acts for their own benefit. It differs from psychological egoism, which states that people actually follow their self-interest without claiming that they should do so. Ethical egoists may act in agreement with commonly accepted moral expectations and benefit other people, for example, by keeping promises, helping friends, and cooperating with others. However, they do so only as a means to promote their self-interest. Ethical egoism is often criticized as an immoral and contradictory position.[77]

Normative ethics has a central place in most religions. Key aspects of Jewish ethics are to follow the 613 commandments of God according to the Mitzvah duty found in the Torah and to take responsibility for societal welfare.[78] Christian ethics puts less emphasis on following precise laws and teaches instead the practice of selfless love, such as the Great Commandment to "Love your neighbor as yourself".[79] The Five Pillars of Islam constitute a basic framework of Muslim ethics and focus on the practice of faith, prayer, charity, fasting during Ramadan, and pilgrimage to Mecca.[80]

Buddhists emphasize the importance of compassion and loving-kindness towards all sentient entities.[81] A similar outlook is found in Jainism, which has non-violence as its principal virtue.[82] Duty is a central aspect of Hindu ethics and is about fulfilling social obligations, which may vary depending on a person's social class and stage of life.[83] Confucianism places great emphasis on harmony in society and sees benevolence as a key virtue.[84] Taoism extends the importance of living in harmony to the whole world and teaches that people should practice effortless action by following the natural flow of the universe.[85] Indigenous belief systems, like Native American philosophy and the African Ubuntu philosophy, often emphasize the interconnectedness of all living beings and the environment while stressing the importance of living in harmony with nature.[86]

Metaethics

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Metaethics is the branch of ethics that examines the nature, foundations, and scope of moral judgments, concepts, and values. It is not interested in which actions are right but in what it means for an action to be right and whether moral judgments are objective and can be true at all. It further examines the meaning of morality and other moral terms.[87] Metaethics is a metatheory that operates on a higher level of abstraction than normative ethics by investigating its underlying assumptions. Metaethical theories typically do not directly judge which normative ethical theories are correct. However, metaethical theories can still influence normative theories by examining their foundational principles.[88]

Metaethics overlaps with various branches of philosophy. On the level of ontology,[f] it examines whether there are objective moral facts.[90] Concerning semantics, it asks what the meaning of moral terms are and whether moral statements have a truth value.[91] The epistemological side of metaethics discusses whether and how people can acquire moral knowledge.[92] Metaethics overlaps with psychology because of its interest in how moral judgments motivate people to act. It also overlaps with anthropology since it aims to explain how cross-cultural differences affect moral assessments.[93]

Basic concepts

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Diagram of the deontic square
The deontic square visualizes the relations between possible moral statuses of an act.[94]

Metaethics examines basic ethical concepts and their relations. Ethics is primarily concerned with normative statements about what ought to be the case, in contrast to descriptive statements, which are about what is the case.[95][g] Duties and obligations express requirements of what people ought to do.[98] Duties are sometimes defined as counterparts of the rights that always accompany them. According to this view, someone has a duty to benefit another person if this other person has the right to receive that benefit.[99]

Obligation and permission are contrasting terms that can be defined through each other: to be obligated to do something means that one is not permitted not to do it and to be permitted to do something means that one is not obligated not to do it.[100][h] Some theorists define obligations in terms of values or what is good. When used in a general sense, good contrasts with bad. When describing people and their intentions, the term evil rather than bad is often employed.[101]

Obligations are used to assess the moral status of actions, motives, and character traits.[102] An action is morally right if it is in tune with a person's obligations and morally wrong if it violates them.[103] Supererogation is a special moral status that applies to cases in which the agent does more than is morally required of them.[104] To be morally responsible for an action usually means that the person possesses and exercises certain capacities or some form of control.[i] If a person is morally responsible then it is appropriate to respond to them in certain ways, for example, by praising or blaming them.[106]

Realism, relativism, and nihilism

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A major debate in metaethics is about the ontological status of morality, questioning whether ethical values and principles are real. It examines whether moral properties exist as objective features independent of the human mind and culture rather than as subjective constructs or expressions of personal preferences and cultural norms.[107]

Moral realists accept the claim that there are objective moral facts. This view implies that moral values are mind-independent aspects of reality and that there is an absolute fact about whether a given action is right or wrong. A consequence of this view is that moral requirements have the same ontological status as non-moral facts: it is an objective fact whether there is an obligation to keep a promise just as it is an objective fact whether a thing is rectangular.[107] Moral realism is often associated with the claim that there are universal ethical principles that apply equally to everyone.[108] It implies that if two people disagree about a moral evaluation then at least one of them is wrong. This observation is sometimes taken as an argument against moral realism since moral disagreement is widespread in most fields.[109]

Moral relativists reject the idea that morality is an objective feature of reality. They argue instead that moral principles are human inventions. This means that a behavior is not objectively right or wrong but only subjectively right or wrong relative to a certain standpoint. Moral standpoints may differ between persons, cultures, and historical periods.[110] For example, moral statements like "Slavery is wrong" or "Suicide is permissible" may be true in one culture and false in another.[111][j] Some moral relativists say that moral systems are constructed to serve certain goals such as social coordination. According to this view, different societies and different social groups within a society construct different moral systems based on their diverging purposes.[113] Emotivism provides a different explanation, stating that morality arises from moral emotions, which are not the same for everyone.[114]

Moral nihilists deny the existence of moral facts. They reject the existence of both objective moral facts defended by moral realism and subjective moral facts defended by moral relativism. They believe that the basic assumptions underlying moral claims are misguided. Some moral nihilists conclude from this that anything is allowed. A slightly different view emphasizes that moral nihilism is not itself a moral position about what is allowed and prohibited but the rejection of any moral position.[115] Moral nihilism, like moral relativism, recognizes that people judge actions as right or wrong from different perspectives. However, it disagrees that this practice involves morality and sees it as just one type of human behavior.[116]

Naturalism and non-naturalism

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A central disagreement among moral realists is between naturalism and non-naturalism. Naturalism states that moral properties are natural properties accessible to empirical observation. They are similar to the natural properties investigated by the natural sciences, like color and shape.[117] Some moral naturalists hold that moral properties are a unique and basic type of natural property.[k] Another view states that moral properties are real but not a fundamental part of reality and can be reduced to other natural properties, such as properties describing the causes of pleasure and pain.[119]

Non-naturalism argues that moral properties form part of reality and that moral features are not identical or reducible to natural properties. This view is usually motivated by the idea that moral properties are unique because they express what should be the case.[120] Proponents of this position often emphasize this uniqueness by claiming that it is a fallacy to define ethics in terms of natural entities or to infer prescriptive from descriptive statements.[121]

Cognitivism and non-cognitivism

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The metaethical debate between cognitivism and non-cognitivism is about the meaning of moral statements and is a part of the study of semantics. According to cognitivism, moral statements like "Abortion is morally wrong" and "Going to war is never morally justified" are truth-apt, meaning that they all have a truth value: they are either true or false. Cognitivism claims that moral statements have a truth value but is not interested in which truth value they have. It is often seen as the default position since moral statements resemble other statements, like "Abortion is a medical procedure" or "Going to war is a political decision", which have a truth value.[122]

There is a close relation between the semantic theory of cognitivism and the ontological theory of moral realism. Moral realists assert that moral facts exist. This can be used to explain why moral statements are true or false: a statement is true if it is consistent with the facts and false otherwise. As a result, philosophers who accept one theory often accept the other as well. An exception is error theory, which combines cognitivism with moral nihilism by claiming that all moral statements are false because there are no moral facts.[123]

Non-cognitivism is the view that moral statements lack a truth value. According to this view, the statement "Murder is wrong" is neither true nor false. Some non-cognitivists claim that moral statements have no meaning at all. A different interpretation is that they have another type of meaning. Emotivism says that they articulate emotional attitudes. According to this view, the statement "Murder is wrong" expresses that the speaker has a negative moral attitude towards murder or disapproves of it. Prescriptivism, by contrast, understands moral statements as commands. According to this view, stating that "Murder is wrong" expresses a command like "Do not commit murder".[124]

Moral knowledge

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The epistemology of ethics studies whether or how one can know moral truths. Foundationalist views state that some moral beliefs are basic and do not require further justification. Ethical intuitionism is one such view that says that humans have a special cognitive faculty through which they can know right from wrong. Intuitionists often argue that general moral truths, like "Lying is wrong", are self-evident and that it is possible to know them without relying on empirical experience. A different foundationalist position focuses on particular observations rather than general intuitions. It says that if people are confronted with a concrete moral situation, they can perceive whether right or wrong conduct was involved.[125]

In contrast to foundationalists, coherentists say that there are no basic moral beliefs. They argue that beliefs form a complex network and mutually support and justify one another. According to this view, a moral belief can only amount to knowledge if it coheres with the rest of the beliefs in the network.[125] Moral skeptics say that people are unable to distinguish between right and wrong behavior, thereby rejecting the idea that moral knowledge is possible. A common objection by critics of moral skepticism asserts that it leads to immoral behavior.[126]

Diagram depicting a trolley that is headed towards a group of people. There is an alternate track with only one person and a switch to change tracks.
The trolley problem is a thought experiment about the moral difference between doing and allowing harm.

Thought experiments are used as a method in ethics to decide between competing theories. They usually present an imagined situation involving an ethical dilemma and explore how people's intuitions of right and wrong change based on specific details in that situation.[127] For example, in Philippa Foot's trolley problem, a person can flip a switch to redirect a trolley from one track to another, thereby sacrificing the life of one person to save five. This scenario explores how the difference between doing and allowing harm affects moral obligations.[128] Another thought experiment, proposed by Judith Jarvis Thomson, examines the moral implications of abortion by imagining a situation in which a person gets connected without their consent to an ill violinist. In this scenario, the violinist dies if the connection is severed, similar to how a fetus dies in the case of abortion. The thought experiment explores whether it would be morally permissible to sever the connection within the next nine months.[129]

Moral motivation

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On the level of psychology, metaethics is interested in how moral beliefs and experiences affect behavior. According to motivational internalists, there is a direct link between moral judgments and action. This means that every judgment about what is right motivates the person to act accordingly. For example, Socrates defends a strong form of motivational internalism by holding that a person can only perform an evil deed if they are unaware that it is evil. Weaker forms of motivational internalism say that people can act against their own moral judgments, for example, because of the weakness of the will. Motivational externalists accept that people can judge an act to be morally required without feeling a reason to engage in it. This means that moral judgments do not always provide motivational force.[130] A closely related question is whether moral judgments can provide motivation on their own or need to be accompanied by other mental states, such as a desire to act morally.[131]

Applied ethics

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Applied ethics, also known as practical ethics,[132] is the branch of ethics and applied philosophy that examines concrete moral problems encountered in real-life situations. Unlike normative ethics, it is not concerned with discovering or justifying universal ethical principles. Instead, it studies how those principles can be applied to specific domains of practical life, what consequences they have in these fields, and whether additional domain-specific factors need to be considered.[133]

Photo of surgery
One of the difficulties of applied ethics is to determine how to apply general ethical principles to concrete situations, like medical procedures.

One of the main challenges of applied ethics is to breach the gap between abstract universal theories and their application to concrete situations.[134] For example, an in-depth understanding of Kantianism or utilitarianism is usually not sufficient to decide how to analyze the moral implications of a medical procedure like abortion. One reason is that it may not be clear how the Kantian requirement of respecting everyone's personhood applies to a fetus or, from a utilitarian perspective, what the long-term consequences are in terms of the greatest good for the greatest number.[135] This difficulty is particularly relevant to applied ethicists who employ a top-down methodology by starting from universal ethical principles and applying them to particular cases within a specific domain.[136] A different approach is to use a bottom-up methodology, known as casuistry. This method does not start from universal principles but from moral intuitions about particular cases. It seeks to arrive at moral principles relevant to a specific domain, which may not be applicable to other domains.[137] In either case, inquiry into applied ethics is often triggered by ethical dilemmas in which a person is subject to conflicting moral requirements.[138]

Applied ethics covers issues belonging to both the private sphere, like right conduct in the family and close relationships, and the public sphere, like moral problems posed by new technologies and duties toward future generations.[139] Major branches include bioethics, business ethics, and professional ethics. There are many other branches, and their domains of inquiry often overlap.[140]

Bioethics

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Bioethics covers moral problems associated with living organisms and biological disciplines.[141] A key problem in bioethics is how features such as consciousness, being able to feel pleasure and pain, rationality, and personhood affect the moral status of entities. These differences concern, for example, how to treat non-living entities like rocks and non-sentient entities like plants in contrast to animals, and whether humans have a different moral status than other animals.[142] According to anthropocentrism, only humans have a basic moral status. This suggests that all other entities possess a derivative moral status only insofar as they impact human life. Sentientism, by contrast, extends an inherent moral status to all sentient beings. Further positions include biocentrism, which also covers non-sentient lifeforms, and ecocentrism, which states that all of nature has a basic moral status.[143]

Bioethics is relevant to various aspects of life and many professions. It covers a wide range of moral problems associated with topics like abortion, cloning, stem cell research, euthanasia, suicide, animal testing, intensive animal farming, nuclear waste, and air pollution.[144]

Bioethics can be divided into medical ethics, animal ethics, and environmental ethics based on whether the ethical problems relate to humans, other animals, or nature in general.[145] Medical ethics is the oldest branch of bioethics. The Hippocratic Oath is one of the earliest texts to engage in medical ethics by establishing ethical guidelines for medical practitioners like a prohibition to harm the patient.[146] Medical ethics often addresses issues related to the start and end of life. It examines the moral status of fetuses, for example, whether they are full-fledged persons and whether abortion is a form of murder.[147] Ethical issues also arise about whether a person has the right to end their life in cases of terminal illness or chronic suffering and if doctors may help them do so.[148] Other topics in medical ethics include medical confidentiality, informed consent, research on human beings, organ transplantation, and access to healthcare.[146]

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Harm done to animals is a particular concern in animal ethics, for example, as a result of intensive animal farming.

Animal ethics examines how humans should treat other animals. This field often emphasizes the importance of animal welfare while arguing that humans should avoid or minimize the harm done to animals. There is wide agreement that it is wrong to torture animals for fun. The situation is more complicated in cases where harm is inflicted on animals as a side effect of the pursuit of human interests. This happens, for example, during factory farming, when using animals as food, and for research experiments on animals.[149] A key topic in animal ethics is the formulation of animal rights. Animal rights theorists assert that animals have a certain moral status and that humans should respect this status when interacting with them.[150] Examples of suggested animal rights include the right to life, the right to be free from unnecessary suffering, and the right to natural behavior in a suitable environment.[151]

Environmental ethics deals with moral problems relating to the natural environment including animals, plants, natural resources, and ecosystems. In its widest sense, it covers the whole cosmos.[152] In the domain of agriculture, this concerns the circumstances under which the vegetation of an area may be cleared to use it for farming and the implications of planting genetically modified crops.[153] On a wider scale, environmental ethics addresses the problem of global warming and people's responsibility on the individual and collective levels, including topics like climate justice and duties towards future generations. Environmental ethicists often promote sustainable practices and policies directed at protecting and conserving ecosystems and biodiversity.[154]

Business and professional ethics

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Business ethics examines the moral implications of business conduct and how ethical principles apply to corporations and organizations.[155] A key topic is corporate social responsibility, which is the responsibility of corporations to act in a manner that benefits society at large. Corporate social responsibility is a complex issue since many stakeholders are directly and indirectly involved in corporate decisions, such as the CEO, the board of directors, and the shareholders. A closely related topic is the question of whether corporations themselves, and not just their stakeholders, have moral agency.[156] Business ethics further examines the role of honesty and fairness in business practices as well as the moral implications of bribery, conflict of interest, protection of investors and consumers, worker's rights, ethical leadership, and corporate philanthropy.[155]

Professional ethics is a closely related field that studies ethical principles applying to members of a specific profession, like engineers, medical doctors, lawyers, and teachers. It is a diverse field since different professions often have different responsibilities.[157] Principles applying to many professions include that the professional has the required expertise for the intended work and that they have personal integrity and are trustworthy. Further principles are to serve the interest of their target group, follow client confidentiality, and respect and uphold the client's rights, such as informed consent.[158] More precise requirements often vary between professions. A cornerstone of engineering ethics is to protect public safety, health, and well-being.[159] Legal ethics emphasizes the importance of respect for justice, personal integrity, and confidentiality.[160] Key factors in journalism ethics include accuracy, truthfulness, independence, and impartiality as well as proper attribution to avoid plagiarism.[161]

Other subfields

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Many other fields of applied ethics are discussed in the academic literature. Communication ethics covers moral principles of communicative conduct. Two key issues in it are freedom of speech and speech responsibility. Freedom of speech concerns the ability to articulate one's opinions and ideas without the threats of punishment and censorship. Speech responsibility is about being accountable for the consequences of communicative action and inaction.[162] A closely related field is information ethics, which focuses on the moral implications of creating, controlling, disseminating, and using information.[163]

Photo of a nuclear weapon
Nuclear ethics addresses the moral implications of nuclear technology, such as atom bombs.

The ethics of technology examines the moral issues associated with the creation and use of any artifact, from simple spears to high-tech computers and nanotechnology.[164] Central topics in the ethics of technology include the risks associated with creating new technologies, their responsible use, and questions about human enhancement through technological means, such as performance-enhancing drugs and genetic enhancement.[165] Important subfields include computer ethics, ethics of artificial intelligence, machine ethics, ethics of nanotechnology, and nuclear ethics.[166]

The ethics of war investigates moral problems of war and violent conflicts. According to just war theory, waging war is morally justified if it fulfills certain conditions. These conditions are commonly divided into requirements concerning the cause to initiate violent activities, such as self-defense, and the way those violent activities are conducted, such as avoiding excessive harm to civilians in the pursuit of legitimate military targets.[167] Military ethics is a closely related field that is interested in the conduct of military personnel. It governs questions of the circumstances under which they are permitted to kill enemies, destroy infrastructure, and put the lives of their own troops at risk.[168] Additional topics are the recruitment, training, and discharge of military personnel.[169]

Other fields of applied ethics include political ethics, which examines the moral dimensions of political decisions,[170] educational ethics, which covers ethical issues related to proper teaching practices,[171] and sexual ethics, which addresses the moral implications of sexual behavior.[172]

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Value theory

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Value theory, also called axiology,[l] is the philosophical study of value. It examines the nature and types of value.[174] A central distinction is between intrinsic and instrumental value. An entity has intrinsic value if it is good in itself or good for its own sake. An entity has instrumental value if it is valuable as a means to something else, for example, by causing something that has intrinsic value.[175] Other topics include what kinds of things have value and how valuable they are. For instance, axiological hedonists say that pleasure is the only source of intrinsic value and that the magnitude of value corresponds to the degree of pleasure. Axiological pluralists, by contrast, hold that there are different sources of intrinsic value, such as happiness, knowledge, and beauty.[176]

There are disagreements about the exact relation between value theory and ethics. Some philosophers characterize value theory as a subdiscipline of ethics while others see value theory as the broader term that encompasses other fields besides ethics, such as aesthetics and political philosophy.[177] A different characterization sees the two disciplines as overlapping but distinct fields.[178] The term axiological ethics is sometimes used for the discipline studying this overlap, that is, the part of ethics that studies values.[179] The two disciplines are sometimes distinguished based on their focus: ethics is about moral behavior or what is right while value theory is about value or what is good.[180] Some ethical theories, like consequentialism, stand very close to value theory by defining what is right in terms of what is good. But this is not true for ethics in general and deontological theories tend to reject the idea that what is good can be used to define what is right.[181][m]

Moral psychology

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Moral psychology explores the psychological foundations and processes involved in moral behavior. It is an empirical science that studies how humans think and act in moral contexts. It is interested in how moral reasoning and judgments take place, how moral character forms, what sensitivity people have to moral evaluations, and how people attribute and react to moral responsibility.[183]

One of its key topics is moral development or the question of how morality develops on a psychological level from infancy to adulthood.[184] According to Lawrence Kohlberg, children go through different stages of moral development as they understand moral principles first as fixed rules governing reward and punishment, then as conventional social norms, and later as abstract principles of what is objectively right across societies.[185] A closely related question is whether and how people can be taught to act morally.[186]

Evolutionary ethics, a closely related field, explores how evolutionary processes have shaped ethics. One of its key ideas is that natural selection is responsible for moral behavior and moral sensitivity. It interprets morality as an adaptation to evolutionary pressure that augments fitness by offering a selective advantage.[187] Altruism, for example, can provide benefits to group survival by improving cooperation.[188] Some theorists, like Mark Rowlands, argue that morality is not limited to humans, meaning that some non-human animals act based on moral emotions. Others explore evolutionary precursors to morality in non-human animals.[189]

Descriptive ethics

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Descriptive ethics, also called comparative ethics,[190] studies existing moral codes, practices, and beliefs. It investigates and compares moral phenomena in different societies and different groups within a society. It aims to provide a value-neutral and empirical description without judging or justifying which practices are objectively right. For instance, the question of how nurses think about the ethical implications of abortion belongs to descriptive ethics. Another example is descriptive business ethics, which describes ethical standards in the context of business, including common practices, official policies, and employee opinions. Descriptive ethics also has a historical dimension by exploring how moral practices and beliefs have changed over time.[191]

Descriptive ethics is a multidisciplinary field that is covered by disciplines such as anthropology, sociology, psychology, and history. Its empirical outlook contrasts with the philosophical inquiry into normative questions, such as which ethical principles are correct and how to justify them.[192]

History

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Head of Laozi marble Tang Dynasty (618–906 CE) Shaanxi Province China
According to Laozi's teachings, which are central to conceptions of ethics in Daoism, humans should aim to live in harmony with the natural order of the universe.

The history of ethics studies how moral philosophy has developed and evolved in the course of history.[193] It has its origin in ancient civilizations. In ancient Egypt, the concept of Maat was used as an ethical principle to guide behavior and maintain order by emphasizing the importance of truth, balance, and harmony.[194][n] In ancient India starting in the 2nd millennium BCE,[196] the Vedas and later Upanishads were composed as the foundational texts of Hindu philosophy and discussed the role of duty and the consequences of one's actions.[197] Buddhist ethics originated in ancient India between the 6th and 5th centuries BCE and advocated compassion, non-violence, and the pursuit of enlightenment.[198] Ancient China in the 6th century BCE[o] saw the emergence of Confucianism, which focuses on moral conduct and self-cultivation by acting in agreement with virtues, and Daoism, which teaches that human behavior should be in harmony with the natural order of the universe.[200]

In ancient Greece, Socrates (c. 469–399 BCE)[201] emphasized the importance of inquiry into what a good life is by critically questioning established ideas and exploring concepts like virtue, justice, courage, and wisdom.[202] According to Plato (c. 428–347 BCE),[203] to lead a good life means that the different parts of the soul are in harmony with each other.[204] For Aristotle (384–322 BCE),[205] a good life is associated with being happy by cultivating virtues and flourishing.[206] Starting in the 4th century BCE, the close relation between right action and happiness was also explored by the Hellenistic schools of Epicureanism, which recommended a simple lifestyle without indulging in sensory pleasures, and Stoicism, which advocated living in tune with reason and virtue while practicing self-mastery and becoming immune to disturbing emotions.[207]

Ethical thought in the medieval period was strongly influenced by religious teachings. Christian philosophers interpreted moral principles as divine commands originating from God.[208] Thomas Aquinas (1224–1274 CE)[209] developed natural law ethics by claiming that ethical behavior consists in following the laws and order of nature, which he believed were created by God.[210] In the Islamic world, philosophers like Al-Farabi (c. 878–950 CE)[211] and Avicenna (980–1037 CE)[212] synthesized ancient Greek philosophy with the ethical teachings of Islam while emphasizing the harmony between reason and faith.[213] In medieval India, Hindu philosophers like Adi Shankara (c. 700–750 CE)[214] and Ramanuja (1017–1137 CE)[215][p] saw the practice of spirituality to attain liberation as the highest goal of human behavior.[217]

Photo of George Edward Moore
G. E. Moore's book Principia Ethica was partly responsible for the emergence of metaethics in the 20th century.

Moral philosophy in the modern period was characterized by a shift toward a secular approach to ethics. Thomas Hobbes (1588–1679)[218] identified self-interest as the primary drive of humans. He concluded that it would lead to "a war of every man against every man" unless a social contract is established to avoid this outcome.[219] David Hume (1711–1776)[220] thought that only moral sentiments, like empathy, can motivate ethical actions while he saw reason not as a motivating factor but only as what anticipates the consequences of possible actions.[221] Immanuel Kant (1724–1804),[222] by contrast, saw reason as the source of morality. He formulated a deontological theory, according to which the ethical value of actions depends on their conformity with moral laws independent of their outcome. These laws take the form of categorical imperatives, which are universal requirements that apply to every situation.[223]

Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel (1770–1831)[224] saw Kant's categorical imperative on its own as an empty formalism and emphasized the role of social institutions in providing concrete content to moral duties.[225] According to the Christian philosophy of Søren Kierkegaard (1813–1855),[226] the demands of ethical duties are sometimes suspended when doing God's will.[227] Friedrich Nietzsche (1844–1900)[228] formulated criticisms of both Christian and Kantian morality.[229] Another influential development in this period was the formulation of utilitarianism by Jeremy Bentham (1748–1832)[230] and John Stuart Mill (1806–1873).[231] According to the utilitarian doctrine, actions should promote happiness while reducing suffering and the right action is the one that produces the greatest good for the greatest number of people.[232]

Photo of Simone de Beauvoir
Simone de Beauvoir explored moral philosophy from the perspective of existentialism.[233]

An important development in 20th-century ethics in analytic philosophy was the emergence of metaethics.[234] Significant early contributions to this field were made by G. E. Moore (1873–1958),[235] who argued that moral values are essentially different from other properties found in the natural world.[236] R. M. Hare (1919–2002)[237] followed this idea in formulating his prescriptivism, which states that moral statements are commands that, unlike regular judgments, are neither true nor false.[238] J. L. Mackie (1917–1981)[239] suggested that every moral statement is false since there are no moral facts.[123] An influential argument for moral realism was made by Derek Parfit (1942–2017),[240] who argued that morality concerns objective features of reality that give people reasons to act in one way or another.[241] Bernard Williams (1929–2003)[242] agreed with the close relation between reasons and ethics but defended a subjective view instead that sees reasons as internal mental states that may or may not reflect external reality.[243]

Another development in this period was the revival of ancient virtue ethics by philosophers like Philippa Foot (1920–2010).[244] In the field of political philosophy, John Rawls (1921–2002)[245] relied on Kantian ethics to analyze social justice as a form of fairness.[246] In continental philosophy, phenomenologists such as Max Scheler (1874–1928)[247] and Nicolai Hartmann (1882–1950)[248] built ethical systems based on the claim that values have objective reality that can be investigated using the phenomenological method.[249] Existentialists like Jean-Paul Sartre (1905–1980)[250] and Simone de Beauvoir (1908–1986),[251] by contrast, held that values are created by humans and explored the consequences of this view in relation to individual freedom, responsibility, and authenticity.[252] This period also saw the emergence of feminist ethics, which questions traditional ethical assumptions associated with a male perspective and puts alternative concepts, like care, at the center.[253]

See also

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References

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
Ethics, also termed moral , constitutes the branch of dedicated to the systematic examination of moral values, principles, and norms that differentiate right from wrong conduct and good from bad character. This discipline probes the foundations of , seeking to establish criteria for evaluating actions, intentions, and virtues through rational inquiry rather than mere convention or emotion, distinguishing it from customary practices or emotional responses. The field divides into three primary branches: , which investigates the meaning, origin, and objectivity of moral concepts; , which formulates general standards for determining moral obligations; and , which addresses moral dilemmas in concrete domains such as , , and . encompasses major theories including , which judges actions by their outcomes, typically aiming to maximize overall welfare; , which emphasizes adherence to categorical duties and rules irrespective of consequences; and , which prioritizes the cultivation of exemplary character traits like and . Ethics originated in ancient civilizations, with foundational contributions from thinkers like , , and in , who linked moral inquiry to human flourishing, and has evolved through debates over —positing objective truths discoverable via reason and evidence—versus , which denies universal standards. Contemporary discussions integrate insights from and , revealing moral intuitions as products of adaptive mechanisms, yet underscoring the need for deliberate reasoning to override biases in ethical decision-making. Defining characteristics include persistent controversies, such as the , which highlights tensions between utilitarian sacrifice and deontic prohibitions against harming innocents, illustrating the causal trade-offs in moral choices.

Definition and Scope

Core Definition

is the branch of that systematically investigates moral principles, focusing on standards of right and wrong conduct that prescribe human obligations, virtues, and the conditions for societal benefit. This inquiry addresses normative questions about what individuals and communities ought to do, distinguishing prescriptive judgments from mere descriptions of behavior or cultural norms. The term "ethics" originates from the ancient Greek word ēthos (ἦθος), denoting character, disposition, or habitual conduct, reflecting an early emphasis on personal and social virtues as shaped by deliberate habits rather than innate traits. In philosophical practice, ethics seeks well-founded criteria for evaluating actions, often grounded in rational analysis of human flourishing, justice, and harm avoidance, rather than unexamined traditions or emotional responses. Central to ethics is the pursuit of objective or intersubjectively valid norms for moral decision-making, though debates persist on whether such standards derive from universal reason, empirical consequences, or divine commands; for instance, Aristotle framed ethics as the study aimed at achieving eudaimonia—human well-being—through virtuous activity aligned with rational nature. This distinguishes ethics from aesthetics or metaphysics by its direct concern with guiding practical choices amid conflicting interests and factual uncertainties. Ethics is frequently conflated with morality, yet philosophers often draw a subtle distinction: morality pertains to the actual standards of right and wrong held by individuals or societies, while ethics constitutes the reflective inquiry into the foundations, justification, and application of those standards. For instance, one's moral intuitions might deem lying inherently wrong, but ethical analysis probes whether such prohibitions hold universally or depend on consequences, as in utilitarian frameworks. This reflective dimension positions ethics as a branch of rather than mere adherence to pre-existing moral codes. Within this framework, "moral principles" and "ethical principles" are largely interchangeable in philosophical usage, both referring to standards distinguishing right from wrong. In popular usage, however, moral principles are viewed as personal, internal beliefs shaped by conscience, culture, or religion (subjective and flexible), while ethical principles are seen as external, codified rules from groups, societies, or professions (consistent and enforced). Philosophers reject a sharp divide, treating them as synonymous in ethics and moral philosophy.
AspectMoral PrinciplesEthical Principles
SourcePersonal/internalSocietal/professional
NatureSubjective, flexibleCodified, consistent
Example"Lying is always wrong""Maintain accuracy in reporting"
EnforcementSelf-imposedFormal sanctions
Philosophical UsageSynonymous with ethical principlesSynonymous with moral principles
In contrast to law, ethics operates without coercive enforcement mechanisms; laws are formalized rules promulgated by state authorities, backed by penalties for violation, whereas ethical norms rely on personal conviction, social pressure, or professional codes. A legal prohibition on theft, enacted via statutes like the U.S. as of 1952, mandates compliance under threat of imprisonment, but ethical evaluation might extend to subtler issues, such as whether evading taxes through loopholes constitutes wrongdoing absent statutory breach. Thus, lawful actions can remain unethical, as seen in historical examples like slavery's legality in the American South until the 13th Amendment's ratification on December 6, 1865, which ethicists later condemned on grounds of human dignity. Ethics diverges from religion in its grounding: religious morality typically derives from divine commands or sacred texts, such as the Ten Commandments in traditions dating to circa 1440 BCE, whereas ethics seeks secular justifications through reason and empirical observation, independent of supernatural authority. While religions like , originating around the 5th century BCE, integrate ethical precepts such as non-violence (), these are often framed as paths to enlightenment rather than purely rational imperatives; ethicists, by contrast, might derive similar duties from causal analyses of harm, as in assessing the societal costs of via data on conflict mortality rates exceeding 100 million in the 20th century alone. This allows ethics to critique or transcend religious doctrines, as evidenced by secular humanists rejecting faith-based prohibitions on despite their prevalence in Abrahamic faiths. Finally, ethics differs from etiquette and cultural , which govern superficial social conduct for harmony rather than profound moral evaluation. Etiquette dictates conventions like handshaking in Western business settings since the or in East Asian cultures, violations of which offend politeness but not core principles of ; ethics, however, interrogates whether such practices perpetuate inequality, such as gender-segregated in certain societies documented in anthropological studies from the 1920s onward. Customs evolve with societal shifts, like the decline of formal dress codes post-1960s , but ethical norms aim for timeless validity based on human flourishing, not transient convention.

Historical and Etymological Origins

The English term "ethics" derives from the Ancient Greek adjective ἠθικός (ēthikós), meaning "pertaining to character," which stems from the noun ἦθος (êthos), originally signifying "custom," "habit," or "accustomed place," and evolving to denote "moral character" or "disposition." This etymological root reflects a focus on habitual conduct and personal disposition as central to moral inquiry, distinguishing ethics from mere custom (nomos) by emphasizing reflective character formation. Systematic ethical philosophy emerged in around the 5th century BCE, with (c. 470–399 BCE) initiating a shift from cosmological speculation to human-centered moral examination through dialectical questioning and the , positing that virtue is knowledge and unexamined life unworthy of living. His student (c. 428–348 BCE) advanced this in dialogues like the , theorizing justice as harmony in the soul mirroring an ideal state, and identifying the as the ultimate ethical principle. (384–322 BCE), Plato's pupil, systematized ethics in the , defining it as practical knowledge aimed at (human flourishing) achieved via the and cultivation of intellectual and moral virtues through habituation and reason. Preceding Greek philosophy, prescriptive moral codes existed in earlier civilizations, such as the Babylonian Code of Hammurabi (c. 1750 BCE), which outlined retributive justice principles like "an eye for an eye," but lacked the reflective, universalist inquiry characteristic of Greek ethics. Similarly, Hebrew scriptures from c. 1200–100 BCE emphasized covenantal obedience and divine commands as moral foundations, influencing later natural law traditions yet differing from Greek emphasis on rational autonomy. These antecedents provided normative rules, but ethics as a philosophical discipline analyzing moral reasoning's foundations crystallized in the Socratic turn toward individual virtue and the good life.

Metaethics

Fundamental Questions

The fundamental questions of metaethics concern the presuppositions underlying moral discourse, including whether moral properties exist independently of human , what moral statements signify, and how moral —if possible—is acquired and justified. These inquiries differ from by not prescribing actions but examining the metaphysical, semantic, and epistemic foundations of itself. The ontological question asks whether moral facts or properties are real constituents of the world and, if so, their nature—natural (reducible to empirical features like or evolutionary fitness), non-natural (irreducible and apprehended intuitively), (grounded in divine will), or nonexistent. realists affirm the of such properties, arguing they supervene on or constitute objective features of ; for instance, neo-Aristotelian views hold that moral goods align with as empirically discernible teleological ends. Anti-realists, including error theorists like , contend that moral claims presuppose objective, motivationally compelling values that are metaphysically bizarre—"" in their intrinsic prescriptivity—and thus fail to refer, rendering ordinary moral judgments systematically false. Empirical considerations, such as convergent moral intuitions across cultures on prohibitions like gratuitous (evident in studies of 60 societies showing near-universal taboos), lend some support to realist ontologies over pure invention, though academic sources often underemphasize this due to prevailing constructivist biases. The semantic question probes the meaning of moral terms like "good" or "ought," inquiring whether they express descriptive propositions capable of truth or falsity, or non-descriptive attitudes such as emotions, commands, or inferences. G.E. Moore's open question argument, articulated in 1903, challenges reductive naturalist semantics by noting that equating "good" with any natural (e.g., ) leaves open the further question of whether that property truly is good, suggesting "good" denotes a simple, non-natural indefinable in empirical terms. Non-cognitivists counter that moral language functions expressively, as in where "murder is wrong" conveys disapproval rather than a truth-claim, avoiding ontological commitments but raising issues of moral disagreement's rational resolution. Inferentialist approaches, drawing on , treat moral terms as governed by normative inferences rather than truth conditions, aligning semantics with practical reasoning. The epistemological question addresses how, if moral facts exist, they are known or justified—through , reason, empirical observation, or —and whether arises from the absence of reliable access. Realists invoke faculties like rational (as in Moore) or , where beliefs cohere with considered judgments and evidence; for naturalized morals, provides causal explanations for moral cognition, as seen in domain-specific adaptations for reciprocity detected via fMRI studies of fairness judgments. Skeptics argue moral epistemology founders on , with no decisive method distinguishing true morals from evolved biases, a view amplified in academia despite counterevidence from cross-cultural experiments revealing non-arbitrary universals like . These questions interconnect: ontological denial often motivates semantic shifts to error or , while epistemic challenges question moral discourse's cognitive status altogether.

Moral Realism and Objectivity

![Photo of George Edward Moore](./assets/1914_George_Edward_Moore_croppedcropped Moral realism posits that moral statements express propositions capable of being true or false based on objective features of the world, independent of human attitudes or cultural consensus. Proponents argue that actions like torturing innocents for pleasure are objectively wrong, not merely disapproved by most people. This view contrasts with subjectivism by asserting mind-independent moral facts, akin to mathematical truths. Objectivity in ethics, under , implies that moral truths hold regardless of individual beliefs or societal norms, allowing for genuine moral disagreement where one side can be mistaken. Philosophers such as defended this through the "open question argument," contending that identifying something as good does not analytically entail its moral value, pointing to non-natural, objective properties. Empirical support draws from folk intuitions, where surveys indicate most ordinary people treat moral claims as objectively true, as in judgments that unnecessary harm is wrong irrespective of opinion. A 2009 PhilPapers survey of 3,226 philosophers found 56% accepting or leaning toward , reflecting its prominence despite anti-realist challenges like evolutionary explanations for moral beliefs potentially undermining objectivity. Realists counter that such debunking arguments fail if moral cognition tracks genuine facts, similar to how evolution does not invalidate perceptual realism. Causal realism supports this by emphasizing that moral facts could causally influence behavior through rational apprehension, not mere sentiment. Key historical figures include , who argued for eternal Forms including the Good, and , whose ties virtue to objective human flourishing. Modern robust realists like David Brink and Russ Shafer-Landau maintain that moral properties are natural or non-natural but irreducible to non-moral facts. Critics of often invoke persistent cross-cultural disagreements as evidence against objectivity, yet realists respond that such disputes occur in science too without disproving physical facts, and convergence on basics like prohibiting suggests underlying truths. Academic sources, while predominant, exhibit biases favoring in social sciences, but philosophical consensus leans realist due to intuitive force and for moral , as seen in abolishing based on arguments transcending mere preference.

Moral Anti-Realism, Relativism, and Nihilism

Moral anti-realism posits that there are no objective facts or properties that exist independently of human attitudes, beliefs, or conventions. This view contrasts with by rejecting the idea that moral statements can be true or false in a mind-independent , often attributing moral discourse to subjective preferences, emotions, or social constructs. Key arguments include the evolutionary explanation for moral intuitions as adaptive heuristics rather than detectors of objective truths, and the observation that moral disagreement persists without resolution, suggesting no underlying facts to adjudicate disputes. One prominent form is moral relativism, which holds that moral truths, if any, are relative to cultural, societal, or individual frameworks. Descriptive relativism observes empirical variation in moral practices, such as historical acceptance of infanticide among the Inuit for resource scarcity or ritual human sacrifice in Aztec society until the Spanish conquest in 1521. Meta-ethical relativism extends this to claim that moral judgments are true relative to a standpoint, implying no universal standards. However, empirical studies challenge the extent of diversity: a 2019 analysis of ethnographic data from 60 societies identified seven near-universal moral rules—kinship loyalty, reciprocity, fairness in resource division, property respect, bravery, deference to authority, and in-group help—suggesting shared evolutionary pressures rather than pure relativity. Critics argue relativism undermines cross-cultural critique, as it cannot condemn practices like honor killings in certain tribal contexts without imposing an external standard, leading to a tolerance paradox where relativism itself claims universal validity. Moral nihilism, often advanced through error theory, asserts that all moral claims are systematically false because they presuppose nonexistent objective prescriptivity. Philosopher articulated this in his 1977 book Ethics: Inventing Right and Wrong, arguing via the "argument from queerness" that properties, if real, would be metaphysically odd—non- entities capable of motivating action intrinsically, unlike observable natural kinds—and epistemologically inaccessible, as no sensory faculty detects them. The "argument from relativity" supplements this by noting persistent moral discord, which would be inexplicable if objective facts existed. implies moral language functions as error-laden fiction, akin to phlogiston in outdated , yet allows practical decision-making via non-moral criteria like or coherence. Detractors contend that explains intuitions and partial agreements without error, as cooperative norms enhance fitness across species, and queerness dissolves if moral facts reduce to natural properties like causation. Empirical cross-cultural data on sacrificial dilemmas further indicate convergent judgments on , questioning nihilism's dismissal of fact-like moral patterns.

Cognitivism versus Non-Cognitivism

Cognitivism holds that judgments express propositions capable of being true or false, akin to factual assertions, thereby attributing to them a cognitive content involving beliefs about the world. This position aligns with the that involves truth-apt claims, as evidenced by everyday practices of moral argumentation where individuals debate the accuracy of statements like "unnecessary is wrong" as if they describe objective features. Proponents argue that this semantic structure explains the role of evidence and reasoning in moral deliberation, such as citing empirical consequences or logical consistency to support or refute ethical positions. Non-cognitivism, in contrast, contends that moral judgments do not express beliefs but rather non-cognitive attitudes, such as expressions of approval, disapproval, or imperatives, rendering them neither true nor false. , a prominent variant developed by in Language, Truth and Logic (1936) and Charles L. Stevenson in Ethics and Language (1944), interprets statements like "stealing is wrong" as evincing an emotional response, equivalent to exclamations of aversion rather than descriptive claims. Prescriptivism, advanced by in works like The Language of Morals (1952), views moral utterances as universalizable prescriptions or commands, urging action without asserting facts, as in treating "do not lie" as a directive applicable impartially. A central challenge to is the embedding problem, or Frege-Geach problem, which highlights difficulties in accounting for terms within complex logical structures. For instance, non-cognitivists struggle to explain the inferential validity of arguments like "If is wrong, then legalizing it would be unjust; is wrong; therefore, legalizing it would be unjust," where the antecedent lacks truth-value under emotivist or prescriptivist analyses, yet preserves normative force in reasoning. Cognitivists leverage this to argue that language functions propositionally, supporting deductive and inductive inferences akin to descriptive . Non-cognitivists have responded with quasi-realist strategies, such as Simon Blackburn's projectivism, which simulates truth-aptness through attitudinal commitments without positing actual facts, though critics contend this concedes too much to cognitivist semantics. Empirical considerations also favor cognitivism, as psychological studies indicate that moral judgments correlate with -like states responsive to , rather than mere affective outbursts; for example, revisions in moral views following exposure to countervailing data mirror factual updates more than emotional vents. While appeals to motivational internalism—the link between moral judgment and action—it faces counterexamples where individuals affirm moral truths yet fail to act accordingly, undermining the necessity of non-cognitive attitudes for explaining . The debate persists, with cognitivism dominating contemporary due to its compatibility with realist and anti-realist ontologies alike, whereas 's influence has waned amid unresolved logical and explanatory hurdles.

Moral Epistemology and Justification

Moral epistemology examines the sources, nature, and limits of about moral truths, typically understood as justified true beliefs regarding moral facts or properties. It addresses whether such knowledge is possible, how moral beliefs are justified, and what distinguishes moral justification from epistemic justification in non-moral domains. Key questions include the reliability of moral intuitions, the impact of persistent moral disagreement across cultures, and whether evolutionary origins undermine claims to objective moral . One foundational approach is , which holds that basic moral propositions are self-evident and apprehended directly through intellectual seemings or intuitions, providing non-inferential justification without need for empirical proof or further argument. , in (1903), argued that the property of goodness is a non-natural, indefinable quality known intuitively, rejecting naturalistic reductions via the open-question argument: equating good with any natural property leaves open whether it truly is good. extended this to duties, such as and non-maleficence, which are self-evident upon adequate reflection but may conflict, requiring intuitive judgment for resolution. Intuitionists respond to reliability concerns by emphasizing that intuitions track moral truths independently of causal origins, provided the perceiver grasps the proposition's content. Coherentism offers an alternative method, justifying moral beliefs through their mutual consistency within a web of convictions, as in John Rawls's . Narrow adjusts general principles to fit specific considered judgments, while wide equilibrium incorporates broader background theories, empirical data, and alternative views for comprehensive coherence. Rawls applied this in (1971) to derive principles of justice, revising intuitions like opposition to alongside utilitarian or libertarian theories until equilibrium is reached. Critics argue this risks , as multiple incompatible equilibria may emerge from differing starting judgments, failing to guarantee truth-tracking. Empiricist and naturalized approaches ground moral justification in experience or scientific inquiry, treating moral properties as natural kinds discernible through observation or causal relations. emphasized sentiments as the basis for moral distinctions, with reason serving instrumental roles rather than providing a priori . Contemporary naturalists like David Copp propose society-centered views, where moral facts supervene on societal standards justified empirically via rational choice or evolutionary utility. Empirical psychology supports limited universals, such as Jonathan Haidt's identification of core values like and fairness in diverse cultures, suggesting some convergence despite disagreement. Challenges to moral knowledge include persistent disagreement, as seen in cross-cultural variances on issues like euthanasia, which intuitionists attribute to errors in non-moral facts or weighting duties rather than flawed intuitions. Evolutionary debunking arguments, advanced by Sharon Street (2006), contend that moral beliefs shaped by natural selection for survival prioritize fitness over objective truth, undercutting realist justifications unless alignment with truths is explanatorily superfluous. Responses invoke autonomous rational reflection to filter evolutionary influences, allowing beliefs to track independent moral facts, or argue that adaptive reliability in social environments supports truth-conduciveness. Skeptics like Richard Joyce (2006) claim a full genealogical explanation of moral practice without moral facts favors error theory, though realists counter that causal origins do not preclude epistemic warrant if faculties are reliable.

Normative Ethics

Consequentialism

Consequentialism is a normative ethical theory that evaluates the moral rightness or wrongness of an action exclusively by its outcomes or consequences. Under this framework, an action qualifies as morally right if it produces the best overall consequences compared to available alternatives, with the nature of "best" defined by a specified criterion of value, such as maximizing pleasure or well-being. This approach contrasts with theories emphasizing duties, intentions, or character traits independent of results. The most prominent variant is , advanced by (1748–1832) and (1806–1873), which posits that actions are right insofar as they promote the greatest happiness for the greatest number. Bentham's hedonic calculus quantified pleasure and pain to assess consequences, while Mill distinguished higher intellectual pleasures from base ones. Other forms include , where right actions maximize the agent's own good, and rule consequentialism, which judges rules by their tendency to yield optimal outcomes rather than individual acts. These theories share the core commitment to outcome maximization but differ in whose interests or what value is prioritized. Consequentialism faces several criticisms. Detractors argue it is overly demanding, requiring agents to constantly calculate and sacrifice personal interests for aggregate betterment, potentially eroding ordinary moral intuitions about special obligations to or friends. It also permits intuitively acts, such as punishing an innocent person if it deters more effectively than alternatives, as the theory prioritizes results over or rights violations. Predicting long-term consequences accurately poses practical challenges, and the theory may undervalue intentions or agent-centered constraints. A classic illustration is the , where a runaway trolley heads toward five people, but diverting it kills one on another track; consequentialists typically endorse diversion to minimize deaths, whereas deontologists may reject it due to prohibitions against using someone as a means. Empirical studies, such as those by Joshua Greene, suggest such dilemmas activate utilitarian reasoning linked to controlled cognition, though critics question whether this supports consequentialism's normative force.

Deontology

Deontology constitutes a family of normative ethical theories that evaluate the of actions based on to rules, duties, or principles, irrespective of consequences. Unlike , which assesses acts by their outcomes, posits that some actions possess intrinsic moral worth or wrongness derived from their alignment with obligations. This approach emphasizes agent-centered constraints, such as prohibitions against lying or killing, even when violating them might yield better results. The term "" derives from the Greek (duty) and logos (study), reflecting its focus on obligatory conduct. While roots trace to , modern deontology crystallized in the 18th century through (1724–1804), whose (1785) articulated the as a universal moral law binding rational agents. Kant's first formulation requires acting only on maxims that can be willed as universal laws without contradiction, ensuring actions stem from rather than inclination. The second formulation mandates treating persons as ends in themselves, not mere means, prohibiting exploitation. Other variants include W.D. Ross's (1877–1971) intuitionist , which identifies duties like and non-maleficence that may conflict, requiring judgment to resolve without a single overriding rule. represents a theological form, where duties arise from God's commands, as in certain interpretations of Abrahamic scriptures. Critics argue yields rigid outcomes, such as refusing to lie to conceal innocents from aggressors, potentially causing greater harm. This tension manifests in thought experiments like the , devised by in 1967, where a runaway trolley heads toward five people but can be diverted to kill one instead. Consequentialists typically endorse diverting the trolley to minimize deaths, prioritizing net welfare, whereas strict deontologists often reject active intervention, viewing it as impermissible killing despite passive allowance of the greater loss. Such scenarios highlight deontology's commitment to side-constraints on action, preserving moral absolutes against utilitarian aggregation. Proponents counter that rules provide predictable stability, avoiding the epistemic uncertainty of forecasting consequences.

Virtue Ethics

Virtue ethics constitutes a normative ethical framework that prioritizes the cultivation of and virtues as the primary basis for ethical evaluation, rather than assessing actions solely by their consequences or to rules. This approach posits that individuals who possess virtues—such as , , and temperance—will reliably perform morally right actions, as their character dispositions guide behavior toward human flourishing, or . Originating in , virtue ethics was systematically articulated by in his , composed around 350 BCE, where virtues are described as stable dispositions acquired through and rational deliberation. Central to Aristotelian is the , which holds that each represents a between excess and deficiency in response to emotions or actions; for instance, lies between rashness and , determined not by a fixed arithmetic but by practical () tailored to context. Intellectual virtues, like , complement ethical virtues, enabling agents to discern the appropriate mean. Aristotle argued that virtues enable eudaimonia, a state of self-sufficient activity in accordance with complete virtue over a complete life, achievable through education and practice rather than mere intellectual knowledge. In contrast to , which evaluates actions based on outcomes like utility maximization, and , which emphasizes duties or categorical imperatives irrespective of results, centers the moral agent's character as the locus of ethical assessment. Virtuous individuals act rightly because it aligns with their developed nature, not external criteria; thus, right actions stem from virtues rather than defining them. A modern revival of virtue ethics emerged in the mid-20th century, spurred by dissatisfaction with rule-based and outcome-focused theories amid perceived failures in addressing moral motivation and character. Elizabeth Anscombe's 1958 essay "Modern Moral Philosophy" critiqued contemporary ethics for neglecting virtues and to ti ên einai (the "what it is to be") of moral concepts, advocating a return to pre-Humean frameworks like Aristotle's. Philippa Foot extended this by linking virtues to human goods, arguing in works like Natural Goodness (2001) that virtues promote species-typical functioning analogous to health in biology. Alasdair MacIntyre's After Virtue (1981) further propelled the resurgence, diagnosing modern moral fragmentation as resulting from the abandonment of teleological ethics and proposing virtues within narrative traditions for personal and communal coherence. These thinkers emphasized virtues' role in enabling thick ethical descriptions and resisting relativism by grounding them in shared human practices.

Contractarianism and Other Theories

Contractarianism posits that moral principles and obligations arise from a hypothetical agreement among rational agents, deriving normative force from mutual rather than divine command, intuition, or consequences alone. This approach traces to classical theorists who envisioned morality and political authority emerging from a pre-social "" to escape anarchy or insecurity. , in (1651), argued that in a , self-interested individuals face perpetual war, prompting a contract to surrender rights to a for , yielding moral duties grounded in rather than . , in (1689), modified this by positing natural rights to life, , and , with forming limited governments to protect them, emphasizing voluntary agreement over coercion. , in (1762), introduced the "general will" as a prioritizing communal good, influencing democratic ideals but critiqued for potentially subsuming individual autonomy. Modern contractarianism refines these ideas, often distinguishing Hobbesian variants—focused on bargaining among self-interested parties—from , which seeks impartial principles no rational person could reasonably reject. , in (1971), proposed the "original position" behind a "veil of ignorance," where agents design principles of without knowing their , yielding egalitarian outcomes like equal basic liberties and the difference principle allowing inequalities only if they benefit the least advantaged. , in Morals by Agreement (1986), advanced a rational choice model where moral rules emerge from constrained maximization, as parties agree to cooperate for mutual gain, treating ethics as non-tuistic but instrumentally rational. T.M. Scanlon's , outlined in What We Owe to Each Other (1998), shifts emphasis to intersubjective justification, holding acts wrong if they would be rejected by reasonable agents seeking reciprocity, prioritizing mutual recognition over utility or rights. Critiques highlight contractarianism's reliance on idealized , potentially marginalizing non-rational agents like children or the cognitively impaired, whose interests may be unprotected without independent status. Empirical challenges question whether hypothetical agreements reflect real-world motivations, as bargaining models assume and enforcement absent in human psychology, per studies on under . Feminist philosophers, such as , argue it overemphasizes abstract and , neglecting relational contexts where care and dependency underpin , as evidenced in showing gender-differentiated favoring connection over rights. Among other normative theories, posits morality as rooted in responsiveness to others' needs within relationships, contrasting contractarian impartiality with contextual . Developed by in (1982), it draws on psychological data indicating care-oriented reasoning in moral dilemmas, advocating virtues like attentiveness and responsibility over contractual rules, though critiqued for risking favoritism or inefficiency in large-scale justice. , asserting one ought to maximize personal welfare, serves as a foil, with proponents like in (1964) defending rational self-interest as foundational, yet it faces refutation from cases where apparent yields long-term gain, undermining universality. rejects general principles, holding that moral reasons vary by context without overriding rules, as argues in Ethics Without Principles (2004), supported by intuitive judgments in trolley-like scenarios where no formula consistently applies. These alternatives challenge the big three theories by emphasizing relational, self-regarding, or situational elements, though they often integrate with or critique contractarianism's rationalist core.

Biological and Evolutionary Foundations

Innate Moral Instincts

research indicates that preverbal infants exhibit preferences for prosocial behaviors, suggesting an innate basis for moral evaluation. In experiments conducted by J. Kiley Hamlin, Karen Wynn, and Paul Bloom, 6- and 10-month-old infants observed puppet shows where one puppet helped another achieve a goal while another hindered it; the infants subsequently reached more often for the helpful puppet, demonstrating an early social evaluation mechanism independent of or explicit teaching. Similar findings extend to 3-month-olds, who show differential responses to helpful versus hindering characters, implying that rudimentary moral intuitions emerge prior to significant cultural exposure. These preferences align with evolutionary pressures favoring , as articulated by , who posited that human moral sense originates from prosocial instincts rooted in and extended to kin and groups. Twin studies further support a genetic component to moral traits. Multivariate analyses of over 2,000 participants reveal that moral foundations—such as care, fairness, , , sanctity, and —exhibit moderate to high , with genetic factors accounting for 20-50% of variance across dimensions, while shared environment plays a minimal role. This heritability persists after controlling for overlaps, indicating that individual differences in moral intuitions are not solely environmentally determined but include innate predispositions shaped by selection for social cohesion in ancestral environments. Neuroscience corroborates these findings through . judgments activate distributed brain networks, including the and , regions implicated in and intention attribution, with evidence suggesting these responses are hardwired rather than purely learned. studies and developmental trajectories further imply innateness, as deficits in conditions like precede cultural reinforcement. Critiques argue that infant preferences may reflect perceptual biases, such as expectations of goal-directed motion, rather than genuine ; a replication attempt in found no robust prosocial preference in some cohorts, attributing results to methodological artifacts. Nonetheless, meta-analyses affirm consistent early prosocial biases across s, with environmental factors modulating but not originating these instincts. Thus, while refines moral expression, empirical data point to innate foundations enabling rapid adaptation to social norms.

Evolutionary Explanations of Altruism and Cooperation

Altruism, defined as behavior that benefits another individual at a cost to the actor's fitness, poses a challenge to Darwinian , which favors traits enhancing individual survival and reproduction. Evolutionary biologists resolve this through mechanisms that align apparent with propagation, primarily via , reciprocity, and group-level dynamics. These explanations emerged in the mid-20th century, building on mathematical models and empirical observations from social insects, , and game-theoretic simulations. Kin selection, formalized by W.D. Hamilton in 1964, posits that evolves when directed toward genetic relatives, as aiding kin indirectly propagates shared genes. Hamilton's rule states that a gene for spreads if rB>CrB > C, where rr is the genetic relatedness between actor and recipient, BB the fitness benefit to the recipient, and CC the fitness cost to the actor. In haplodiploid (ants, bees, wasps), females share 75% relatedness with sisters due to haplodiploid sex determination, favoring worker sterility to rear siblings over personal reproduction, explaining eusociality's prevalence in this order—over 90% of eusocial insect species. Empirical support includes manipulated colonies where workers preferentially aid full sisters, and genomic studies confirming kin-biased helping in species like the fire ant Solenopsis invicta. Reciprocal altruism, proposed by in 1971, extends cooperation to unrelated individuals expecting future repayment, provided interactions repeat and cheaters can be punished. This requires cognitive traits like partner assessment, memory of past acts, and moralistic aggression toward defectors to stabilize exchanges. Observed in vampire bats (Desmodus rotundus) sharing blood meals with roost-mates who reciprocate within days, and (Labroides dimidiatus) removing parasites from predators while avoiding exploitation. bolsters this: in iterated tournaments run by Robert Axelrod in 1984, the "tit-for-tat" strategy—cooperating first, then mirroring the opponent's last move—outperformed others across 200+ rounds against 14 strategies, due to its provocability, retaliation, forgiveness, and clarity. Group selection, or multi-level selection, argues altruism evolves when groups with cooperators outcompete selfish groups, despite intra-group advantages for selfishness. Revived by and Elliott Sober in the 1990s, their trait-group model shows persisting if group benefits exceed individual costs across metapopulations, as in microbial biofilms where cooperative producers enable group persistence. Though criticized for conflating levels—e.g., often suffices—empirical cases include human bands where parochial (in-group favoritism) enhances group survival, per simulations showing multi-level dynamics stabilizing beyond pairwise reciprocity. These mechanisms integrate in models like Hamilton's encompassing both kin and greenbeard effects ( markers for ), underscoring how selection at , individual, and group levels causally drives cooperative traits without invoking non-Darwinian processes.

Critiques of Reductionism to Biology

Critiques of reducing ethical norms to biological processes center on the fundamental gap between descriptive explanations of moral behavior and prescriptive justifications for moral actions. Evolutionary can account for the origins of moral intuitions, such as , as adaptations promoting survival and reproduction in social groups, yet it fails to derive normative obligations from these empirical facts. This echoes David Hume's is-ought distinction, where statements about what is the case in nature cannot logically entail statements about what ought to be done, a problem that persists in despite attempts to naturalize moral claims. Philosophers argue that biological accounts explain the causal mechanisms behind moral sentiments but leave unanswered why agents should adhere to them over or alternative norms, as selects for fitness-enhancing behaviors that may conflict with impartial ethical reasoning. A related objection invokes G.E. Moore's , which contends that ethical properties like "goodness" cannot be identically equated with any natural property, including biological fitness or adaptive traits, because such reductions commit an error in defining non-natural ethical concepts through empirical terms. Moore's open-question argument illustrates this: even if a is shown to be biologically adaptive, questioning whether it is truly good remains meaningfully open, indicating that ethical evaluation transcends biological description. Critics of biological , such as , maintain that ethics constitutes an autonomous domain of inquiry, irreducible to scientific explanations of , as moral deliberation involves rational standards independent of evolutionary history. This view posits that while informs the psychological underpinnings of , reducing to genetic or selective processes undermines the objective justification required for ethical systems, potentially leading to where morals are mere byproducts without binding force. Further challenges arise from evolutionary debunking arguments, which suggest that if moral beliefs evolved primarily for rather than truth-tracking, their reliability as guides to objective ethics is compromised, akin to optical illusions adapted for practical but not veridical perception. Proponents of this critique, including Sharon Street, argue that the adaptive origins of moral intuitions favor toward their epistemic warrant unless supplemented by non-biological justifications, such as rational reflection or . of moral variation exceeding what kin selection or reciprocity models predict further highlights the limits of strict biological reduction, as social learning and institutional factors introduce norms not fully explicable by genetics alone. These objections collectively affirm that while elucidates the proximate causes of ethical dispositions, comprehensive ethical demands integration with to address , avoiding the pitfalls of in moral philosophy.

Religious and Natural Law Perspectives

Theological Foundations in Abrahamic Traditions

In Abrahamic traditions—Judaism, Christianity, and Islam—ethical foundations are anchored in the revealed will of a singular, transcendent God who issues binding commands to humanity. This approach, often aligned with Divine Command Theory, holds that moral rightness consists in obedience to divine directives, with wrongdoing defined as disobedience, rather than deriving primarily from human-derived principles or consequences. God's commands are not arbitrary but reflect His unchanging holy nature, providing an objective standard for human conduct. Sacred texts serve as the primary repositories of these revelations, emphasizing duties toward God (such as monotheistic worship and prohibition of idolatry) and toward others (including prohibitions against harm and mandates for justice). Judaism grounds its ethics in the , viewed as God's direct to at circa 1312 BCE, culminating in the 613 mitzvot (commandments) that regulate personal, communal, and ritual life. Central to this are the Ten Commandments (Exodus 20:1–17), which explicitly forbid murder, adultery, theft, and perjury while mandating honor for parents and exclusive devotion to , framing morality as covenantal fidelity to the Creator who liberated the Israelites from Egyptian bondage. Rabbinic interpretations in the expand these into , a legal-ethical system prioritizing communal holiness and (righteous justice or charity), with ethical lapses seen as breaches against divine order rather than mere social infractions. This theological basis posits that true ethical knowledge stems from prophetic , not innate reason alone, as human inclinations () require to curb self-interest. Christian ethics builds upon Jewish foundations but centers on the Bible's dual testaments, with the fulfilling law through Christ's teachings and . The moral character of —holy, just, and loving—forms the ultimate basis, as articulated in passages like 6:8 ("to act justly, mercy, walk humbly with ") and the (Matthew 22:37–40) to wholly and neighbor as self. ' (Matthew 5–7) intensifies ethical demands, equating internal attitudes (e.g., lust as , anger as ) with overt acts, and introduces grace as enabling obedience amid human sinfulness. further emphasize virtues like , , and (1 Corinthians 13), with ethics as sanctification toward Christlikeness, accountable ultimately to rather than empirical utility. In Islam, moral foundations reside in the Quran, revealed to Muhammad between 610 and 632 CE, and exemplified in the Sunnah (Prophet's traditions), with tawhid (God's oneness) as the bedrock requiring submission (islam) to divine will. Key ethical imperatives include justice (adl), compassion (rahma), and stewardship (khilafah), as in Quran 17:70 affirming human dignity and 2:177 mandating charity, prayer, and truthfulness. Acts are classified as fard (obligatory), mandub (recommended), mubah (permissible), makruh (discouraged), or haram (forbidden), with intention (niyyah) pivotal; righteousness is holistic, integrating belief and action (Quran 2:177: "It is righteousness to believe in God... and give wealth... to kinsfolk, orphans, the needy"). Sharia derives ethics from these sources, prioritizing communal harmony (ummah) under God's sovereignty, where moral intuition aligns with revelation but cannot supersede it.

Natural Law Theory

Natural law theory posits that moral principles are derived from the inherent structure of the universe and , discoverable through reason rather than divine alone. This framework traces its origins to , particularly 's concept of , where natural entities have inherent purposes or ends that guide ethical action. Stoic philosophers extended this by viewing the cosmos as governed by a rational divine , implying universal laws binding on human conduct. , in the 1st century BCE, synthesized these ideas in , defining true law as "right reason in agreement with nature," eternal, unchanging, and applicable to all nations. In the medieval period, (1225–1274) integrated into in his (completed 1274), distinguishing four tiers of law: as God's rational plan for creation; as the rational creature's participation in eternal law; revealed through scripture; and human law derived from for societal order. argued that the first precept of is "good is to be done and pursued, and evil avoided," from which secondary precepts follow, such as preserving life, procreating, acquiring , and living harmoniously in . These precepts are self-evident to practical reason, rooted in human inclinations toward flourishing, and serve as objective standards for evaluating actions and positive laws. Natural law theory emphasizes that valid human laws must conform to ; otherwise, they lack , as Aquinas stated: "An unjust law is no law at all." This view underpins critiques of , asserting that morality is not arbitrary but grounded in observable and rational order. In the 20th century, the "new natural law" theory emerged, led by Germain Grisez's 1965 article and developed by and others, shifting focus from classical to basic human goods like life, , play, aesthetic experience, sociability, practical reasonableness, and . These goods are self-evident and incommensurable, with moral norms arising from requirements of practical reason to pursue them integrally rather than selectively. This approach aims to address modern philosophical challenges, such as , by deriving ethics from first-person practical deliberation without relying on metaphysical essences. Critics, including traditional Thomists, argue it dilutes Aquinas's emphasis on nature's ends, potentially leading to indeterminate conclusions.

Eastern Religious Ethics

Eastern religious ethics derive primarily from Indian and Chinese traditions, including , , , , and , which emphasize cosmic order, interdependence, and cultivation of virtues to align with natural or divine laws rather than universal individual . These systems view moral action as sustaining within and the , often through principles like , non-violence, and effortless alignment with inherent patterns, contrasting with deontological rules or consequentialist calculations prevalent in Western thought. Empirical observations of social stability in historical Eastern societies, such as the longevity of Confucian bureaucracies in from the (206 BCE–220 CE) onward, suggest practical efficacy in promoting cooperation, though critiques highlight potential suppression of dissent in favor of collective conformity. In , ethics center on , the principle of righteous duty tailored to one's social role, stage of life, and cosmic context, encompassing obligations like truthfulness (), non-violence (), and self-control to maintain universal order (). Adherence to dharma generates positive karma, influencing future rebirths, while violations lead to suffering, as illustrated in the where is counseled to fulfill warrior duties despite personal qualms, prioritizing cosmic balance over emotional aversion. This framework, rooted in Vedic texts dating to circa 1500 BCE, promotes ethical flexibility but has been observed to reinforce hierarchies, with historical data from ancient Indian inscriptions showing varna-based duties correlating with societal stability amid invasions. Buddhist ethics, building on Hindu foundations but rejecting caste, focus on the —encompassing right view, intention, speech, action, livelihood, effort, , and concentration—to eradicate (dukkha) through cessation of craving and ignorance. Core precepts include abstaining from killing, stealing, , lying, and intoxicants, with karma dictating rebirth outcomes based on volitional actions, as evidenced in texts compiled around the 1st century BCE. Practices like empirically reduce aggression, with modern studies linking to lower levels and improved , though traditional emphasis on monastic has limited lay ethical depth in some sects. Jainism elevates ahimsa to absolute non-violence toward all life forms, extending to microscopic organisms via dietary and occupational restrictions, alongside , which posits reality's multifaceted nature to foster tolerance and avoid dogmatic harm. These principles, attributed to (599–527 BCE), underpin vows of non-possession (aparigraha) and truthfulness, with historical Jains achieving prosperity through trade ethics that minimized exploitation, as seen in medieval Indian merchant guilds. The doctrine's causal realism underscores how subtle intents generate karmic particles binding the soul, demanding rigorous self-discipline verifiable through reduced interpersonal conflicts in adherent communities. Confucian ethics prioritize ren (benevolence or humaneness), cultivated through relational roles, alongside li (ritual propriety), yi (righteousness), and filial piety (xiao), aiming for social harmony via moral exemplars like the (superior person). Originating with (551–479 BCE), these virtues, detailed in the , emphasize reciprocity and , with empirical success in imperial exams from 605 CE onward selecting administrators on ethical knowledge, fostering bureaucratic efficiency until the . Unlike egoistic pursuits, ren demands empathy, as argued innate moral sprouts require nurture, aligning actions with heavenly mandate (tianming). Taoist ethics advocate (effortless action), harmonizing with the Dao (way), the spontaneous natural order, through simplicity, humility, and non-interference to avoid disrupting cosmic flow. Texts like the , attributed to (6th century BCE), counsel rulers to govern minimally, as excessive force breeds resistance, a principle borne out in historical cycles of Chinese dynastic rise and fall where overregulation preceded collapse. Ethical conduct thus involves yielding to inherent tendencies, promoting and adaptability, with practices like empirically linked to stress reduction and health benefits in contemporary studies. Across these traditions, ethics integrate metaphysics with practice, positing moral causality via karma or heavenly patterns, empirically fostering resilience in adherents facing adversity, though adaptations in modern contexts reveal tensions with , as seen in declining adherence rates in urbanizing per 2020 Pew surveys.

Conflicts with Secular Views

Religious and natural law perspectives assert that moral truths are objective, derived from divine order or inherent oriented toward a (purpose) aligned with God's design, as articulated in Thomistic where reason participates in . Secular views, by contrast, frequently ground ethics in autonomous human reason, empirical consequences, or social constructs, often rejecting transcendent foundations and embracing or , which theorists critique as leading to moral incoherence by severing ethics from unchanging principles. This foundational divergence manifests in disputes over human dignity's source: religious ethics views it as intrinsic and inviolable due to Dei or ends, while secular frameworks tie it to subjective capacities or societal consensus, enabling variability across cultures. In , conflicts intensify over and , where Abrahamic traditions and uphold the sanctity of life from conception to natural as non-negotiable, rooted in the against intentional killing of innocents (e.g., Exodus 20:13). Secular proponents prioritize individual and bodily rights, as seen in as a reproductive , with from 2023 showing theology students overwhelmingly opposing it compared to secular peers (e.g., 80% disapproval among religious vs. 40% among non-religious in cross-cultural surveys). counters that such contradicts the procreative of and , rendering secular justifications reductive and inconsistent—e.g., affirming fetal post-viability but denying it earlier lacks rational grounding absent objective markers like or implantation. Similarly, clashes with religious bans on and mercy killing, viewed as usurping divine sovereignty over life, whereas , influenced by utilitarian calculus, supports it in cases of suffering, as evidenced by legalization trends in nations like the (over 8,000 cases in 2022) despite religious minorities' exemptions. On and sexuality, posits heterosexual complementarity as essential for marital goods like procreation and unity, deriving from observable biological , which conflicts with secular redefinitions emphasizing emotional fulfillment or equality without teleological constraints. Secular views, often contractual, accommodate same-sex unions as extensions of consent-based rights, critiqued by religious ethicists as dissolving objective norms into , potentially eroding structures—empirical studies link traditional models to lower rates (e.g., 20-30% lower in religious communities per 2020 U.S. data). These tensions extend to , where secular states enforce neutral laws clashing with religious practices, such as mandates for contraception coverage overriding objections to sterilizing acts. Critiques from natural law highlight secular ethics' vulnerability to relativism, where majority will supplants reason-derived universals, fostering inconsistencies like endorsing harm to vulnerable groups under autonomy pretexts—e.g., historical shifts from opposing infanticide to debating late-term abortions. Proponents argue this stems from excluding teleology, rendering secular systems ad hoc rather than participatory in higher law, though secular theorists retort that natural law's theistic presuppositions impose faith on pluralistic societies. Empirical cross-national data supports religious ethics' stability, with higher religiosity correlating to uniform opposition to relativized practices (e.g., 70% disapproval of euthanasia in high-religion countries vs. 30% in secular ones, per 2019 World Values Survey aggregates).

Applied Ethics

Applied ethics in the early twenty-first century has expanded to address the rapid diffusion of digital technologies, data-driven decision systems, and artificial intelligence into everyday life. A growing field of AI and technology ethics examines issues such as algorithmic bias in credit scoring and predictive policing, the opacity of machine-learning models used in healthcare and employment, the spread of misinformation through automated content recommendation, and the governance of autonomous systems in areas like vehicles or weapons. Some experimental work has explored registering artificial intelligence systems themselves as named contributors in scholarly databases, for instance the ORCID record , which project materials describe as belonging to a non-human, AI-based digital author persona named under the Aisentica project, presented as an author identity for philosophical work on artificial intelligence and postsubjective ethics to explore how responsibility and credit should be distributed when an artificial system is listed as the author of scholarly texts. Such cases remain rare and controversial, discussed mainly in self-published sources, but they highlight ethical questions about how responsibility, credit, and accountability should be allocated when non-biological systems are presented as authors in scientific and philosophical publishing. Policy bodies and professional organizations have responded with guidelines that emphasize principles such as fairness, accountability, transparency, privacy, and human oversight, arguing that technical performance alone cannot justify systems that systematically disadvantage vulnerable groups or erode democratic deliberation. Critics of purely principle-based approaches call for closer attention to power asymmetries, data infrastructures, and the lived experience of those affected by AI-mediated decisions, so that ethical evaluation tracks not only intentions but also the causal impacts of these systems on social and political life.

Bioethics and Medical Dilemmas

Bioethics addresses ethical questions arising from biological and medical advancements, particularly those involving human life, , and resource distribution. Central dilemmas include balancing patient against protections for vulnerable populations, such as fetuses or the terminally ill, and weighing utilitarian outcomes against deontological principles like the sanctity of life. Empirical data from clinical practices and legal frameworks reveal tensions, for instance, in end-of-life decisions where legalization of has led to rising case numbers without clear of reduced overall. In , and physician-assisted present profound dilemmas. In the , where was legalized in , it accounted for 4.4% of all deaths by 2017, up from 1.9% in 1990, with cases involving non-terminal conditions expanding over time. Similarly, legalized in , with reported cases rising from 236 in 2003 to 3,423 in 2023, including extensions to minors and psychiatric patients despite safeguards intended to limit scope. Critics argue this reflects a , as initial restrictions erode under pressure from autonomy claims, potentially pressuring vulnerable groups like the elderly; proponents cite patient relief, though studies show no significant drop in overall rates post-legalization. Withholding or withdrawing life-sustaining treatment, such as ventilators, raises parallel issues of distinguishing passive from active killing, guided by principles like double effect, where intent matters causally but outcomes remain empirically burdensome for families. At the beginning of life, abortion debates hinge on fetal viability and moral status. Scientific consensus places viability—the gestational age at which a fetus has over 50% survival chance outside the womb—between 23 and 24 weeks, though survival rates below 50% persist even with intensive care. Fetuses lack neural capacity for pain experience before 24-25 weeks, per neurodevelopmental data, complicating claims of early suffering but not resolving personhood questions rooted in first-principles views of human development from conception. Ethical tensions arise in procedures like selective reduction in multifetal pregnancies or late-term abortions, where maternal health risks must be empirically weighed against fetal protections; U.S. data show most abortions occur before 13 weeks, but later ones fuel disputes over viability limits in law. Organ transplantation allocation exemplifies resource scarcity dilemmas, prioritizing (maximizing transplants), (fair distribution), and respect for persons ( in donation). In the U.S., the and Transplantation Network uses waitlist urgency and biological match over social worth, yet debates persist on favoring younger patients for long-term benefit versus the sickest first, with over 100,000 on waitlists as of 2023 and annual deaths exceeding 17,000 due to shortages. Ethical principles reject financial incentives to avoid , though evidence from pilot programs suggests they could increase supply without eroding consent quality. Informed consent underpins , requiring disclosure of risks, benefits, and alternatives to enable autonomous decisions. Its modern doctrine emerged from early 20th-century U.S. cases like Schloendorff v. Society of New York Hospital (1914), affirming patients' right to , and solidified post-Nuremberg Code (1947) after unethical experiments exposed coercion risks. Challenges include capacity assessments in emergencies or , where surrogates decide, and empirical gaps in comprehension—studies show 40-80% of patients misunderstand disclosed information—necessitating clearer communication without . Emerging technologies like CRISPR-Cas9 gene editing intensify dilemmas, particularly modifications that alter heritable DNA. First demonstrated in humans via controversial 2018 embryo edits by , aiming to confer resistance, it raised safety concerns over off-target mutations and mosaicism, with no long-term efficacy data. Ethical objections focus on risks, exacerbating inequalities if accessible only to elites, and violating natural genomic integrity; international moratoriums urge caution, prioritizing somatic therapies for diseases like sickle cell, approved in 2023, over heritable changes lacking consensus on consent for future generations. These issues underscore causal realities: unintended heritable effects could amplify genetic burdens, demanding rigorous empirical validation before deployment.

Political and Social Ethics

Political ethics concerns the application of moral principles to the exercise of power, governance, and , focusing on questions of legitimacy, , and the ethical limits of state coercion. Social contract theory, articulated by in (1651), posits that individuals in a hypothetical , characterized by mutual insecurity, rationally authorize a to enforce order and security, surrendering certain in exchange for protection. extended this framework by emphasizing consent-based government limited to protecting natural rights to life, , and , arguing that unjust rulers forfeit legitimacy and justify resistance. , in (1762), stressed collective through the general will, influencing modern democratic ideals but raising concerns about majority tyranny over minorities. Empirical assessments of political institutions reveal that systems prioritizing , , and limited intervention correlate strongly with prosperity and human flourishing. The Fraser Institute's Economic Freedom of the World: 2023 Annual Report ranks 165 countries on five areas—size of , legal systems and , sound money, freedom to trade internationally, and regulation—finding that top-quartile countries average a GDP of $49,582 (PPP), over seven times the $6,931 in bottom-quartile nations, alongside higher (80.1 vs. 64.3 years) and lower . These outcomes stem causally from incentives for and investment under secure , contrasting with stagnation in highly regulated economies, though academic sources favoring redistribution often downplay such data due to ideological commitments to equality over efficiency. In , delineates conditions for morally permissible conflict, dividing criteria into (justice of resorting to war) and jus in bello (justice in waging war). requires just cause (e.g., against aggression), legitimate authority, right intention (not conquest), last resort after , reasonable prospect of success, and proportionality of anticipated benefits to harms. Jus in bello mandates discrimination between combatants and non-combatants, alongside proportionality in means employed. These principles, rooted in thinkers like Augustine and Aquinas, have informed , such as the UN Charter's provisions on (Article 51), though violations persist in where empirical tracking of civilian casualties—e.g., over 100,000 in (2003–2011) per Iraq Body Count—tests adherence. Social ethics evaluates norms governing interpersonal and communal relations, including structures and inequality. Longitudinal studies demonstrate that children in intact, biological two-parent households experience superior outcomes in , behavioral regulation, and compared to those in single-parent or cohabiting arrangements, with instability accounting for heightened risks of (odds ratio 2.5–3.0) and emotional disorders. For example, U.S. data from the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth (1979–ongoing) show children of married biological parents scoring 0.3–0.5 standard deviations higher on achievement tests, attributable to resource stability and dual-role modeling rather than income alone. Policies promoting dissolution, such as laws enacted widely since the 1970s, have empirically correlated with rising rates (from 15% in 1960 to 22% by 2020 for under-18s) and social costs exceeding $100 billion annually in welfare and remediation. Debates in social ethics often pit individual rights against collective obligations, with egalitarian frameworks like ' difference principle—allowing inequalities only if they maximize the position of the worst-off—critiqued for ignoring empirical incentives: merit-based systems in high-freedom economies generate broader gains, as seen in ' pre-welfare productivity surges under market reforms (e.g., Sweden's GDP growth averaging 4% annually 1870–1950 vs. stagnation post-1970s expansions). Mainstream academic endorsements of Rawls overlook how such theories, when implemented, reduce overall output by disincentivizing risk-taking, per cross-national regressions showing a 1-point EFW index rise associates with 0.5–1% higher annual growth. Truth-seeking analysis favors causal mechanisms—property enforcement enabling voluntary cooperation—over abstract veils of ignorance, privileging systems empirically verified to elevate human welfare.

Business and Economic Ethics

Business ethics encompasses the moral principles and standards that guide corporate conduct, including in representations, in , fairness in transactions, and for actions. These principles aim to align business practices with broader societal values while navigating profit motives, as evidenced by recurring emphases in ethical frameworks on transparency and respect for stakeholders. Empirical studies indicate that adherence to such ethics correlates with sustained profitability, as ethical lapses erode trust and invite regulatory penalties, whereas principled operations foster customer loyalty and . Central debates in business ethics revolve around versus . Shareholder theory, articulated by in his 1970 , posits that managers' primary duty is to maximize through legal profit-seeking, viewing broader social responsibilities as distractions that dilute focus and invite inefficiency. In contrast, , developed by in 1984, advocates balancing interests of employees, customers, suppliers, and communities alongside shareholders, arguing that long-term viability requires addressing diverse impacts to mitigate risks like . Critics of stakeholder approaches, often from economically liberal perspectives, contend they enable managerial that prioritizes subjective "social good" over verifiable value creation, potentially harming overall welfare; shows firms prioritizing shareholder returns achieve higher market valuations when ethics are enforced via and rather than expansive mandates. Notable scandals underscore the consequences of ethical breaches. The , exposed in 2001, involved fraudulent accounting practices that inflated assets by billions, leading to the company's bankruptcy, the dissolution of auditor , and Sarbanes-Oxley Act reforms in 2002 to enhance financial disclosures. Volkswagen's 2015 emissions cheating scandal manipulated software to falsify diesel exhaust tests, resulting in over $30 billion in fines, recalls, and CEO resignations, highlighting how short-term gains from yield long-term costs exceeding benefits. Such cases demonstrate that unethical conduct, while temporarily boosting metrics, triggers cascading failures in trust and legal compliance, with global data linking higher perceptions to reduced rates of 0.5-1% annually in affected nations. Economic ethics examines the moral foundations of systems like and . , rooted in private property, voluntary exchange, and market pricing, promotes ethical behavior through incentives: rewards honest and punishes via reputation losses and , correlating with higher prosperity in nations scoring well on indices. , emphasizing and central planning, faces ethical critiques for concentrating power, which empirically fosters and inefficiency—as seen in the Soviet Union's in amid shortages and black markets—since it severs individual accountability from outcomes, leading to misallocation and suppressed growth. While proponents of socialism invoke equity, causal analysis reveals it often exacerbates ; cross-country from 1995-2021 shows freer markets reduce corruption's drag on GDP by enabling decentralized ethical enforcement over coercive redistribution.

Environmental and Animal Ethics

Environmental ethics concerns the moral relationships between human actions and the non-human natural world, evaluating whether obligations extend beyond human interests to ecosystems, , or organisms. Anthropocentric approaches, which prioritize human welfare and view instrumentally as a means to flourishing, dominate traditional ethical frameworks, arguing that serves long-term human needs like resource . In contrast, biocentrism attributes intrinsic moral value to all living beings based on their capacity for life or , while extends consideration to holistic ecosystems, emphasizing stability and interdependence over entities. These non-anthropocentric views, often advanced in academic , face criticism for potentially subordinating human development—such as or essential for alleviating —to abstract ecological ideals, thereby conflicting with causal realities of human dependency on use for survival and progress. Empirical evidence underscores human-induced pressures: global net forest loss averaged 4.7 million hectares per year from to 2020, driven primarily by and , while biodiversity decline accelerates with species extinction rates estimated at 10 to 100 times pre-industrial levels due to , , and climate shifts. Such data supports calls for but highlights that and consumption patterns, rather than inherent moral failings, causally link to degradation; for instance, high-income nations' outsourced contributes to 13.3% of global range losses. Critiques from human-centered perspectives contend that focused on flourishing remains unavoidably anthropocentric, as non-human entities lack the rational agency to participate in reciprocal moral communities, rendering extreme impractical for policy. Animal ethics interrogates the moral status of non-human animals, particularly whether their capacities warrant protections akin to human rights or merely welfare considerations. Scientific studies provide evidence of sentience—defined as subjective experience including pain and emotion—in vertebrates like mammals and birds, and potentially in cephalopods and decapods, through behavioral indicators such as stress responses, learning, and empathy-like actions; for example, over 2,500 studies document fear, joy, and PTSD analogs in various species. Utilitarian philosopher Peter Singer argues for equal consideration of comparable interests, positing that factory farming inflicts unnecessary suffering on sentient beings raised solely for human consumption, with global estimates of 77 billion land animals slaughtered annually, over 90% in intensive confinement systems that restrict movement and induce chronic stress. However, Singer's framework draws criticism for conflating sentience with moral equivalence, ignoring human exceptionalism grounded in unique traits like abstract reasoning, language, and moral reciprocity, which justify prioritizing human nutrition, medicine, and agriculture over animal liberation; equating human infants or cognitively impaired individuals to animals, as Singer's logic implies, undermines species-specific rights derived from these capacities. From causal realist standpoints, animal use sustains human populations—billions rely on affordable protein sources—while welfare improvements like humane slaughter can mitigate suffering without forgoing essential practices, as radical rights-based abolitionism risks nutritional deficits in developing regions. Academic advocacy for animal rights often reflects institutional biases toward anthropomorphizing animal capacities, yet empirical welfare science supports targeted reforms over ideological overhauls that could exacerbate human hardships.

Historical Development

Ancient Ethics

Ancient ethics, originating in around the , emphasized the cultivation of personal (aretē) as the path to human flourishing (), rather than adherence to divine commands or universal rules. This approach, often termed , viewed moral character as central to ethical life, with reason guiding actions toward a balanced, excellent existence. Key developments occurred through Socratic inquiry, Platonic idealism, and Aristotelian empiricism, later influencing Hellenistic and Roman thought. Socrates (c. 469–399 BC) initiated systematic ethical reflection by equating with , arguing that wrongdoing stems from and that no one commits willingly, as all pursue perceived good. Through dialectical questioning, he sought definitions of virtues like and , asserting their unity under . This intellectualist stance implied teachability of virtue, challenging conventional moral education. Plato (c. 428–348 BC), ' student, expanded this in works like the (c. 375 BC), defining as psychic harmony where reason rules over spirit and appetite, mirroring the ideal state's class structure. Ethical knowledge derives from contemplating eternal Forms, particularly the , enabling rulers—philosopher-kings—to govern justly. Plato critiqued democratic excess, prioritizing soul-order over mere pleasure or power. Aristotle (384–322 BC), Plato's pupil, systematized ethics in the (c. 350 BC), positing as rational activity of the soul in accordance with complete virtue, achieved through habituated moral virtues (e.g., as the mean between rashness and cowardice) and intellectual virtues like (practical wisdom). Unlike Plato's transcendent Forms, Aristotle grounded ethics in empirical observation of human function, emphasizing , contemplation, and the golden mean for balanced living. Post-Aristotelian Hellenistic schools, emerging after 's in 323 BC, adapted ethics to individual resilience amid political instability. , founded by (c. 334–262 BC), taught as living in accordance with nature and reason, rendering externals like wealth indifferent; ( from passion) ensures happiness regardless of fortune, as seen in later Roman exponents like Seneca (c. 4 BC–65 AD). , established by (341–270 BC), identified the highest good as pleasure (hedonē) as the absence of pain, advocating , friendship, and atomic materialism to dispel fears of and gods. Cynicism, exemplified by Diogenes of Sinope (c. 412–323 BC), rejected social conventions (nomos) for self-sufficiency (autarkeia), practicing shameless naturalism to expose artificial desires. Roman ethics synthesized Greek ideas, with (106–43 BC) adapting Stoic natural law for republican virtue and Seneca emphasizing Stoic endurance under empire. These traditions prioritized character formation over consequentialist calculation, influencing later Western moral philosophy by linking ethics to human nature's teleological ends.

Medieval and Scholastic Ethics

Medieval ethics emerged within the framework of , synthesizing classical philosophy with scriptural authority amid the decline of Roman civilization and the rise of feudal . From the 5th to the , ethical thought emphasized human orientation toward God as the ultimate good, with moral actions derived from divine will and natural inclinations discernible by reason. Early developments were shaped by (354–430 CE), whose works like Confessions and City of God portrayed ethics as a struggle between the earthly city driven by and the heavenly city rooted in (caritas), countering original sin's corruption of human will. argued that true happiness (beatitudo) lies in union with God, achievable only through grace, with virtues serving as habits aiding this pursuit rather than self-sufficient ends. The Scholastic period, peaking in the 12th–13th centuries, advanced dialectical methods to reconcile faith and reason, influencing ethics through systematic inquiry at universities like Paris and Oxford. Anselm of Canterbury (c. 1033–1109 CE), often called the father of Scholasticism, prioritized "faith seeking understanding" (fides quaerens intellectum), applying logic to theological truths but contributing less directly to ethics beyond reinforcing satisfaction theory for atonement, which underscored moral debt to divine justice. Peter Abelard (1079–1142 CE) innovated ethical theory in Ethica or Scito te ipsum, positing that sin arises from consent to wrongdoing based on intention rather than act alone, emphasizing rational discernment of moral fault over mere external deeds—a non-consequentialist view prioritizing interior disposition. This intentionalist approach, debated for potentially undermining objective law, marked a shift toward subjective elements in moral evaluation, influencing later nominalist trends. Thomas Aquinas (1225–1274 CE) synthesized these strands in his Summa Theologica, integrating Aristotelian virtue ethics and teleology with Augustinian theology, positing that human fulfillment consists in contemplating God (visio beatifica). Aquinas distinguished four types of law: eternal (God's reason), natural (human participation in eternal law via innate inclinations toward goods like life and knowledge), divine (revealed Scripture), and human (positive laws aligned with natural law). Natural law precepts, such as "do good and avoid evil," are self-evident and universally accessible through practical reason (synderesis), enabling moral action without sole reliance on grace, though Aquinas viewed infused theological virtues (faith, hope, charity) as essential for supernatural ends. Aquinas's virtue theory revived Aristotle's cardinal virtues (prudence, justice, fortitude, temperance) as habits perfecting natural capacities, augmented by theological virtues directed to God, with moral acts requiring right intention, object, and circumstances. Unlike Augustine's emphasis on grace overcoming pervasive sin—yielding a more pessimistic anthropology—Thomistic ethics affirmed reason's robust role in discerning goods, reflecting optimism from rediscovered Aristotelian texts translated via Averroes and Avicenna around 1200–1250 CE. This integration supported ethical realism, where actions are intrinsically good or evil based on alignment with human nature's telos, influencing canon law and just war doctrine. Later Scholastics like Duns Scotus (1266–1308 CE) and William of Ockham (c. 1287–1347 CE) introduced voluntarism, prioritizing divine will over intellect in moral norms, but Aquinas's framework dominated until the Renaissance.

Enlightenment and Modern Ethics

The Enlightenment period, spanning roughly the late 17th to late 18th centuries, introduced secular, reason-based frameworks to ethical theory, emphasizing human autonomy and rational inquiry over divine revelation or tradition. Philosophers sought universal principles derivable from or reason, influencing modern ethics by prioritizing individual agency and empirical in moral judgments. This era's developments laid groundwork for , , and sentimentalism, challenging prior theological dominance while grappling with about absolute moral knowledge. David Hume, in his A Treatise of Human Nature (published 1739–1740), argued that moral distinctions arise from human sentiments rather than pure reason, positing as the basis for approving benevolent actions and disapproving harmful ones. He contended that reason serves , not itself, with ethical approval stemming from sentiments of elicited by character traits' utility to society or the observer. This empiricist approach influenced subsequent ethics by highlighting affective roots of , though Hume acknowledged limits in deriving "ought" from "is" without bridging normative gaps. Immanuel Kant's Groundwork of the Metaphysics of Morals (1785) established deontological ethics, asserting that moral actions derive worth from adherence to duty via the : act only according to maxims that can be willed as universal laws. Kant distinguished hypothetical imperatives (means to ends) from categorical ones (unconditional), emphasizing the good will as intrinsically valuable, independent of consequences. This rationalist framework demanded —self-legislation through reason—rejecting from inclinations or empirical desires, and formed a cornerstone of modern duty-based ethics. Jeremy Bentham's An Introduction to the Principles of Morals and (printed 1780, published 1789) founded classical , defining moral rightness by the principle of utility: actions are approved if they promote the greatest happiness for the greatest number, measured by pleasure intensity, duration, and extent. Bentham proposed a hedonic calculus to quantify pains and pleasures, applying it to and , which prioritized aggregate welfare over intentions or rules. This consequentialist shift influenced modern policy ethics, though critics noted its potential to justify minority harms for majority gain. These foundations extended into 19th-century modern ethics, with refining in Utilitarianism (1861) by distinguishing higher intellectual pleasures from lower sensory ones, arguing competent judges prefer the former. Mill integrated to mitigate act-by-act calculations, balancing individual liberty with social utility via the . Such evolutions addressed Enlightenment empiricism's aggregation challenges while retaining rational pursuit of verifiable moral progress.

20th-Century and Contemporary Shifts

The 20th century marked a pivotal turn in ethical philosophy toward metaethics, initiated by G. E. Moore's Principia Ethica in 1903, which rejected ethical naturalism through the open-question argument and advanced non-naturalist intuitionism, positing "good" as a simple, indefinable property known via intuition. This shifted focus from substantive moral claims to the nature of ethical language and concepts, influencing subsequent analytic philosophy. Logical positivism further advanced non-cognitivism in the 1930s, with A. J. Ayer's Language, Truth and Logic (1936) classifying moral judgments as emotive expressions lacking cognitive content, incapable of verification, thus dissolving traditional ethical debates into psychological attitudes. Charles Stevenson extended this in Ethics and Language (1944), emphasizing persuasive definitions to influence attitudes, while R. M. Hare's prescriptivism in the treated statements as universalizable imperatives. These views dominated mid-century , prioritizing linguistic analysis over normative prescription. Continental philosophy diverged with , as Jean-Paul Sartre's (1943) asserted radical human entails self-created values amid absurdity, rejecting deterministic ethics. Simone de Beauvoir's (1947) applied this to interpersonal relations, emphasizing reciprocal against . Post-World War II disillusionment with rationalist systems fueled critiques of modernity's moral fragmentation. By the late 20th century, yielded to renewed normative theories, notably the revival of sparked by G. E. M. Anscombe's 1958 essay "Modern Moral Philosophy," which lambasted obligation-based ethics divorced from virtues or , urging a return to Aristotelian character-centered approaches. Alasdair MacIntyre's (1981) built on this, diagnosing emotivism's triumph as yielding emotive incoherence and advocating narrative traditions to cultivate virtues for communal goods. This countered rule-based and , emphasizing practices and . Contemporary shifts since the 1980s integrate ethics with empirical sciences, as tests folk intuitions on dilemmas like the , challenging armchair theorizing. , per Jürgen Habermas's (1981), posits moral norms emerge from rational discourse free of coercion. Applied domains burgeoned, with addressing and end-of-life via (Beauchamp and Childress, 1979 onward), while global challenges prompt cosmopolitan ethics prioritizing over . These developments reflect causal pressures from technological and social upheavals, fostering hybrid theories blending intuition, evidence, and context.

Major Debates and Criticisms

Universalism versus Cultural Relativism

Ethical universalism asserts that certain moral principles hold across all human societies, deriving from shared aspects of human nature, reason, or empirical regularities in behavior. Proponents argue these universals stem from innate psychological mechanisms shaped by evolution, such as prohibitions against harming kin or requirements for reciprocity, observable in diverse populations. For instance, Moral Foundations Theory identifies core intuitions like care for vulnerability and fairness in exchanges as near-universal, with cultural variations primarily in emphasis rather than presence. Empirical studies support this: an analysis of ethnographic texts from 60 societies worldwide identified seven recurrent moral rules—helping kin, aiding group members, reciprocating favors, being brave, deferring to superiors, dividing resources fairly, and respecting property—prevalent regardless of cultural complexity or ecology. Similarly, machine-learning extraction from descriptions of 256 societies confirmed high cross-cultural prevalence of values like impartiality (91%) and reciprocity (88%), challenging claims of radical moral diversity. In contrast, cultural relativism maintains that moral norms are products of specific cultural contexts, rendering ethical judgments valid only within their originating society and precluding cross-cultural critique. This view, advanced by anthropologists such as in the early 20th century, emphasizes variability in practices like or ritual sacrifice to argue against imposing external standards, often framing as a tool for cultural tolerance. However, encounters logical difficulties: its core tenet that "all morality is relative" becomes self-refuting if applied universally, as it denies any absolute truth, including its own. Critics further note that it impedes condemnation of practices like female genital mutilation or honor killings when endorsed by a majority, equating them morally to opposed norms such as democracy, despite evidence of harm from —e.g., FGM correlates with increased risks of infection and childbirth complications in affected regions. The debate manifests in domains like , where universalists invoke documents such as the 1948 , ratified by representatives from varied civilizations, to ground protections against or as transcultural imperatives rooted in dignity. Relativists counter that such frameworks reflect Western , citing "Asian values" arguments from the 1990s Declaration, which prioritized communal harmony over individual liberties. Yet, empirical cross-cultural research undermines extreme : studies of moral dilemmas, such as the , reveal consistent patterns of utilitarian reasoning in 42 countries, with variations attributable to socioeconomic factors rather than incommensurable ethics. Universalism's foundations in —evident in prohibitions on across 97% of societies or equity norms in resource allocation experiments—suggest overstates differences, often due to descriptive focus on outliers rather than modal behaviors. While academic has historically favored to counter , accumulating data from and indicate moral cognition exhibits both universals and adaptive variations, tilting toward a qualified compatible with causal accounts of .

Individual Rights versus Collective Good

The philosophical tension between individual rights and the collective good centers on whether ethical imperatives safeguard personal and inviolable entitlements or prioritize net societal utility, potentially at the expense of minority interests. Advocates of individual rights, drawing from deontological traditions, assert that humans possess inherent claims—such as to , , and —that function as "trumps" against utilitarian aggregation, preventing the treatment of persons as mere instruments for broader ends. In contrast, consequentialist perspectives, including , evaluate actions by their capacity to maximize overall welfare, justifying individual sacrifices if they yield greater aggregate benefits, as articulated in Jeremy Bentham's principle of the greatest happiness for the greatest number. This conflict manifests in thought experiments like the , where diverting a runaway trolley to kill one worker instead of five passengers pits deontological prohibitions on intentional harm against utilitarian calculations favoring minimal loss of life; surveys indicate varied cultural responses, with individualistic societies showing less willingness to actively sacrifice the one, reflecting stronger aversion to violating personal rights.
Empirical evidence underscores the practical implications: nations scoring higher on indices of economic freedom, which institutionalize protections for individual property rights and voluntary exchange, consistently achieve elevated GDP per capita, with econometric models estimating a one-unit rise in the Fraser Institute's Economic Freedom of the World score correlating to roughly $9,000 additional income per person, alongside accelerated innovation and poverty reduction. Collectivist frameworks, emphasizing group obligations over personal autonomy, correlate with diminished economic dynamism and higher authoritarian tendencies, as historical cases like the Soviet Union's collectivization policies from 1928 onward triggered famines claiming over 5 million lives by prioritizing state harvest quotas over individual farm ownership. Critics of subordinating to ends warn of slippery slopes toward , where "greater good" rationales erode accountability and enable abuses, as seen in 20th-century regimes invoking communal welfare to justify purges and expropriations; argued that prevail over policy goals because egalitarian distributions cannot equitably override equal respect for persons without arbitrary justification. Institutional biases in academia and media, often aligned with redistributive ideologies, amplify collectivist prescriptions despite such counterevidence, privileging theoretical equity over observed causal links between and flourishing.

Secular Ethics versus Divine Command

Divine command theory posits that moral obligations arise from God's commands, such that an action is right if and only if it is commanded by God. This view, defended by philosophers like and modern proponents such as Adams, maintains that God's will provides the standard for goodness, rendering objective and transcendent rather than contingent on human opinion or convention. In contrast, derives moral principles from non-theistic foundations, including rational deliberation, empirical observation of human well-being, or evolutionary adaptations, as articulated in frameworks like Kantian or . Proponents argue that such systems achieve objectivity through universal human capacities or natural facts, independent of divine intervention. The central tension between these approaches hinges on the source of objectivity. contends that without a divine lawgiver, moral claims reduce to subjective preferences or cultural constructs, lacking binding force beyond pragmatic utility; for instance, atheists may exhibit , but secular accounts struggle to explain why obligations like prohibiting gratuitous are non-negotiable rather than merely for social cooperation. Empirical reveal near-universal prohibitions against acts like or , which divine command theorists attribute to God's imprint on , whereas secular explanations invoke adaptive evolutionary pressures without resolving why such norms override individual or group interests in specific cases. Defenders of , such as , argue that objective moral values—evident in intuitions that is always wrong regardless of consequences—require grounding in a personal, perfect being, as impersonal natural processes yield only descriptive facts about survival, not prescriptive duties. A key challenge to divine command theory is the Euthyphro dilemma, originating in Plato's dialogue, which questions whether actions are good because God commands them or God commands them because they are good. The former implies moral arbitrariness, as divine whim could endorse cruelty (e.g., hypothetical commands for genocide), undermining the theory's claim to rationality; the latter suggests morality's independence from God, reverting to a secular standard. Responses from theorists like Adams propose a "modified divine command theory," where moral goodness aligns with God's unchanging nature—eternally benevolent and just—thus avoiding pure voluntarism while preserving divine sovereignty; commands then obligate based on this nature, not caprice. Critics, including J.L. Mackie, counter that this equivocates, as positing God's nature as the good merely relocates the dilemma without independent verification, and historical religious texts contain apparent divine endorsements of violence (e.g., biblical conquests in Deuteronomy 20), raising causal questions about whether such acts were morally obligatory at the time. Secular ethics counters by emphasizing autonomy and empirical testability: moral systems like contractarianism ground duties in reciprocal rational agreements, supported by models showing cooperation's stability in iterated prisoner's dilemmas, without needing enforcement. However, detractors note that secular frameworks often falter under scrutiny; , a prominent secular variant, permits sacrificing innocents for aggregate (e.g., framing one to avert riots, as in hypothetical trolley extensions), conflicting with intuitive deontic prohibitions. Moreover, surveys indicate that belief in objective morality correlates with —e.g., a 2021 Pew study found 72% of U.S. adults affirming absolute moral truths, predominantly among religious respondents—suggesting secular denials of transcendence may erode moral confidence, as evidenced by rising ethical in academia-influenced cohorts. , while vulnerable to interpretive disputes over , offers causal realism by rooting ethics in an uncaused first cause, whereas secular attempts risk or reduction to power dynamics. Scholarly defenses highlight that mainstream philosophical resistance to divine command often stems from naturalistic presuppositions in secular institutions, potentially overlooking theistic explanations' explanatory power for .

Empirical Challenges and Experimental Philosophy

employs empirical methods, including surveys and psychological experiments, to examine folk intuitions, thereby posing challenges to traditional ethical theorizing that relies primarily on reflective analysis of hypothetical cases. These studies reveal that moral judgments often vary systematically due to factors such as cultural background, framing effects, and emotional responses, questioning the universality of intuitions assumed in . A prominent example is the Knobe effect, identified in Joshua Knobe's 2003 experiment where 82% of participants judged a corporate executive's harmful side effect as intentional, compared to only 23% for a beneficial side effect with identical foresight, indicating that moral valence influences ascriptions of intentionality independent of causal structure. In trolley problem variants, experimental findings consistently show high approval (around 90%) for diverting a runaway trolley to kill one worker instead of five via a switch, but low approval (10-20%) for pushing a bystander to achieve the same outcome, highlighting a distinction between impersonal and personal harm that complicates utilitarian calculations. Cultural comparisons further demonstrate differences; for instance, Chinese participants were less likely than Americans to endorse switching tracks in hypothetical trolley scenarios, suggesting contextual influences on consequentialist intuitions. These empirical patterns challenge deontological and consequentialist theories by exposing inconsistencies in intuitive support, as well as metaethical claims about objective moral facts if reliant on shared intuitions. Neuroscientific extensions, such as Greene's fMRI studies, link deontological responses to emotional activity and utilitarian ones to cognitive deliberation, implying dual-process models where automatic affective reactions compete with reasoned evaluation. The negative program of uses such data to argue against privileging intuitions in ethical argumentation, positing that variability undermines their justificatory role. Critics counter that folk intuitions, while noisy and context-sensitive, do not invalidate philosophical , which seeks coherent, reflective principles rather than descriptive averages; moreover, many intuitions exhibit robustness across demographics when controlled for order and framing effects. Experimental setups often lack , prioritizing isolated judgments over real-world deliberation, and fail to address how experts might refine raw intuitions through training. Proponents of the positive program integrate these findings to refine theories, such as adjusting for biases in , without abandoning normative aims. Academic sources in , predominantly from Western institutions, may underrepresent non-WEIRD perspectives, potentially skewing interpretations toward despite evidence of cross-cultural convergences in core prohibitions like .

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