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German
Deutsch
Pronunciation[dɔʏtʃ]
Native toGermany, Switzerland, Austria, Liechtenstein, Luxembourg, Belgium, Italy
SpeakersL1: 95 million[1]
L2: 80–85 million (2014)[2]
Early forms
Standard forms
Signed German
Official status
Official language in


Various International institutions
Recognised minority
language in
Language codes
ISO 639-1de
ISO 639-2ger (B)
deu (T)
ISO 639-3Variously:
deu – German
gmh – Middle High German
goh – Old High German
gct – Colonia Tovar German
bar – Bavarian
cim – Cimbrian
geh – Hutterite German
ksh – Kölsch
nds – Low German[a]
sli – Lower Silesian
ltz – Luxembourgish[b]
vmf – Mainfränkisch
mhn – Mòcheno
pfl – Palatinate German
pdc – Pennsylvania Dutch
pdt – Plautdietsch[c]
swg – Swabian German
gsw – Swiss German
uln – Unserdeutsch
sxu – Upper Saxon
wae – Walser German
wep – Westphalian
hrx – Riograndenser Hunsrückisch
yec – Yenish
yid – Yiddish
Glottologstan1295
Linguasphere
  Sole official language
  Co-official language
  National or recognized minority language
  Minority language
This article contains IPA phonetic symbols. Without proper rendering support, you may see question marks, boxes, or other symbols instead of Unicode characters. For an introductory guide on IPA symbols, see Help:IPA.

German (Deutsch, pronounced [dɔʏtʃ] )[9] is a West Germanic language in the Indo-European language family, mainly spoken in Western and Central Europe. It is the majority and official (or co-official) language in Germany, Austria, Switzerland, and Liechtenstein. It is also an official language of Luxembourg, Belgium and the Italian autonomous province of South Tyrol, as well as a recognized national language in Namibia. There are also notable German-speaking communities in other parts of Europe, including: Poland (Upper Silesia), the Czech Republic (North Bohemia), Denmark (North Schleswig), Slovakia (Krahule), Romania, Hungary (Sopron), and France (Alsace). Overseas, sizeable communities of German-speakers are found in the Americas.

German is one of the major languages of the world, with nearly 80 million native speakers and over 130 million total speakers as of 2024.[10] It is the most spoken native language within the European Union. German is the second-most widely spoken Germanic language, after English, both as a first and as a second language. German is also widely taught as a foreign language, especially in continental Europe (where it is the third most taught foreign language after English and French) and in the United States (where it is the third most commonly learned second language in K-12 education and among the most studied foreign languages in higher education after Spanish and French).[11] Overall, German is the fourth most commonly learned second language globally.[12] The language has been influential in the fields of philosophy, theology, science, and technology. It is the second most commonly used language in science[13] and the third most widely used language on websites.[13][14] The German-speaking countries are ranked fifth in terms of annual publication of new books, with one-tenth of all books (including e-books) in the world being published in German.[15]

German is most closely related to other West Germanic languages, namely Afrikaans, Dutch, English, the Frisian languages, and Scots. It also contains close similarities in vocabulary to some languages in the North Germanic group, such as Danish, Norwegian, and Swedish. Modern German gradually developed from Old High German, which in turn developed from Proto-Germanic during the Early Middle Ages.

German is an inflected language, with four cases for nouns, pronouns, and adjectives (nominative, accusative, genitive, dative); three genders (masculine, feminine, neuter) and two numbers (singular, plural). It has strong and weak verbs. The majority of its vocabulary derives from the ancient Germanic branch of the Indo-European language family, while a smaller share is partly derived from Latin and Greek, along with fewer words borrowed from French and Modern English. English, however, is the main source of more recent loanwords.

German is a pluricentric language; the three standardized variants are German, Austrian, and Swiss Standard German. Standard German is sometimes called High German, which refers to its regional origin. German is also notable for its broad spectrum of dialects, with many varieties existing in Europe and other parts of the world. Some of these non-standard varieties have become recognized and protected by regional or national governments.[16]

Since 2004, heads of state of the German-speaking countries have met every year,[17] and the Council for German Orthography has been the main international body regulating German orthography.

Classification

[edit]
Anglic languages
  English
  Scots
Anglo-Frisian languages
Anglic and North Sea Germanic languages Anglo-Frisian and West Germanic languages
North Sea Germanic and
  Dutch; in Africa: Afrikaans
...... German (High):
  Upper
...... Yiddish
Maurer's classification of German tribes (German)
The Germanic languages in contemporary Europe

German is an Indo-European language that belongs to the West Germanic group of the Germanic languages. The Germanic languages are traditionally subdivided into three branches: North Germanic, East Germanic, and West Germanic. The first of these branches survives in modern Danish, Swedish, Norwegian, Faroese, and Icelandic, all of which are descended from Old Norse. The East Germanic languages are now extinct, and Gothic is the only language in this branch which survives in written texts. The West Germanic languages, however, have undergone extensive dialectal subdivision and are now represented in modern languages such as English, German, Dutch, Yiddish, Afrikaans, and others.[18]

Within the West Germanic language dialect continuum, the Benrath and Uerdingen lines (running through Düsseldorf-Benrath and Krefeld-Uerdingen, respectively) serve to distinguish the Germanic dialects that were affected by the High German consonant shift (south of Benrath) from those that were not (north of Uerdingen). The various regional dialects spoken south of these lines are grouped as High German dialects, while those spoken to the north comprise the Low German and Low Franconian dialects. As members of the West Germanic language family, High German, Low German, and Low Franconian have been proposed to be further distinguished historically as Irminonic, Ingvaeonic, and Istvaeonic, respectively. This classification indicates their historical descent from dialects spoken by the Irminones (also known as the Elbe group), Ingvaeones (or North Sea Germanic group), and Istvaeones (or Weser–Rhine group).[18]

Standard German is based on a combination of Thuringian-Upper Saxon and Upper Franconian dialects, which are Central German and Upper German dialects belonging to the High German dialect group. German is therefore closely related to the other languages based on High German dialects, such as Luxembourgish (based on Central Franconian dialects) and Yiddish. Also closely related to Standard German are the Upper German dialects spoken in the southern German-speaking countries, such as Swiss German (Alemannic dialects) and the various Germanic dialects spoken in the French region of Grand Est, such as Alsatian (mainly Alemannic, but also Central–and Upper Franconian dialects) and Lorraine Franconian (Central Franconian).

After these High German dialects, standard German is less closely related to languages based on Low Franconian dialects (e.g., Dutch and Afrikaans), Low German or Low Saxon dialects (spoken in northern Germany and southern Denmark), neither of which underwent the High German consonant shift. As has been noted, the former of these dialect types is Istvaeonic and the latter Ingvaeonic, whereas the High German dialects are all Irminonic; the differences between these languages and standard German are therefore considerable. Also related to German are the Frisian languages—North Frisian (spoken in Nordfriesland), Saterland Frisian (spoken in Saterland), and West Frisian (spoken in Friesland)—as well as the Anglic languages of English and Scots. These Anglo-Frisian dialects did not take part in the High German consonant shift, and the Anglic languages also adopted much vocabulary from both Old Norse and the Norman language.

History

[edit]

Old High German

[edit]

The history of the German language begins with the High German consonant shift during the Migration Period, which separated Old High German dialects from Old Saxon. This sound shift involved a drastic change in the pronunciation of both voiced and voiceless stop consonants (b, d, g, and p, t, k, respectively). The primary effects of the shift were the following below.

  • Voiceless stops became long (geminated) voiceless fricatives following a vowel;
  • Voiceless stops became affricates in word-initial position, or following certain consonants;
  • Voiced stops became voiceless in certain phonetic settings.[19]
Voiceless stop
following a vowel
Word-initial
voiceless stop
Voiced stop
/p/→/ff/ /p/→/pf/ /b/→/p/
/t/→/ss/ /t/→/ts/ /d/→/t/
/k/→/xx/ /k/→/kx/ /g/→/k/
The approximate extent of Germanic languages in the early 10th century:
  Continental West Germanic languages (Old Frisian, Old Saxon, Old Dutch, Old High German).

While there is written evidence of the Old High German language in several Elder Futhark inscriptions from as early as the sixth century AD (such as the Pforzen buckle), the Old High German period is generally seen as beginning with the Abrogans (written c. 765–775), a Latin-German glossary supplying over 3,000 Old High German words with their Latin equivalents. After the Abrogans, the first coherent works written in Old High German appear in the ninth century, chief among them being the Muspilli, Merseburg charms, and Hildebrandslied, and other religious texts (the Georgslied, Ludwigslied, Evangelienbuch, and translated hymns and prayers).[20] The Muspilli is a Christian poem written in a Bavarian dialect offering an account of the soul after the Last Judgment, and the Merseburg charms are transcriptions of spells and charms from the pagan Germanic tradition. Of particular interest to scholars, however, has been the Hildebrandslied, a secular epic poem telling the tale of an estranged father and son unknowingly meeting each other in battle. Linguistically, this text is highly interesting due to the mixed use of Old Saxon and Old High German dialects in its composition. The written works of this period stem mainly from the Alamanni, Bavarian, and Thuringian groups, all belonging to the Elbe Germanic group (Irminones), which had settled in what is now southern-central Germany and Austria between the second and sixth centuries, during the great migration.[19]

In general, the surviving texts of Old High German (OHG) show a wide range of dialectal diversity with very little written uniformity. The early written tradition of OHG survived mostly through monasteries and scriptoria as local translations of Latin originals; as a result, the surviving texts are written in highly disparate regional dialects and exhibit significant Latin influence, particularly in vocabulary.[19] At this point monasteries, where most written works were produced, were dominated by Latin, and German saw only occasional use in official and ecclesiastical writing.

Middle High German

[edit]

While there is no complete agreement over the dates of the Middle High German (MHG) period, it is generally seen as lasting from 1050 to 1350.[21] This was a period of significant expansion of the geographical territory occupied by Germanic tribes, and consequently of the number of German speakers. Whereas during the Old High German period the Germanic tribes extended only as far east as the Elbe and Saale rivers, the MHG period saw a number of these tribes expanding beyond this eastern boundary into Slavic territory (known as the Ostsiedlung). With the increasing wealth and geographic spread of the Germanic groups came greater use of German in the courts of nobles as the standard language of official proceedings and literature.[21] A clear example of this is the mittelhochdeutsche Dichtersprache employed in the Hohenstaufen court in Swabia as a standardized supra-dialectal written language. While these efforts were still regionally bound, German began to be used in place of Latin for certain official purposes, leading to a greater need for regularity in written conventions.

While the major changes of the MHG period were socio-cultural, High German was still undergoing significant linguistic changes in syntax, phonetics, and morphology as well (e.g., diphthongization of certain vowel sounds: hus (OHG & MHG "house")haus (regionally in later MHG)→Haus (NHG), and weakening of unstressed short vowels to schwa [ə]: taga (OHG "days")→tage (MHG)).[22]

A great wealth of texts survives from the MHG period. Significantly, these texts include a number of impressive secular works, such as the Nibelungenlied, an epic poem telling the story of the dragon-slayer Siegfried (c. thirteenth century), and the Iwein, an Arthurian verse poem by Hartmann von Aue (c. 1203), lyric poems, and courtly romances such as Parzival and Tristan. Also noteworthy is the Sachsenspiegel, the first book of laws written in Middle Low German (c. 1220). The abundance and especially the secular character of the literature of the MHG period demonstrate the beginnings of a standardized written form of German, as well as the desire of poets and authors to be understood by individuals on supra-dialectal terms.

The Middle High German period is generally seen as ending when the 1346–53 Black Death decimated Europe's population.[23]

Early New High German

[edit]
German language area and major dialectal divisions around 1900[24]

Modern High German begins with the Early New High German (ENHG) period, which Wilhelm Scherer dates 1350–1650, terminating with the end of the Thirty Years' War.[23] This period saw the further displacement of Latin by German as the primary language of courtly proceedings and, increasingly, of literature in the German states. While these states were still part of the Holy Roman Empire, and far from any form of unification, the desire for a cohesive written language that would be understandable across the many German-speaking principalities and kingdoms was stronger than ever. As a spoken language German remained highly fractured throughout this period, with a vast number of often mutually incomprehensible regional dialects being spoken throughout the German states; the invention of the printing press c. 1440 and the publication of Luther's vernacular translation of the Bible in 1534, however, had an immense effect on standardizing German as a supra-dialectal written language.

The ENHG period saw the rise of several important cross-regional forms of chancery German, one being gemeine tiutsch, used in the court of the Holy Roman Emperor Maximilian I, and the other being Meißner Deutsch, used in the Electorate of Saxony in the Duchy of Saxe-Wittenberg.[25]

Alongside these courtly written standards, the invention of the printing press led to the development of a number of printers' languages (Druckersprachen) aimed at making printed material readable and understandable across as many diverse dialects of German as possible.[26] The greater ease of production and increased availability of written texts brought about increased standardisation in the written form of German.

Modern High German translation of the Christian Bible by the Protestant reformer Martin Luther (1534).[27] The widespread popularity of the Bible translated into High German by Luther helped establish modern Standard German.[27]

One of the central events in the development of ENHG was the publication of Luther's translation of the Bible into High German (the New Testament was published in 1522; the Old Testament was published in parts and completed in 1534).[27] Luther based his translation primarily on the Meißner Deutsch of Saxony, spending much time among the population of Saxony researching the dialect so as to make the work as natural and accessible to German speakers as possible. Copies of Luther's Bible featured a long list of glosses for each region, translating words which were unknown in the region into the regional dialect. Luther said the following concerning his translation method:

One who would talk German does not ask the Latin how he shall do it; he must ask the mother in the home, the children on the streets, the common man in the market-place and note carefully how they talk, then translate accordingly. They will then understand what is said to them because it is German. When Christ says 'ex abundantia cordis os loquitur,' I would translate, if I followed the papists, aus dem Überflusz des Herzens redet der Mund. But tell me is this talking German? What German understands such stuff? No, the mother in the home and the plain man would say, Wesz das Herz voll ist, des gehet der Mund über.[28]

Luther's translation of the Bible into High German was also decisive for the German language and its evolution from Early New High German to modern Standard German.[27] The publication of Luther's Bible was a decisive moment in the spread of literacy in early modern Germany,[27] and promoted the development of non-local forms of language and exposed all speakers to forms of German from outside their own area.[29] With Luther's rendering of the Bible in the vernacular, German asserted itself against the dominance of Latin as a legitimate language for courtly, literary, and now ecclesiastical subject-matter. His Bible was ubiquitous in the German states: nearly every household possessed a copy.[30] Nevertheless, even with the influence of Luther's Bible as an unofficial written standard, a widely accepted standard for written German did not appear until the middle of the eighteenth century.[31]

Habsburg Empire

[edit]
Map of Central Europe in 1648:
  Territories under the Holy Roman Empire, comprising the Alpine heartland (Erblande) of the Habsburg monarchy.
Ethnolinguistic map comprising the territories of Austria-Hungary (1910), with German-speaking areas shown in red

German was the language of commerce and government in the Habsburg Empire, which encompassed a large area of Central and Eastern Europe. Until the mid-nineteenth century, it was essentially the language of townspeople throughout most of the Empire. Its use indicated that the speaker was a merchant or someone from an urban area, regardless of nationality.

Prague (German: Prag) and Budapest (Buda, German: Ofen), to name two examples, were gradually Germanized in the years after their incorporation into the Habsburg domain. However, Prague had a large German-speaking population since the Middle Ages, as had Pressburg (Pozsony, now Bratislava), which was settled by Germans in the 10th century. Significant portions of Bohemia and Moravia, now part of the Czech Republic, had become German-speaking during Ostsiedlung. During the Habsburg time, Budapest and cities like Zagreb (German: Agram) or Ljubljana (German: Laibach), contained significant German minorities.

In the eastern provinces of Banat, Bukovina, and Transylvania (German: Banat, Buchenland, Siebenbürgen), German was the predominant language not only in the larger towns—like Temeschburg (Timișoara), Hermannstadt (Sibiu), and Kronstadt (Brașov)—but also in many smaller localities in the surrounding areas.[32]

Standardization

[edit]

In 1901, the Second Orthographic Conference ended with a (nearly) complete standardization of the Standard German language in its written form, and the Duden Handbook was declared its standard definition.[33] Punctuation and compound spelling (joined or isolated compounds) were not standardized in the process.

Participants of Meetings of German-speaking countries (2004–present)

The Deutsche Bühnensprache (lit.'German stage language') by Theodor Siebs had established conventions for German pronunciation in theatres,[34] three years earlier; however, this was an artificial standard that did not correspond to any traditional spoken dialect. Rather, it was based on the pronunciation of German in Northern Germany, although it was subsequently regarded often as a general prescriptive norm, despite differing pronunciation traditions especially in the Upper-German-speaking regions that still characterise the dialect of the area today – especially the pronunciation of the ending -ig as [ɪk] instead of [ɪç]. In Northern Germany, High German was a foreign language to most inhabitants, whose native dialects were subsets of Low German. It was usually encountered only in writing or formal speech; in fact, most of High German was a written language, not identical to any spoken dialect, throughout the German-speaking area until well into the 19th century. However, wider standardization of pronunciation was established on the basis of public speaking in theatres and the media during the 20th century and documented in pronouncing dictionaries.

Official revisions of some of the rules from 1901 were not issued until the controversial German orthography reform of 1996 was made the official standard by governments of all German-speaking countries.[35] Media and written works are now almost all produced in Standard German which is understood in all areas where German is spoken.

Geographical distribution

[edit]

German diaspora
Approximate distribution of native German speakers (assuming a rounded total of 95 million) worldwide:
  1. Germany (78.3%)
  2. Austria (8.40%)
  3. Switzerland (5.60%)
  4. Brazil (3.20%)
  5. Italy (South Tyrol) (0.40%)
  6. Other (4.10%)

As a result of the German diaspora, as well as the popularity of German taught as a foreign language,[36][37] the geographical distribution of German speakers (or "Germanophones") spans all inhabited continents.

However, an exact, global number of native German speakers is complicated by the existence of several varieties whose status as separate "languages" or "dialects" is disputed for political and linguistic reasons, including quantitatively strong varieties like certain forms of Alemannic and Low German.[8] With the inclusion or exclusion of certain varieties, it is estimated that approximately 90–95 million people speak German as a first language,[38][page needed][39] 10–25 million speak it as a second language,[38][page needed] and 75–100 million as a foreign language.[2] This would imply the existence of approximately 175–220 million German speakers worldwide.[40]

German sociolinguist Ulrich Ammon estimated a number of 289 million German foreign language speakers without clarifying the criteria by which he classified a speaker.[41]

Europe

[edit]
The German language in Europe:
  German Sprachraum: German is the official language (de jure or de facto) and first language of the majority of the population
  German is a co-official language but not the first language of the majority of the population
  German (or a German dialect) is a legally recognized minority language (squares: geographic distribution too dispersed/small for map scale)
  German (or a variety of German) is spoken by a sizeable minority but has no legal recognition
  Most of Austria lies in the Bavarian dialect area; only the very west of the country is
  Alemannic-speaking.
Map shows Austria and South Tyrol, Italy.
  (Swiss) German is one of the four national languages of Switzerland.
  Luxembourg lies in the Moselle Franconian dialect area.
  In Belgium, German is spoken in the country's German-speaking Community, in the very east of the country.

As of 2012, about 90 million people, or 16% of the European Union's population, spoke German as their mother tongue, making it the second most widely spoken language on the continent after Russian and the second biggest language in terms of overall speakers (after English), as well as the most spoken native language.[2]

German Sprachraum

[edit]

The area in central Europe where the majority of the population speaks German as a first language and has German as a (co-)official language is called the "German Sprachraum". German is the official language of the following countries:

As a result of implemenation of the Oder–Neisse line and ensuing expusion and ethnic cleansing in post-war Poland, the German Sprachraum significantly shrank, as well as by dissolution of the large German-speaking areas in Bohemia and Moravia. Former German-speaking exclaves of East Prussia, the Free City of Danzig an the Memelland ceased to exist, while Francization in Alsace and Lorraine removed use of German in these areas.

German is a co-official language of the following countries:

Outside the German Sprachraum

[edit]

Although expulsions and (forced) assimilation after the two World wars greatly diminished them, minority communities of mostly bilingual German native speakers exist in areas both adjacent to and detached from the Sprachraum.

Within Europe, German is a recognized minority language in the following countries:[42]

In France, the High German varieties of Alsatian and Moselle Franconian are identified as "regional languages", but the European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages of 1998 has not yet been ratified by the government.[45]

In the Baltic states of Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania, there are still around 8,000 members of the German minority (Baltic Germans, East Prussians, and Russian Germans) who speak Standard German and, to some extent, Low German. For Estonia, the number is estimated quite precisely at under 2,000 (in 2000: 1,870), for Latvia at just over 3,000 (in 2004: 3,311), and also for Lithuania at just over 3,000.[46]

In 2010, 394,000 Germans lived in Russia, some of whom spoke German. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, many Russian Germans immigrated to Germany.

Africa

[edit]

Namibia

[edit]
Bilingual German-English sign at a bakery in Namibia, where German is a national language

Namibia also was a colony of the German Empire, from 1884 to 1915. About 30,000 people still speak German as a native tongue today, mostly descendants of German colonial settlers.[47] The period of German colonialism in Namibia also led to the evolution of a Standard German-based pidgin language called "Namibian Black German", which became a second language for parts of the indigenous population. Although it is nearly extinct today, some older Namibians still have some knowledge of it.[48]

German remained a de facto official language of Namibia after the end of German colonial rule alongside English and Afrikaans, and had de jure co-official status from 1984 until its independence from South Africa in 1990. However, the Namibian government perceived Afrikaans and German as symbols of apartheid and colonialism, and decided English would be the sole official language upon independence, stating that it was a "neutral" language as there were virtually no English native speakers in Namibia at that time.[47] German, Afrikaans, and several indigenous languages thus became "national languages" by law, identifying them as elements of the cultural heritage of the nation and ensuring that the state acknowledged and supported their presence in the country.

Today, Namibia is considered to be the only German-speaking country outside of the Sprachraum in Europe.[47] German is used in a wide variety of spheres throughout the country, especially in business, tourism, and public signage, as well as in education, churches (most notably the German-speaking Evangelical Lutheran Church in Namibia (GELK)), other cultural spheres such as music, and media (such as German language radio programs by the Namibian Broadcasting Corporation). The Allgemeine Zeitung is one of the three biggest newspapers in Namibia and the only German-language daily in Africa.[47]

Rest of Africa

[edit]

An estimated 12,000 people speak German or a German variety as a first language in South Africa, mostly originating from different waves of immigration during the 19th and 20th centuries.[49] One of the largest communities consists of the speakers of "Nataler Deutsch",[50] a variety of Low German concentrated in and around Wartburg. The South African constitution identifies German as a "commonly used" language and the Pan South African Language Board is obligated to promote and ensure respect for it.[51]

Cameroon was also a colony of the German Empire from the same period (1884 to 1916). However, German was replaced by French and English, the languages of the two successor colonial powers, after its loss in World War I. Nevertheless, since the 21st century, German has become a popular foreign language among pupils and students, with 300,000 people learning or speaking German in Cameroon in 2010 and over 230,000 in 2020.[52] Today Cameroon is one of the African countries outside Namibia with the highest number of people learning German.[53]

North America

[edit]

In the United States, German is the fifth most spoken language in terms of native and second language speakers after English, Spanish, French, and Chinese (with figures for Cantonese and Mandarin combined), with over 1 million total speakers.[54] In the states of North Dakota and South Dakota, German is the most common language spoken at home after English.[55] As a legacy of significant German immigration to the country, German geographical names can be found throughout the Midwest region, such as New Ulm and Bismarck (North Dakota's state capital), plus many other regions.[56]

A number of German varieties have developed in the country and are still spoken today, such as Pennsylvania Dutch and Texas German.

South America

[edit]

In Brazil, the largest concentrations of German speakers are in the states of Rio Grande do Sul (where Riograndenser Hunsrückisch developed), Santa Catarina, and Espírito Santo.[57]

Standard German is a recognized language in the Brazilian municipalities of Pomerode and São João do Oeste.[58]

Meanwhile, German dialects (namely Hunsrik and East Pomeranian) are recognized languages in the following municipalities in Brazil:

In Chile, during the 19th and 20th centuries, there was a massive immigration of Germans, Swiss and Austrians. Because of that, two dialects of German emerged, Lagunen-Deutsch and Chiloten-Deutsch.[61] Immigrants even founded prosperous cities and towns. The impact of nineteenth century German immigration to southern Chile was such that Valdivia was for a while a Spanish-German bilingual city with "German signboards and placards alongside the Spanish".[62] Currently, German and its dialects are spoken in many cities, towns and rural areas of southern Chile, such as Valdivia, Osorno, Puerto Montt, Puerto Varas, Frutillar, Nueva Braunau, Castro, Ancud, among many others.

Small concentrations of German-speakers and their descendants are also found in Argentina, Chile, Paraguay, Venezuela, and Bolivia.[49]

Oceania

[edit]

In Australia, the state of South Australia experienced a pronounced wave of Prussian immigration in the 1840s (particularly from Silesia region). With the prolonged isolation from other German speakers and contact with Australian English, a unique dialect known as Barossa German developed, spoken predominantly in the Barossa Valley near Adelaide. Usage of German sharply declined with the advent of World War I, due to the prevailing anti-German sentiment in the population and related government action. It continued to be used as a first language into the 20th century, but its use is now limited to a few older speakers.[63]

As of the 2013 census, 36,642 people in New Zealand spoke German, mostly descendants of a small wave of 19th century German immigrants, making it the third most spoken European language after English and French and overall the ninth most spoken language.[64]

A German creole named Unserdeutsch was historically spoken in the former German colony of German New Guinea, modern day Papua New Guinea. It is at a high risk of extinction, with only about 100 speakers remaining, and a topic of interest among linguists seeking to revive interest in the language.[65]

As a foreign language

[edit]
Self-reported knowledge of German as a foreign language in the EU member states (+Turkey and UK), in per cent of the adult population (+15), 2005

Like English, French, and Spanish, German has become a standard foreign language throughout the world, especially in the Western World.[2][66] German ranks second on par with French among the best known foreign languages in the European Union (EU) after English,[2] as well as in Russia,[67] and Turkey.[2] In terms of student numbers across all levels of education, German ranks third in the EU (after English and French)[37] and in the United States (after Spanish and French).[36][68] In British schools, where learning a foreign language is not mandatory, a dramatic decline in entries for German A-Level has been observed.[69] In 2020, approximately 15.4 million people were enrolled in learning German across all levels of education worldwide. This number has decreased from a peak of 20.1 million in 2000.[70] Within the EU, not counting countries where it is an official language, German as a foreign language is most popular in Eastern and Northern Europe, namely the Czech Republic, Croatia, Denmark, Greece, Hungary, the Netherlands, Norway, Poland, Slovakia, Slovenia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Serbia.[2][71] German was once, and to some extent still is, a lingua franca in those parts of Europe.[72]

German-language media worldwide

[edit]

A visible sign of the geographical extension of the German language is the German-language media outside the German-speaking countries. German is the second most commonly used scientific language[73][better source needed] as well as the third most widely used language on websites after English and Spanish.[74]

Deutsche Welle (German pronunciation: [ˈdɔʏtʃə ˈvɛlə]; "German Wave" in German), or DW, is Germany's public international broadcaster. The service is available in 30 languages. DW's satellite television service consists of channels in German, English, Spanish, and Arabic.

See also:

Standard German

[edit]
Self-reported knowledge of German within the nations of the European Union

The basis of Standard German developed with the Luther Bible and the chancery language spoken by the Saxon court, part of the regional High German group.[75] However, there are places where the traditional regional dialects have been replaced by new vernaculars based on Standard German; that is the case in large stretches of Northern Germany but also in major cities in other parts of the country. It is important to note, however, that the colloquial Standard German differs from the formal written language, especially in grammar and syntax, in which it has been influenced by dialectal speech.

Standard German differs regionally among German-speaking countries in vocabulary and some instances of pronunciation and even grammar and orthography. This variation must not be confused with the variation of local dialects. Even though the national varieties of Standard German are only somewhat influenced by the local dialects, they are very distinct. German is thus considered a pluricentric language, with currently three national standard varieties of German: German Standard German, Austrian Standard German and Swiss Standard German. In comparison to other European languages (e.g., Portuguese, English), the multi-standard character of German is still not widely acknowledged.[76] However, 90% of Austrian secondary school teachers of German consider German as having "more than one" standard variety.[77] In this context, some scholars speak of a One Standard German Axiom that has been maintained as a core assumption of German dialectology.[78]

In most regions, the speakers use a continuum, e.g., "Umgangssprache" (colloquial standards) from more dialectal varieties to more standard varieties depending on the circumstances.

Varieties

[edit]
The national and regional standard varieties of German[79]

In German linguistics, German dialects are distinguished from varieties of Standard German. The varieties of Standard German refer to the different local varieties of the pluricentric German. They differ mainly in lexicon and phonology, but also smaller grammatical differences. In certain regions, they have replaced the traditional German dialects, especially in Northern Germany.

In the German-speaking parts of Switzerland, mixtures of dialect and standard are very seldom used, and the use of Standard German is largely restricted to the written language. About 11% of the Swiss residents speak Standard German at home, but this is mainly due to German immigrants.[80] This situation has been called a medial diglossia. Swiss Standard German is used in the Swiss education system, while Austrian German is officially used in the Austrian education system.

Dialects

[edit]

The German dialects are the traditional local varieties of the language; many of them are not mutually intelligible with standard German, and they have great differences in lexicon, phonology, and syntax. If a narrow definition of language based on mutual intelligibility is used, many German dialects are considered to be separate languages (for instance by ISO 639-3). However, such a point of view is unusual in German linguistics.

The German dialect continuum is traditionally divided most broadly into High German and Low German, also called Low Saxon. However, historically, High German dialects and Low Saxon/Low German dialects do not belong to the same language. Nevertheless, in today's Germany, Low Saxon/Low German is often perceived as a dialectal variation of Standard German on a functional level even by many native speakers.

The variation among the German dialects is considerable, with often only neighbouring dialects being mutually intelligible. Some dialects are not intelligible to people who know only Standard German. However, all German dialects belong to the dialect continuum of High German and Low Saxon.

Low German

[edit]
The Low German dialects

Middle Low German was the lingua franca of the Hanseatic League. It was the predominant language in Northern Germany until the 16th century. In 1534, the Luther Bible was published. It aimed to be understandable to a broad audience and was based mainly on Central and Upper German varieties. The Early New High German language gained more prestige than Low German and became the language of science and literature. Around the same time, the Hanseatic League, a confederation of northern ports, lost its importance as new trade routes to Asia and the Americas were established, and the most powerful German states of that period were located in Middle and Southern Germany.

The 18th and 19th centuries were marked by mass education in Standard German in schools. Gradually, Low German came to be politically viewed as a mere dialect spoken by the uneducated. The proportion of the population who can understand and speak it has decreased continuously since World War II.

Low Franconian

[edit]

The Low Franconian dialects fall within a linguistic category used to classify a number of historical and contemporary West Germanic varieties most closely related to, and including, the Dutch language. Consequently, the vast majority of the Low Franconian dialects are spoken outside of the German language area. Low Franconian dialects are spoken in the Netherlands, Belgium, South Africa, Namibia, and Suriname, and along the Lower Rhine in Germany, in North Rhine-Westphalia. The region in Germany encompasses parts of the Rhine-Ruhr metropolitan region.

The Low Franconian dialects have three different standard varieties: In the Netherlands, Belgium and Suriname, it is Dutch, which is itself a Low Franconian language. In South Africa, it is Afrikaans, which is also categorized as Low Franconian. During the Middle Ages and Early Modern Period, the Low Franconian dialects now spoken in Germany, used Middle Dutch or Early Modern Dutch as their literary language and Dachsprache. Following a 19th-century change in Prussian language policy, use of Dutch as an official and public language was forbidden; resulting in Standard German taking its place as the region's official language.[81][82] As a result, these dialects are now considered German dialects from a socio-linguistic point of view.[83]

The Low Franconian dialects in Germany are divided by the Uerdingen line (north of which the word for "I" is pronounced as "ik" and south of which as "ich") into northern and southern Low Franconian. The northern variants comprise Kleverlandish, which is most similar to Standard Dutch. The other ones are transitional between Low Franconian and Ripuarian, but closer to Low Franconian.

* city with German as standard language

High German

[edit]
The Central German dialects
The Franconian dialects
(The Rhenish fan)
1. Low Franconian
  Northern Low Franconian
ik–ich line
  Southern Low Franconian
maken–machen line
2. Middle Franconian Dorp–Dorf line dat–das line Appel–Apfel line
3. High Franconian
  South Franconian**
*Lorraine Franconian in France
**Alsatian in France

The High German dialects consist of the Central German, High Franconian and Upper German dialects. The High Franconian dialects are transitional dialects between Central and Upper German. The High German varieties spoken by the Ashkenazi Jews have several unique features and are considered as a separate language, Yiddish, written with the Hebrew alphabet.

Central German

[edit]

The Central German dialects are spoken in Central Germany, from Aachen in the west to Görlitz in the east. Modern Standard German is mostly based on Central German dialects.

West Central German
[edit]

The West Central German dialects are the Central Franconian dialects (Ripuarian and Moselle Franconian) and the Rhenish Franconian dialects (Hessian and Palatine). These dialects are considered as

Luxembourgish as well as Transylvanian Saxon and Banat Swabian are based on Moselle Franconian dialects.

East Central German
[edit]

Further east, the non-Franconian, East Central German dialects are spoken (Thuringian, Upper Saxon, Erzgebirgisch (dialect of the Ore Mountains) and North Upper Saxon–South Markish, and earlier, in the then German-speaking parts of Silesia also Silesian, and in then German southern East Prussia also High Prussian).

High Franconian

[edit]
The Upper German and High Franconian (transitional between Central and Upper German)

The High Franconian dialects are transitional dialects between Central and Upper German. They consist of the East and South Franconian dialects.

East Franconian
[edit]

The East Franconian dialects are spoken in the region of Franconia. Franconia consists of the Bavarian districts of Upper, Middle, and Lower Franconia, the region of South Thuringia (those parts of Thuringia south of the Thuringian Forest), and the eastern parts of the region of Heilbronn-Franken (Tauber Franconia and Hohenlohe) in northeastern Baden-Württemberg. East Franconian is also spoken in most parts of Saxon Vogtland (in the Vogtland District around Plauen, Reichenbach im Vogtland, Auerbach/Vogtl., Oelsnitz/Vogtl. and Klingenthal). East Franconian is colloquially referred to as "Fränkisch" (Franconian) in Franconia (including Bavarian Vogtland), and as "Vogtländisch" (Vogtlandian) in Saxon Vogtland.

South Franconian
[edit]

South Franconian is spoken in northern Baden-Württemberg and in the northeasternmost tip of Alsace (around Wissembourg) in France. In Baden-Württemberg, they are considered dialects of German, and in Alsace a South Franconian variant of Alsatian.

Upper German

[edit]

The Upper German dialects are the Alemannic and Swabian dialects in the west and the Austro-Bavarian dialects in the east.

Alemannic and Swabian
[edit]
Swiss German restaurant sign in Andermatt: "Chuchichäschtli", in Standard German "Küchenkästlein"

Alemannic dialects are spoken in Switzerland (High Alemannic in the densely populated Swiss Plateau including Zürich and Bern, in the south also Highest Alemannic, and Low Alemannic in Basel), Baden-Württemberg (Swabian and Low Alemannic, in the southwest also High Alemannic), Bavarian Swabia (Swabian, in the southwesternmost part also Low Alemannic), Vorarlberg/Austria (Low, High, and Highest Alemannic), Alsace/France (Low Alemannic, in the southernmost part also High Alemannic), Liechtenstein (High and Highest Alemannic), and in the district of Reutte in Tyrol, Austria (Swabian). The Alemannic dialects are considered

In Germany, the Alemannic dialects are often referred to as Swabian in Bavarian Swabia and in the historical region of Württemberg, and as Badian in the historical region of Baden.

The southernmost German-speaking municipality is in the Alemannic region: Zermatt in the Canton of Valais, Switzerland, as is the capital of Liechtenstein: Vaduz.

Austro-Bavarian
[edit]
The Austro-Bavarian dialects

The Austro-Bavarian dialects are spoken in Austria (Vienna, Lower and Upper Austria, Styria, Carinthia, Salzburg, Burgenland, and in most parts of Tyrol), southern and eastern Bavaria (Upper and Lower Bavaria as well as Upper Palatinate), and South Tyrol. Austro-Bavarian is also spoken in southwesternmost Saxony: in the southernmost tip of Vogtland (in the Vogtland District around Adorf, Bad Brambach, Bad Elster and Markneukirchen), where it is referred to as Vogtländisch (Vogtlandian), just like the East Franconian variant that dominates in Vogtland. There is also one single Austro-Bavarian village in Switzerland: Samnaun in the Canton of the Grisons.

The northernmost Austro-Bavarian village is Breitenfeld (municipality of Markneukirchen, Saxony), the southernmost village is Salorno sulla Strada del Vino (German: Salurn an der Weinstraße), South Tyrol.

Regiolects

[edit]

Grammar

[edit]

German is a fusional language with a moderate degree of inflection, with three grammatical genders; as such, there can be a large number of words derived from the same root.

Noun inflection

[edit]
Declension of the Standard German definite article
Case Masc. Neu. Fem. Plural
Nominative der das die die
Dative dem dem der den
Genitive des des der der
Accusative den das die die

German nouns inflect by case, gender, and number:

  • four cases: nominative, accusative, genitive, and dative.
  • three genders: masculine, feminine, and neuter. For the majority of nouns (especially masculine and neuter ones), the gender is not predictable from the word's shape. Affixes sometimes reveal grammatical gender: for instance, nouns ending in -ung (-ing), -schaft (-ship), -keit or heit (-hood, -ness) are feminine, nouns ending in -chen or -lein (diminutive forms) are neuter and nouns ending in -ismus (-ism) are masculine. However, most words do not have strictly gendered affixes.
  • two numbers: singular and plural.

This degree of inflection is considerably less than in Old High German and other old Indo-European languages such as Latin, Ancient Greek, and Sanskrit, and it is also somewhat less than, for instance, Old English, modern Icelandic, or Russian. The three genders have collapsed in the plural. With four cases and three genders plus plural, there are 16 permutations of case and gender/number of the article (not the nouns), but there are only six forms of the definite article, which together cover all 16 permutations. In nouns, inflection for case is required in the singular for strong masculine and neuter nouns only in the genitive and in the dative (only in fixed or archaic expressions), and even this is losing ground to substitutes in informal speech.[84] Weak masculine nouns share a common case ending for genitive, dative, and accusative in the singular. Feminine nouns are not declined in the singular. The plural has an inflection for the dative. In total, seven inflectional endings (not counting plural markers) exist in German: -s, -es, -n, -ns, -en, -ens, -e.

Compounding

[edit]

Like the other Germanic languages, German forms noun compounds in which the first noun modifies the category given by the second: Hundehütte ("dog hut"; specifically: "dog kennel"). Unlike English, whose newer compounds or combinations of longer nouns are often written "open" with separating spaces, German (like some other Germanic languages) nearly always uses the "closed" form without spaces, for example: Baumhaus ("tree house"). Like English, German allows arbitrarily long compounds in theory (see also English compounds). The longest German word verified to be actually in (albeit very limited) use is Rindfleischetikettierungsüberwachungsaufgabenübertragungsgesetz, which, literally translated, is "beef labelling supervision duties assignment law" [from Rind (cattle), Fleisch (meat), Etikettierung(s) (labelling), Überwachung(s) (supervision), Aufgaben (duties), Übertragung(s) (assignment), Gesetz (law)]. However, examples like this are perceived by native speakers as excessively bureaucratic, stylistically awkward, or even satirical. On the other hand, even this compound could be expanded by any native speaker.

Verb inflection

[edit]

The inflection of standard German verbs includes:

  • Two main conjugation classes: weak and strong (as in English). Additionally, there is a third class, known as mixed verbs, whose conjugation combines features of both the strong and weak patterns.
  • Three persons: first, second and third.
  • Two numbers: singular and plural.
  • Three moods: indicative, imperative and subjunctive (in addition to infinitive).
  • Two voices: active and passive. The passive voice uses auxiliary verbs and is divisible into static and dynamic. Static forms show a constant state and use the verb to be (sein). Dynamic forms show an action and use the verb to become (werden).
  • Two tenses without auxiliary verbs (present and preterite) and four tenses constructed with auxiliary verbs (perfect, pluperfect, future and future perfect).
  • The distinction between grammatical aspects is rendered by combined use of the subjunctive or preterite marking so the plain indicative voice uses neither of those two markers; the subjunctive by itself often conveys reported speech; subjunctive plus preterite marks the conditional state; and the preterite alone shows either plain indicative (in the past), or functions as a (literal) alternative for either reported speech or the conditional state of the verb, when necessary for clarity.
  • The distinction between perfect and progressive aspect is and has, at every stage of development, been a productive category of the older language and in nearly all documented dialects, but strangely enough it is now rigorously excluded from written usage in its present normalised form.
  • Disambiguation of completed vs. uncompleted forms is widely observed and regularly generated by common prefixes (blicken [to look], erblicken [to see – unrelated form: sehen]).

Verb prefixes

[edit]

The meaning of basic verbs can be expanded and sometimes radically changed through the use of a number of prefixes. Some prefixes have a specific meaning; the prefix zer- refers to destruction, as in zerreißen (to tear apart), zerbrechen (to break apart), zerschneiden (to cut apart). Other prefixes have only the vaguest meaning in themselves; ver- is found in a number of verbs with a large variety of meanings, as in versuchen (to try) from suchen (to seek), vernehmen (to interrogate) from nehmen (to take), verteilen (to distribute) from teilen (to share), verstehen (to understand) from stehen (to stand).

Other examples include the following: haften (to stick), verhaften (to detain); kaufen (to buy), verkaufen (to sell); hören (to hear), aufhören (to cease); fahren (to drive), erfahren (to experience).

Many German verbs have a separable prefix, often with an adverbial function. In finite verb forms, it is split off and moved to the end of the clause and is hence considered by some to be a "resultative particle". For example, mitgehen, meaning "to go along", would be split, giving Gehen Sie mit? (Literal: "Go you with?"; Idiomatic: "Are you going along?").

Indeed, several parenthetical clauses may occur between the prefix of a finite verb and its complement (ankommen = to arrive, er kam an = he arrived, er ist angekommen = he has arrived):

Er kam am Freitagabend nach einem harten Arbeitstag und dem üblichen Ärger, der ihn schon seit Jahren immer wieder an seinem Arbeitsplatz plagt, mit fraglicher Freude auf ein Mahl, das seine Frau ihm, wie er hoffte, bereits aufgetischt hatte, endlich zu Hause an.

A selectively literal translation of this example to illustrate the point might look like this:

He "came" on Friday evening, after a hard day at work and the usual annoyances that had time and again been troubling him for years now at his workplace, with questionable joy, to a meal which, as he hoped, his wife had already put on the table, finally home "to".

Word order

[edit]

German word order is generally with the V2 word order restriction and also with the SOV word order restriction for subordinate as well as for main clauses including an auxiliary verb. As to subordinate clauses, all verb forms occur at the very end. For yes–no questions, exclamations, and wishes, the finite verb usually has the first position.

German requires a verbal element (main verb, modal verb or auxiliary verb as finite verb) to appear second in the sentence. The verb is preceded by the topic of the sentence or an adverbial of flexible length. The element in focus appears at the end of the sentence. For a sentence without an auxiliary, these are several possibilities:

Der alte Mann gab mir gestern das Buch. (The old man gave me yesterday the book; normal subject-verb-object order)
Das Buch gab mir gestern der alte Mann. (The book gave [to] me yesterday the old man)
Das Buch gab der alte Mann mir gestern. (The book gave the old man [to] me yesterday)
Das Buch gab mir der alte Mann gestern. (The book gave [to] me the old man yesterday)
Gestern gab mir der alte Mann das Buch. (Yesterday gave [to] me the old man the book; normal order)
Gestern gab der alte Mann mir das Buch. (Yesterday gave the old man [to] me the book; verb-subject-object order)
Mir gab der alte Mann das Buch gestern. ([To] me gave the old man the book yesterday (entailing: as for someone else, it was another date))

While the subject typically preceeds the object, the position of a noun in a German sentence has no bearing on its being a subject, an object or another argument. In a declarative sentence in English, if the subject does not occur before the predicate, the sentence could well be misunderstood.

However, German's flexible word order allows one to emphasise specific words:

Normal word order:

Der Direktor betrat gestern um 10 Uhr mit einem Schirm in der Hand sein Büro.
The manager entered yesterday at 10 o'clock with an umbrella in the hand his office.

Second variant in normal word order:

Der Direktor betrat sein Büro gestern um 10 Uhr mit einem Schirm in der Hand.
The manager entered his office yesterday at 10 o'clock with an umbrella in the hand.
This variant accentuates the time specification and that he carried an umbrella.

Object in front:

Sein Büro betrat der Direktor gestern um 10 Uhr mit einem Schirm in der Hand.
His office entered the manager yesterday at 10 o'clock with an umbrella in the hand.
The object Sein Büro (his office) is thus highlighted; it could be the topic of the next sentence.

Adverb of time in front:

Gestern betrat der Direktor um 10 Uhr mit einem Schirm in der Hand sein Büro. (aber heute ohne Schirm)
Yesterday entered the manager at 10 o'clock with an umbrella in the hand his office. (but today without umbrella)

Both time expressions in front:

Gestern um 10 Uhr betrat der Direktor mit einem Schirm in der Hand sein Büro.
Yesterday at 10 o'clock entered the manager with an umbrella in the hand his office.
The full-time specification Gestern um 10 Uhr is highlighted.

Another possibility:

Gestern um 10 Uhr betrat der Direktor sein Büro mit einem Schirm in der Hand.
Yesterday at 10 o'clock entered the manager his office with an umbrella in the hand.
Both the time specification and the fact he carried an umbrella are accentuated.

Swapped adverbs:

Der Direktor betrat mit einem Schirm in der Hand gestern um 10 Uhr sein Büro.
The manager entered with an umbrella in the hand yesterday at 10 o'clock his office.
The phrase mit einem Schirm in der Hand is highlighted.

Swapped object:

Der Direktor betrat gestern um 10 Uhr sein Büro mit einem Schirm in der Hand.
The manager entered yesterday at 10 o'clock his office with an umbrella in the hand.
The time specification and the object sein Büro (his office) are lightly accentuated.

The flexible word order also allows one to use language "tools" (such as poetic meter and figures of speech) more freely.

Auxiliary verbs

[edit]

When an auxiliary verb is present in the main clause, it appears in second position, and the main verb appears at the end. This occurs notably in the creation of the perfect tense. Many word orders are still possible:

Der alte Mann hat mir heute das Buch gegeben. (The old man has [to] me today the book given.)
Das Buch hat der alte Mann mir heute gegeben. (The book has the old man [to] me today given.)
Heute hat der alte Mann mir das Buch gegeben. (Today has the old man [to] me the book given.)

The main verb may appear in first position to put stress on the action itself. The auxiliary verb is still in second position.

Gegeben hat mir der alte Mann das Buch heute. (Given has me the old man the book today.) The bare fact that the book has been given is emphasized, as well as 'today'.
[edit]

Sentences using modal verbs as finite verbs place the infinitive at the end. For example, the English sentence "Should he go home?" would be rearranged in German to say "Should he (to) home go?" (Soll er nach Hause gehen?). Thus, in sentences with several subordinate or relative clauses, the infinitives are clustered at the end. Compare the similar clustering of prepositions in the following (highly contrived) English sentence: "What did you bring that book that I do not like to be read to out of up for?"

Multiple infinitives

[edit]

German subordinate clauses have all verbs clustered at the end, with the finite verb normally in the final position of the cluster. Given that auxiliaries encode future, passive, modality, and the perfect, very long chains of verbs at the end of the sentence can occur. In these constructions, the past participle formed with ge- is often replaced by the infinitive.

Man nimmt an, dass der Deserteur wohl erschossenV wordenpsv seinperf sollmod
One suspects that the deserter probably shot become be should.
("It is suspected that the deserter probably had been shot")
Er wusste nicht, dass der Agent einen Nachschlüssel hatte machen lassen
He knew not that the agent a picklock had make let
Er wusste nicht, dass der Agent einen Nachschlüssel machen lassen hatte
He knew not that the agent a picklock make let had
("He did not know that the agent had had a picklock made")

The order at the end of such strings is subject to variation, but the second one in the last example is unusual.

Vocabulary

[edit]

Most German vocabulary is derived from the Germanic branch of the Indo-European language family.[85] However, there is a significant number of loanwords from other languages, in particular Latin, Greek, Italian, French, and most recently English.[86] In the early 19th century, Joachim Heinrich Campe estimated that one fifth of the total German vocabulary was of French or Latin origin.[87]

Latin words were already imported into the predecessor of the German language during the Roman Empire and underwent all the characteristic phonetic changes in German. Their origin is thus no longer recognizable for most speakers (e.g., Pforte, Tafel, Mauer, Käse, Köln from Latin porta, tabula, murus, caseus, Colonia). Borrowing from Latin continued after the fall of the Roman Empire during Christianisation, mediated by the church and monasteries. Another important influx of Latin words can be observed during Renaissance humanism. In a scholarly context, the borrowings from Latin have continued until today, in the last few decades often indirectly through borrowings from English. During the 15th to 17th centuries, the influence of Italian was great, leading to many Italian loanwords in the fields of architecture, finance and music. The influence of the French language in the 17th to 19th centuries resulted in an even greater import of French words. The English influence was already present in the 19th century, but it did not become dominant until the second half of the 20th century.

Thus, Notker Labeo translated the Aristotelian treatises into pure (Old High) German in the decades after the year 1000.[88] The tradition of loan translation revitalized in the 17th and 18th century with poets like Philipp von Zesen or linguists like Joachim Heinrich Campe, who introduced close to 300 words, which are still used in modern German. Even today, there are movements that promote the substitution of foreign words that are deemed unnecessary with German alternatives.[89]

As in other Germanic languages, there are many pairs of synonyms due to the enrichment of the Germanic vocabulary with loanwords from Latin and Latinized Greek. These words often have different connotations from their Germanic counterparts and are usually perceived as more scholarly.

  • Historie, historisch – "history, historical", (Geschichte, geschichtlich)
  • Humanität, human – "humaneness, humane", (Menschlichkeit, menschlich)[r]
  • Millennium – "millennium", (Jahrtausend)
  • Perzeption – "perception", (Wahrnehmung)
  • Vokabular – "vocabulary", (Wortschatz)
  • Diktionär – "dictionary, wordbook", (Wörterbuch)[s]
  • probieren – "to try", (versuchen)
  • proponieren – "to propose", (vorschlagen)
The Deutsches Wörterbuch (1st vol., 1854) by the Brothers Grimm

The size of the vocabulary of German is difficult to estimate. The Deutsches Wörterbuch (German Dictionary), initiated by the Brothers Grimm (Jacob and Wilhelm Grimm) and the most comprehensive guide to the vocabulary of the German language, already contained over 330,000 headwords in its first edition. The modern German scientific vocabulary is estimated at nine million words and word groups (based on the analysis of 35 million sentences of a corpus in Leipzig, which as of July 2003 included 500 million words in total).[90]

Orthography

[edit]
Austria's standardized cursive
Germany's standardized cursive

Written texts in German are easily recognisable as such by distinguishing features such as umlauts and certain orthographical features, such as the capitalization of all nouns, and the frequent occurrence of long compounds. Because legibility and convenience set certain boundaries, compounds consisting of more than three or four nouns are almost exclusively found in humorous contexts. (English also can string nouns together, though it usually separates the nouns with spaces: as, for example, "toilet bowl cleaner".)

In German orthography, nouns are capitalized, which makes it easier for readers to determine the function of a word within a sentence. This convention is almost unique to German today (shared perhaps only by the closely related Luxembourgish language and several insular dialects of the North Frisian language), but it was historically common in Northern Europe in the early modern era, including in languages such as Danish which abolished the capitalization of nouns in 1948, and English for a while, into the 1700s.

Present

[edit]

Before the German orthography reform of 1996, ß replaced ss after long vowels and diphthongs and before consonants, word-, or partial-word endings. In reformed spelling, ß replaces ss only after long vowels and diphthongs.

Since there is no traditional capital form of ß, it was replaced by SS (or SZ) when capitalization was required. For example, Maßband (tape measure) became MASSBAND in capitals. An exception was the use of ß in legal documents and forms when capitalizing names. To avoid confusion with similar names, lower case ß was sometimes maintained (thus "KREßLEIN" instead of "KRESSLEIN"). Capital ß (ẞ) was ultimately adopted into German orthography in 2017, ending a long orthographic debate (thus "KREẞLEIN and KRESSLEIN").[91]

Umlaut vowels (ä, ö, ü) are commonly transcribed with ae, oe, and ue if the umlauts are not available on the keyboard or other medium used. In the same manner, ß can be transcribed as ss. Some operating systems use key sequences to extend the set of possible characters to include, amongst other things, umlauts; in Microsoft Windows this is done using Alt codes. German readers understand these transcriptions (although they appear unusual), but they are avoided if the regular umlauts are available, because they are a makeshift and not proper spelling. (In Westphalia and Schleswig-Holstein, city and family names exist where the extra e has a vowel lengthening effect, e.g., Raesfeld [ˈraːsfɛlt], Coesfeld [ˈkoːsfɛlt] and Itzehoe [ɪtsəˈhoː], but this use of the letter e after a/o/u does not occur in the present-day spelling of words other than proper nouns.)

There is no general agreement on where letters with umlauts occur in the sorting sequence. Telephone directories treat them by replacing them with the base vowel followed by an e. Some dictionaries sort each umlauted vowel as a separate letter after the base vowel, but more commonly words with umlauts are ordered immediately after the same word without umlauts. As an example in a telephone book Ärzte occurs after Adressenverlage but before Anlagenbauer (because Ä is replaced by Ae). In a dictionary Ärzte comes after Arzt, but in some dictionaries Ärzte and all other words starting with Ä may occur after all words starting with A. In some older dictionaries or indexes, initial Sch and St are treated as separate letters and are listed as separate entries after S, but they are usually treated as S+C+H and S+T.

Written German also typically uses an alternative opening inverted comma (quotation mark) as in „Guten Morgen!“.

Past

[edit]
A Russian dictionary from 1931, showing the "German alphabet" – the 3rd and 4th columns of each half are Fraktur and Kurrent respectively, with the footnote explaining ligatures used in Fraktur

Until the early 20th century, German was printed in blackletter typefaces (in Fraktur, and in Schwabacher), and written in corresponding handwriting (for example Kurrent and Sütterlin). These variants of the Latin alphabet are very different from the serif or sans-serif Antiqua typefaces used today, and the handwritten forms in particular are difficult for the untrained to read. The printed forms, however, were claimed by some to be more readable when used for Germanic languages.[92] The Nazis initially promoted Fraktur and Schwabacher because they were considered Aryan, but abolished them in 1941, claiming the letters were Jewish.[93] It is also believed this script was banned, as the German government understood Fraktur would inhibit communication in the territories occupied during World War II.[94]

The Fraktur script however remains present in everyday life in pub signs, beer brands and other forms of advertisement, where it is used to convey a certain rusticality and antiquity.

A proper use of the long s (langes s), ſ, is essential for writing German text in Fraktur typefaces. Many Antiqua typefaces also include the long s. A specific set of rules applies for the use of long s in German text, but nowadays it is rarely used in Antiqua typesetting. Any lower case "s" at the beginning of a syllable would be a long s, as opposed to a terminal s or short s (the more common variation of the letter s), which marks the end of a syllable; for example, in differentiating between the words Wachſtube (guard-house) and Wachstube (tube of polish/wax). One can easily decide which "s" to use by appropriate hyphenation, (Wach-ſtube vs. Wachs-tube). The long s only appears in lower case.

Literature

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The German language is used in German literature and can be traced back to the Middle Ages, with the most notable authors of the period being Walther von der Vogelweide and Wolfram von Eschenbach. The Nibelungenlied, whose author remains unknown, is also an important work of the epoch. The fairy tales collected and published by Jacob and Wilhelm Grimm in the 19th century became famous throughout the world.

Reformer and theologian Martin Luther, who translated the Bible into High German (a regional group or German varieties at southern and therefore higher regions), is widely credited for attributed to the basis for the modern Standard German language. Among the best-known poets and authors in German are Lessing, Goethe, Schiller, Kleist, Hoffmann, Brecht, Heine and Kafka. Fourteen German-speaking people have won the Nobel Prize in Literature: Theodor Mommsen, Rudolf Christoph Eucken, Paul von Heyse, Gerhart Hauptmann, Carl Spitteler, Thomas Mann, Nelly Sachs, Hermann Hesse, Heinrich Böll, Elias Canetti, Günter Grass, Elfriede Jelinek, Herta Müller and Peter Handke, making it the second most awarded linguistic region (together with French) after English.

Johann Wolfgang von Goethe
(1749–1832)
Friedrich Schiller
(1759–1805)
Brothers Grimm
(1785–1863)
Thomas Mann
(1875–1955)
Hermann Hesse
(1877–1962)

See also

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Notes

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References

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Bibliography

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
German (Deutsch) is a West Germanic language belonging to the Indo-European family, closely related to English, Dutch, and the , with its modern form emerging from dialects following the around the 6th to 8th centuries CE. Spoken natively by approximately 100 million people worldwide, it ranks among the top ten languages by number of first-language speakers and serves as the in six European countries: , , (alongside French, Italian, and Romansh), , , and (in the German-speaking community). The language features a rich spanning (Plattdeutsch) in the north, varieties, and High German subgroups in the south, though a standardized form (Hochdeutsch) based on 18th- and 19th-century literary norms predominates in writing, education, media, and formal speech across these regions. German's compound-word flexibility, case-based grammar, and gendered nouns distinguish its structure, enabling precise expression that has historically supported advancements in (Kant, Hegel), (Einstein, Planck), and literature (Goethe, Schiller), while its role as a in persists despite post-World War II geopolitical fragmentation. Beyond Europe, German maintains minority-language status in parts of Italy (South Tyrol), Poland, Denmark, Namibia (from colonial legacy), and diaspora communities in the Americas, with total speakers exceeding 130 million when including proficient second-language users, particularly in business, engineering, and academia. Standardization efforts, catalyzed by Martin Luther's 16th-century Bible translation into Early New High German, unified disparate dialects into a supra-regional variety, fostering national identity amid the Holy Roman Empire's linguistic diversity and later influencing the 19th-century unification of Germany under Prussian leadership. Today, German dialects remain vibrant in informal contexts, especially in rural areas and Switzerland's Alemannic varieties, but mutual intelligibility with Standard German varies, sometimes requiring code-switching; this continuum reflects historical migrations of Germanic tribes and substrate influences from Celtic and Slavic languages. As Europe's most spoken native tongue and a key EU working language, German underscores economic powerhouses like Germany's export-driven industry and Austria's cultural heritage, though digital globalization challenges its dominance against English.

Linguistic classification

Germanic family origins

The Germanic languages constitute a major branch of the Indo-European language family, descending from the reconstructed Proto-Germanic (PGmc), the common ancestor spoken approximately during the first millennium BCE in regions around the , , and southern . PGmc emerged as a distinct from earlier Indo-European varieties through a series of phonological, morphological, and lexical innovations, with its core homeland likely associated with archaeological cultures such as the (c. 1700–500 BCE) or the succeeding Pre-Roman in and . The primary linguistic marker separating PGmc from other Indo-European branches is the First Germanic Consonant Shift, or , a chain of regular sound changes dated to around 750–500 BCE. This involved the transformation of Proto-Indo-European () voiceless stops (*p, *t, *k) to fricatives (*f, *þ, *h); voiced stops (*b, *d, *g) to voiceless stops (*p, *t, *k); and aspirated voiced stops (*bʰ, *dʰ, *gʰ) to plain voiced stops (*b, *d, *g), as evidenced by cognate comparisons such as PIE *pəter- (Latin pater, pitṛ́) yielding PGmc *fader- (seen in English father, German Vater). These shifts, reconstructed via the across attested Germanic dialects and related , demonstrate systematic regularity rather than sporadic borrowing or analogy. Subsequent developments within PGmc included Verner's law (c. 5th century BCE), which explained apparent exceptions to Grimm's law by devoicing fricatives in non-accented syllables (e.g., PIE *bʰréh₂tēr > PGmc *brōþēr, not **brōþar), and a reorganization of accent to initial syllables, alongside vowel reductions and the rise of a new inflectional system with dual number remnants and strong/weak verb classes. No direct written records of PGmc exist; its features are inferred from divergences in daughter languages' earliest attestations, such as 2nd-century CE runic inscriptions, the 4th-century Gothic Bible, and Old Norse/Icelandic sagas preserved from the 9th century onward. By the 1st century BCE, PGmc had diverged into three main subgroups: East Germanic (e.g., Gothic, now extinct), North Germanic (ancestor of Scandinavian languages), and West Germanic (including the continuum leading to Old High German, from which modern Standard German evolved). This split correlates with migrations documented by Roman sources like Tacitus' Germania (98 CE), reflecting expansions from a core area southward and westward into Roman territories. The West Germanic subgroup, ancestral to German, further subdivided into Ingvaeonic (North Sea), Istvaeonic (Weser-Rhine), and Irminonic (Elbe) dialects around the 1st–4th centuries CE, with Alemannic and Bavarian varieties contributing to the High German lineage.

Indo-European context

The , including German, form one of the principal branches of the Indo-European , which encompasses approximately 445 living languages spoken by over 3 billion people worldwide. Proto-Indo-European (PIE), the reconstructed common ancestor of this family, is estimated to have been spoken between roughly 4500 and 2500 BCE in the Pontic-Caspian region, based on comparative linguistic evidence from shared vocabulary, sound correspondences, and grammatical structures across descendant languages. A recent phylogenetic analysis suggests an earlier divergence starting around 6100 BCE from a homeland south of the , with migrations into contributing to the spread of early Indo-European dialects, though this remains debated against the traditional steppe hypothesis supported by archaeological correlations like the . Within the Indo-European , the Germanic diverged as part of the "centum" , characterized by retention of palatalized velar consonants (e.g., PIE *ḱ > Germanic k, as in German zwei from PIE *dwóh₁), in contrast to the "satem" branches like Indo-Iranian and Balto-Slavic where these shifted to . This divergence likely occurred in the late , around 2000–1000 BCE, as Proto-Germanic—a hypothetical stage ancestral to German, English, Dutch, and Scandinavian languages—emerged with innovations such as the First Germanic Sound Shift (), which systematically altered PIE stops (e.g., PIE *p > Germanic f, seen in German fünf from PIE *pénkʷe). Proto-Germanic is dated to approximately 500 BCE, following a period of pre-Proto-Germanic development marked by contact with neighboring non-Indo-European substrates, potentially influencing its distinctive stress-based accent and simplification of PIE's complex ablaut patterns into more regular vowel alternations preserved in German strong verbs like sing-en/sang/gesungen. German retains core Indo-European morphological features, including three grammatical genders, four cases (nominative, accusative, genitive, dative, with vestiges of instrumental), and a synthetic system with tenses derived from PIE roots, evidenced by cognates such as German Mutter (mother) corresponding to Latin mater, mātṛ́, and Greek mḗtēr, all from PIE méh₂tēr. Lexical evidence further links German to PIE through roots like bʰréh₂tēr (brother), yielding German Bruder, underscoring the family's unity despite millennia of divergence driven by geographic separation and substrate influences. These connections are established through the , prioritizing regular sound laws over sporadic borrowings, though source critiques note that institutional may underemphasize substrate roles due to a focus on Indo-European purity.

Historical evolution

Proto-Germanic to Old High German

Proto-Germanic, the reconstructed ancestor of the , emerged as a distinct branch from Proto-Indo-European around 500 BCE and persisted until approximately 200 CE. It featured innovations such as , which shifted Indo-European stops (e.g., *p > *f, *t > *þ, *k > *h), and developed a unified accentual system on the first . By the 1st to 3rd centuries CE, Proto-Germanic diverged into North, East, and West branches, with West Germanic forming the basis for languages ancestral to German, including early forms spoken by tribes in the and regions. The transition to specifically High German dialects occurred through the High German consonant shift (Zweite Lautverschiebung), a series of changes affecting voiceless stops in southern West Germanic varieties between the 3rd and 8th centuries CE. This shift transformed Proto-West Germanic *p, t, k into affricates or fricatives: *p became pf (e.g., *appel > Apfel), *t became ts or z (e.g., *tīd > Zīt), and *k became ch (e.g., *maken > machen), with gemination in some positions (e.g., *appul > Apfel). The shift's progression was gradual and geographically variable, strongest in the south (Upper German dialects) and weaker northward, creating a dialect continuum divided roughly by the Benrath line (isogloss for maken/maken). This phonological divergence separated High German from northern Low German and other West Germanic languages like Old English and Old Dutch, which retained the original stops. Old High German (OHG) designates the earliest attested stage of these southern West Germanic dialects, spanning roughly 750 to 1050 CE, following the completion of the consonant shift and the onset of extensive written records. It encompassed three main groups: (Alemannic in the southwest and Bavarian in the southeast), characterized by full shift implementation, and Central or Upper Franconian (e.g., East and Rhenish Franconian), with partial shifts. Earliest evidence includes 6th-century , but coherent texts begin in the 8th century with glosses like the Abrogans (ca. 765–780 CE, a Swabian-Latin glossary of over 3,000 words) and translations such as Otfrid of Weissenburg's Evangelienbuch (863–871 CE). Pagan and Christian incantations, such as the 10th-century (in and ), and epic fragments like the Hildebrandslied (ca. 830 CE, depicting father-son conflict) and Muspilli (late 9th century, eschatological poem), illustrate OHG's poetic and religious uses. The spread of Christianity from the 5th century onward, via missionaries like St. Boniface (martyred 754 CE), drove literacy in OHG, primarily for biblical translations, hymns (e.g., Wessobrunn Prayer, ca. 790 CE), and legal texts, though Latin dominated ecclesiastical writing. Morphologically, OHG retained Proto-Germanic case system (nominative, genitive, dative, accusative, with vestigial instrumental), strong verb classes, and in pronouns, but showed vowel reductions and umlaut (i-mutation) affecting stems before high vowels. Dialectal variation persisted, with Alemannic preserving more conservative features than innovative Bavarian, setting the stage for later unification efforts.

Middle High German period

The Middle High German (MHG) period extended from approximately 1050 to 1350 CE, encompassing the High German dialects spoken in the regions south of the , which separates High and Low German varieties. This era witnessed a marked expansion of the German language both geographically across the and functionally through increased literary production, transitioning from primarily religious texts in to secular courtly works. Linguistically, MHG dialects retained the effects of the initiated centuries earlier, while undergoing internal developments such as the lengthening of short vowels in open syllables, which contributed to shifts toward modern forms (e.g., MHG sagen from earlier short vowel patterns). preserved much of Old High German's case system and conjugations, with three genders, four cases, and in pronouns, though began showing greater flexibility influenced by Latin and French contact in clerical and courtly contexts. Phonological variation distinguished the three main dialect groups: (Alemannic and Bavarian, dominant in southern literature), (Franconian subgroups like East Franconian and Hessian), and some transitional forms, excluding which evolved separately. The period's literary output, often composed for aristocratic audiences, elevated MHG as a vehicle for epic poetry and romance, drawing on Germanic myths, Arthurian legends, and chivalric ideals adapted from French sources. Key works include the anonymous , an epic of roughly 9,400 lines recounting heroic tragedy and compiled around 1200, which exemplifies strophic verse and oral-formulaic style in a Central-to-Upper German register. Wolfram von Eschenbach's , a of about 25,000 lines completed in the early 1200s in East Franconian dialect, explores themes of quest and redemption through the Grail legend, influencing later European . and also produced seminal texts like Erec and , fostering a shared literary koine that bridged dialectal differences while prioritizing rhyme and meter over strict uniformity. By the late , phonological innovations like monophthongization of diphthongs (e.g., MHG âʉ to ā) and morphological simplifications presaged , amid growing urbanization and printing pressures that favored eastern varieties for broader intelligibility. Manuscripts from this era, often copied post-composition, reveal regional scribe influences but underscore MHG's role in consolidating a supra-dialectal written standard for elite discourse.

Early New High German and Reformation influence

The (ENHG) period spans approximately 1350 to 1650, marking the transition from through significant phonological, morphological, and syntactic developments toward the modern form of the language. During this era, vowel shifts continued, such as the monophthongization of diphthongs and further diphthongization in certain positions, alongside reductions in inflectional endings that simplified noun and verb paradigms compared to . Orthographic practices began to stabilize, influenced by increasing literacy and the advent of , though regional variations persisted across Upper, Central, and emerging standard forms. The Protestant Reformation profoundly shaped ENHG by elevating a supradialectal written standard, primarily through Martin Luther's of the . Luther completed the in 1522 and the full by 1534 (with revisions until 1545), drawing on his dialect from while incorporating elements from other regions to create an accessible, idiomatic prose that avoided overly regional or Latinized forms. This not only disseminated theology but also introduced neologisms and standardized vocabulary, grammar, and syntax, laying the groundwork for Hochdeutsch as a literary norm; by the late , it influenced chancery languages in Protestant territories, fostering linguistic convergence. The invention of the around 1450 by amplified this influence, enabling mass production and rapid dissemination of Luther's works—over 5,000 editions of his appeared by 1700—across German-speaking regions fragmented by dialect and political division. facilitated the Reformation's spread, as pamphlets and scriptures in ENHG reached urban centers and rural areas, promoting a shared that transcended local vernaculars and contributed to the erosion of purely oral dialects in formal contexts. This interplay of religious reform, , and deliberate linguistic choice accelerated the shift from dialectal diversity to a proto-standard German, evident in the period's literature, legal texts, and correspondence.

Modern standardization and nation-state formation

The 19th century witnessed intensified efforts to standardize the German language, driven by ethnolinguistic nationalism that emphasized a shared linguistic heritage as the core of German identity across fragmented states. Intellectuals and linguists, influenced by , promoted a unified Hochdeutsch (High German) based on East Central dialects, viewing as a primordial bond transcending political divisions; this culminated in projects like the Brothers Grimm's , initiated in 1838 to document the language's historical depth and foster national consciousness. The common German tongue, despite regional dialects, provided a cultural foundation for unification movements, as articulated by figures like , who in 1808 argued that language encoded the Volk's essence, thereby justifying efforts to suppress dialectal variation in favor of a supra-regional standard for administrative and educational cohesion. The political in 1871 under Prussian leadership, forming the , accelerated the institutionalization of (Standarddeutsch), which had evolved from literary norms but gained mandatory status in schools, bureaucracy, and the military to integrate diverse principalities. This process marginalized dialects in official contexts, with Prussian orthographic guidelines influencing southern states and promoting lexical uniformity; by 1880, Konrad Duden's Vollständiges orthographisches Wörterbuch der deutschen Sprache established a widely adopted reference for spelling and usage, reflecting state-backed to solidify national unity. In parallel, the empire's expansion incorporated German-speaking populations, enforcing the standard variety to counter dialectal fragmentation that had persisted under the Holy Roman Empire's loose confederation. Culminating these developments, the Second Orthographic Conference in from June 17–19, 1901, achieved near-complete written standardization across German-speaking territories, including and , by resolving disputes over rules like and compound words, building on Duden's framework and earlier Prussian reforms. This consensus, while not eliminating spoken variation, entrenched Standarddeutsch as the prestige norm, intertwined with nation-state legitimacy; however, it overlooked dialectal substrates in peripheral regions, prioritizing administrative efficiency over linguistic pluralism. The reforms' success stemmed from top-down enforcement rather than organic convergence, underscoring how imposed linguistic homogeneity to sustain imperial cohesion amid rising pan-German aspirations.

Global distribution

Core Sprachraum in Europe

The core of the German language in encompasses the regions where it serves as a primary native language and holds official status, primarily in . This area includes , , , , and , with smaller but significant communities in eastern and northern Italy's province. Approximately 95 million people speak German as their native language worldwide, with over 90% residing in these European territories. In , German is the sole and mother tongue for about 80 million individuals, representing the largest concentration of speakers. Austria designates German as its , spoken natively by roughly 8.4 million people, nearly the entire . recognizes German as one of four national languages, with around 5 million native speakers comprising about 63% of the country's 8.7 million residents, predominantly in the northern, eastern, and central cantons. Liechtenstein, with a population of approximately 39,000, uses German exclusively as its , spoken by virtually all inhabitants. Luxembourg employs German alongside French and (a Franconian closely related to German) as an ; about 400,000-500,000 residents speak German proficiently, though predominates as the native vernacular for most of its 660,000 people. In Belgium's German-speaking community, centered in the region, around 77,000 individuals use German as their first language, with co-official status at the community level. South Tyrol in hosts a German-speaking majority of about 350,000 people, or 70% of the province's 530,000 residents, where German enjoys co-official status alongside Italian under provincial autonomy arrangements established post-World War II. These core areas form a , with High German varieties bridging regional differences, though ensures across the . Historical ties, including the and Habsburg domains, have shaped this linguistic cohesion, despite modern national boundaries.

Diaspora communities in the Americas and Oceania

German-speaking communities in the United States trace primarily to 19th-century immigration waves, peaking in the 1880s with nearly 1.5 million arrivals, many settling in the Midwest and Pennsylvania. As of recent estimates, approximately 858,682 individuals speak German at home, concentrated in states like North Dakota where it ranks as the second most spoken language after English. Dialectal varieties persist among Amish and Mennonite groups, with around 40,000 speakers of Pennsylvania German (a Palatine dialect) in Pennsylvania alone, bolstered by religious isolation that limits assimilation. In Canada, German functions as a mother tongue for about 438,080 people, ranking third among non-official languages, with notable enclaves in and among Plautdietsch-speaking in and . Settlement patterns from the late 19th century onward, including post-World War II influxes, sustain cultural associations, though urban centers like Kitchener-Waterloo show higher retention due to historical ties renamed from during wartime. Southern Brazil hosts the largest non-European German diaspora, where Riograndenser Hunsrückisch—a Moselle Franconian dialect derived from 19th-century immigrants from the region—is spoken by roughly 3 million people, primarily in , Santa Catarina, and . This variety, influenced by contact, remains a vernacular in rural communities, with efforts to standardize it via orthographies emerging in the late , though intergenerational transmission faces pressures from national language policies. Argentina's German communities, swelled by Volga Germans fleeing Soviet policies in the early 20th century, number over 2 million in ancestry terms, with initial settlements in from the 1870s. Dialect retention, including Swabian and Volga variants, occurs in isolated colonies, but widespread assimilation into Spanish has reduced fluent speakers, except in cultural revivals post-1990s. In Australia, German speakers total around 76,976, or 0.35% of the population, stemming from 19th-century Lutheran migrations to and post-1945 refugees. Communities in and rural Victoria maintain dialects like Silesian, but English dominance has led to heritage language status rather than daily use. New Zealand's German diaspora remains small and assimilated, with no significant native-speaking communities; language presence manifests mainly through educational programs and recent immigrants, lacking the enclave structures seen elsewhere.

African contexts and postcolonial legacies

Germany's colonial presence in Africa, established between 1884 and 1919, introduced the German language as the medium of administration and education in territories including (present-day ), (encompassing , , and ), (), and ( and parts of ). After Germany's defeat in , these colonies were reassigned as League of Nations mandates to Britain, France, , and , resulting in the swift supplantation of German by the administering powers' languages—primarily English and French—in official use across most regions. In , however, German endured under South African mandate rule, where it was designated an administrative until the mid-20th century, bolstered by a settler population of approximately 13,000 Germans in 1913 who largely remained post-war. This continuity stemmed from South Africa's policy of accommodating the German minority, granting them citizenship in 1923 and permitting German- schools and newspapers. Upon Namibia's independence in 1990, English became the sole , yet German persists as a spoken natively by about 20,000 to 22,000 people—roughly 0.9% of the 2.5 million population—mainly descendants of German settlers concentrated in and coastal areas. German-medium private schools educate around 3,000 students annually, and publications like the Allgemeine Zeitung serve the community since 1977. Architectural features, such as Christuskirche in built in , German surnames among 30,000 , and businesses like bakeries and breweries reflect enduring cultural imprints. Elsewhere, postcolonial German linguistic legacies are minimal; in , British rule prioritized English and , eradicating institutional German use by the 1920s, though some German loanwords entered local dialects via missionaries. In and , French dominance post-mandate similarly marginalized German, with negligible native speakers today—fewer than 1,000 combined—limited to elderly descendants or expatriates. and , under Belgian control, adopted French, leaving no significant German-speaking presence. Overall, accounts for nearly all of Africa's approximately 25,000 German native speakers, underscoring the atypical persistence due to settler demographics and administrative tolerance rather than colonial alone.

Foreign language status and learner demographics

German holds a prominent status as a foreign language globally, with approximately 15.4 million learners worldwide as of recent estimates from the , an organization dedicated to promoting the language. Of these, around 11.2 million are in , reflecting proximity to German-speaking countries and economic incentives tied to the European Union's largest economy. Demand is rising particularly in and , driven by opportunities for education, migration, and trade with Germany, though precise regional breakdowns remain limited by varying data collection methods across continents. In the , German ranks as the third most commonly spoken after English and French, with 10% of respondents in a 2024 survey reporting conversational proficiency as non-native speakers. This positions it ahead of Spanish at 7%, bolstered by its role in cross-border commerce and as the in . Among upper secondary pupils, 19.9% studied German in 2023, trailing only English; uptake is highest in neighboring states like (75% of pupils) and , where institutional mandates and geographic ties enhance enrollment. sees similar patterns, with German at 18% of learners, often linked to apprenticeships in German industries. Learner demographics skew toward younger age groups in formal education settings, with schoolchildren comprising the majority in due to curriculum requirements, while adults pursue it for professional advancement in fields like and —sectors where German technical terminology predominates. In non-European contexts, such as the , higher education enrollments have declined sharply, dropping 33.6% for German between 2016 and 2021 per data, reflecting broader shifts away from less globally dominant languages amid rising interest in Spanish and Asian tongues. This trend underscores causal factors like perceived economic utility and patterns favoring Spanish speakers, positioning German as a niche choice for heritage learners or those eyeing opportunities. Overall, while native speakers number around 80-95 million, foreign learners sustain German's influence in science and , where it accounts for a significant share of non-English publications despite competition from English.

Dialectal variation

Low German substrates

The regional varieties of Standard German spoken in areas of historical Low German dominance, particularly in northern Germany, exhibit substrate influences from Low German due to incomplete language shift among bilingual or formerly monolingual speakers. These influences manifest primarily in phonology, where northern pronunciations of Standard German retain unshifted consonants characteristic of Low German, such as realizing initial /p, t, k/ as simple plosives (e.g., Apfel as [ˈapfəl] with minimal affrication, contrasting southern realizations closer to [ˈap͡pfəl]) rather than fully adopting southern High German fricative or affricate developments. This reflects the substrate effect of Low German's lack of the second consonant shift, which occurred around 500–800 CE in southern varieties but not in the north. Lexical substrate contributions include terms integrated into everyday northern , especially in domains like , maritime activities, and household concepts, stemming from the Hanseatic League's medieval dominance (circa 1200–1600 CE), when served as a across . Examples encompass words like Tied (Low German for 'time,' influencing northern Zeit usage) or nautical vocabulary such as Schute (), which persist in regional registers despite formal standardization based on central High German forms post-16th century . Syntactic traces appear in constructions like periphrastic verb forms or simplified case marking, as Low German favors analytic structures over synthetic ones found in southern dialects. In migrant contexts, such as the Ruhr industrial region during the late 19th and early 20th centuries, Low German speakers from Westphalia and beyond formed ethnolects like Missingsch, a High German base with heavy Low German substrate in prosody, diminutive suffixes (e.g., -ken endings), and idiomatic expressions, spoken by up to 500,000 workers by 1910. Similar patterns occur in urban northern centers like Hamburg and Bremen, where regiolects blend Standard German grammar with Low German intonation and vocabulary, contributing to a north-south divide in spoken German despite unified orthography since the 1901 reform. These substrates underscore the incomplete assimilation during standardization, driven by 19th-century nation-building under Prussian influence, which prioritized written High German over northern oral traditions. Quantitatively, sociolinguistic surveys indicate that substrate features correlate with bilingualism rates, which peaked at over 50% in northern rural areas around but declined to under 10% active speakers by , per regional language boards, yet persist in passive knowledge and regiolectal speech among 2–5 million northern . This enduring influence challenges notions of a monolithic , highlighting effects in spoken usage.

Central German transitions

Central German dialects, known as Mitteldeutsch, occupy a transitional position within the German dialect continuum, bridging varieties to the north and to the south. These dialects exhibit incomplete application of the , a series of sound changes affecting stops /p/, /t/, and /k/ that occurred between the 6th and 8th centuries AD, resulting in forms intermediate between unshifted (e.g., maken for "make") and fully shifted (e.g., machen with /x/). This partial shift creates phonological gradients, such as variable fricativization of /k/ to /x/ medially or affrication of /t/ to /ts/ initially, depending on dialect subregions. Geographically, dialects span central , from the in the west through and to parts of in the east, with historical extensions into lost territories like and . Key isoglosses delineate these transitions: the (circa 9th-10th century divergence) marks the eastern boundary where /k/ shifts to /x/ in words like maken > machen, separating substrates from Central varieties; further south, the Line traces the shift of /p/ to /pf/ (e.g., appel > Apfel). These lines reflect gradual rather than abrupt borders, underscoring the continuum's nature. West Central German dialects include Moselle Franconian (spoken in and along the River), Rhine Franconian (in Palatinate and western ), and Hessian (central ), which retain more Low German-like features such as unshifted geminates. encompasses Thuringian (), Upper Saxon (around ), and Silesian (historical ), showing stronger affinities to in vowel reductions and umlaut patterns. High Franconian subgroups, like East Franconian in northern , further mediate transitions to branches, with mixed shifts (e.g., /t/ > /s/ in some positions). Morphologically, Central dialects often preserve in pronouns or simplified case systems transitional to standard High German paradigms. These transitional traits influenced 's development, as Martin Luther's 16th-century translation drew from East Central dialects like Thuringian, blending Central innovations with elements for broader intelligibility. Despite standardization pressures since the , Central dialects persist in rural areas and media, with about 10-15 million speakers as of 2020 estimates, though younger urban populations increasingly favor . Dialect leveling has eroded sharp transitions since industrialization in the 19th century, yet core features remain in isogloss mappings from surveys like the 1950s Wenker atlas data.

Upper German branches

Upper German dialects, also known as Oberdeutsche Mundarten, constitute the southernmost branch of the West Germanic dialect continuum, distinguished by the complete implementation of the , particularly south of the line where dialects exhibit shifts such as /p/ to /pf/ and /t/ to /ts/ in words like Apfel (apple) and Zunge (tongue). These dialects are primarily spoken in (Bavaria, Baden-Württemberg), Austria, Switzerland's German-speaking regions, Liechtenstein, and parts of (South Tyrol) and France (Alsace), encompassing an estimated 20-25 million speakers who use them alongside . The primary subgroups include the Alemannic dialects in the west, encompassing Low Alemannic (e.g., Alsatian in , with features like preserved /k/ in some positions but shifted elsewhere), High Alemannic (Swabian and variants, noted for durational rhymes and reductions), and Highest Alemannic (Walser dialects in alpine valleys, characterized by archaic retentions and uvular /ʀ/). Alemannic varieties are prevalent in southwestern , western (), and northern , where they form a diglossic continuum with , often diverging significantly in lexicon and , such as the use of preverbal particles for . To the east, the Austro-Bavarian branch predominates, subdivided into Northern Bavarian (Upper Palatinate, Franconia fringes), Central Bavarian (Vienna, Munich areas), and Southern Bavarian (Tyrol, Carinthia), spoken by approximately 14 million people across Bavaria, Austria, and South Tyrol. These dialects feature innovations like the merger of certain vowels and diminutive suffixes with -l, alongside conservative traits such as retained /w/ for older /b/, and are integral to regional identities, though media and education promote Standard German, leading to dialect leveling in urban centers since the mid-20th century. Northern Upper German includes transitional Franconian dialects, such as East Franconian (around ) and South Franconian (northern ), which bridge Central and Upper German via partial consonant shifts and exhibit substrate influences from earlier migrations, with East Franconian showing distinct umlaut patterns and verb conjugations differing from . Overall, Upper German branches maintain high within subgroups but pose challenges for speakers of northern varieties due to phonological divergences, with ongoing research highlighting dialect convergence driven by mobility and broadcasting since the .

Standard variety

Codification processes

The codification of Standard German began significantly with Martin Luther's translation of the , starting with the published in September 1522 and the full in 1534, which drew on the dialect of the Saxon chancery for its accessibility across regions. This work, disseminated widely through the , established a basis for a supra-regional written variety by blending elements from Upper and Central German dialects into a form intelligible to a broad audience. In the , the Fruchtbringende Gesellschaft, founded in 1617 by Prince Ludwig von Anhalt-Köthen, advanced linguistic by promoting the purification of German from foreign influences, particularly Latin loanwords, and fostering stylistic and lexical norms through membership rules and emblematic naming practices. The society, comprising nobility and scholars, emphasized utility in language ("Alles, was nicht nützet, ist unnütz") and contributed to early efforts in compiling vocabularies and discouraging dialectal excesses, though its impact was limited by the era's political fragmentation. The 19th century saw formal orthographic codification with Konrad Duden's Vollständiges orthographisches Wörterbuch der deutschen Sprache, first published in 1880, which synthesized Prussian and Bavarian spelling rules into a practical reference that gained widespread acceptance as the authoritative guide for German orthography. This dictionary, updated periodically, addressed inconsistencies arising from dialectal variation and printing practices, laying the groundwork for unified spelling across German-speaking territories. The Second Orthographic Conference in Berlin from June 17 to 19, 1901, further solidified these standards by achieving consensus among representatives from German states, Austria, and Switzerland on rules for capitalization, compound words, and consonant usage, effectively mandating Duden-based norms in education and administration. Modern refinements occurred with the 1996 orthographic reform, initiated by cultural ministers from , , , and , aiming to simplify rules for easier acquisition, such as optional separation of certain compounds and consistent ß usage. Implemented progressively from , 1998, with binding enforcement by 2005–2006 following revisions to address controversies like the abolition of some capitalizations, the reform adjusted legacy practices while preserving core phonemic principles, though it faced resistance from traditionalists concerned over perceived erosion of historical consistency. Regulatory bodies, including the Rat für deutsche Rechtschreibung established in 2004, continue to oversee updates, ensuring alignment across pluricentric varieties.

Regional standards (Austrian, Swiss)

Austrian Standard German constitutes the formal register used in official, educational, and media contexts within , diverging from the German standard primarily through lexical preferences rooted in Bavarian dialect substrates, alongside subtle phonological and grammatical traits. Approximately 5-10% of its vocabulary consists of Austriacisms, such as Erdapfel for (versus Kartoffel in ), Paradeiser for (versus Tomate), and Sackerl for (versus Tüte or Plastiktüte). Grammatical distinctions include the use of sein in certain periphrastic perfect constructions, as in ich bin gesessen ("I sat down," literally "I am sat") rather than ich habe gesessen, reflecting conservative influences. Phonologically, it features consonant weakening (e.g., final devoicing less strictly applied) and vowel reductions, such as of secondary-stressed e in prefixes like ge- or suffixes, contributing to a perceived softer articulation compared to northern varieties. Swiss Standard German functions mainly as a written norm and formal spoken variety in German-speaking Switzerland and Liechtenstein, adapted to local conventions while preserving core Standard German structure, in a diglossic framework where Alemannic dialects dominate informal oral communication. Orthographically, it consistently employs ss instead of ß (e.g., gross for groß), reflecting historical printing practices and ongoing standardization efforts since the 19th century. Lexical Helvetisms include terms like Billette for tickets (versus Fahrscheine or Tickets), Slip for apron (versus Schürze), and preferences for French-influenced words in administrative or household domains due to Switzerland's multilingual federalism, though core vocabulary overlaps 90-95% with the German standard. Prosodically, spoken Swiss Standard exhibits a more melodic intonation with elevated pitch on stressed syllables and weaker phrase accents, fostering a "singing" quality distinct from the flatter prosody of northern German. Morphosyntactic variations are minor, such as occasional dialect-influenced diminutives in -li (e.g., Häusli for little house) creeping into semi-formal registers, but formal usage adheres closely to pan-Germanic norms. Both regional standards emerged post-1945 amid national identity consolidation, with Austrian variant codified via institutions like the ' dictionary (first edition 1951) emphasizing dialect-derived terms, and Swiss through media and education policies promoting pluricentricity without full dialectal assimilation. with German Standard exceeds 95% in written form, though spoken differences—amplified by Austrian's conservatism and Swiss's Alemannic prosody—can pose initial comprehension barriers for unacclimated speakers, particularly in vocabulary-heavy domains like or administration. These variants underscore German's pluricentric nature, where regional norms balance supranational unity with local causal influences from substrate dialects and sociopolitical histories.

Regulatory institutions and dictionaries

The standardization of German orthography occurs through cooperative mechanisms rather than a singular prescriptive authority, involving agreements among the governments of , , , and . These entities periodically update spelling rules via joint declarations, with implementation overseen by the (Rat für deutsche Rechtschreibung), established in following the 1996 reform to revise and harmonize orthographic guidelines across borders. The Council's 18 voluntary members, drawn from linguistic institutes, ministries of , and sectors in the aforementioned countries, convene to evaluate proposed changes based on linguistic and practical usage, issuing binding resolutions incorporated into school curricula and legal texts. Notable updates include refinements in 2004 to address ambiguities in compound words and noun capitalization, and further adjustments in 2011 to compound formation rules, ensuring consistency amid dialectal variations. Dictionaries function as de facto regulators, codifying orthography, grammar, and vocabulary norms derived from the Council's decisions and empirical language data. The Duden, originating in 1880 under Konrad Duden as a response to fragmented spelling practices post-unification, has evolved into Germany's primary reference, emphasizing prescriptive rules for (Hochdeutsch) while documenting regional usages. Its 28th edition (2020) integrates over 200,000 entries, including neologisms from technology and science, and provides phonetic transcriptions and etymologies, influencing legal, journalistic, and educational standards; editions often spark public debate on purism versus inclusivity, as seen in controversies over integration. Complementary works like the Digital Dictionary of the German Language (DWDS), maintained by the Berlin-Brandenburg Academy of Sciences since 1998, offer corpus-based analysis for descriptive insights, supporting research into usage frequencies without overriding prescriptive norms. In Austria and Switzerland, national variants align with the common orthographic framework but incorporate localized dictionaries, such as the Österreichisches Wörterbuch (Austrian Dictionary of the German Language, 42nd edition 2012), which reflects administrative terminology unique to Austrian contexts, and the Schweizer Hochdeutsch dictionary, adapted for Swiss . These ensure supranational coherence while accommodating federal linguistic policies; for instance, Switzerland's cantonal systems reference the but permit minor orthographic flexibilities in official gazettes. No equivalent body exists for or , where relies on publisher consensus and academic consensus rather than mandate, reflecting German's decentralized evolution from Early New High German printing uniformity in the onward.

Phonological features

Consonant inventory and shifts

The consonant phonemes of Standard German consist of 18 to 20 distinct sounds, depending on phonological analysis, including six plosives (/p/, /b/, /t/, /d/, /k/, /ɡ/), four sibilants and affricates (/s/, /z/, /ts/, /t͡ʃ/), additional fricatives (/f/, /v/, /ʃ/, /ç/, /x/), nasals (/m/, /n/, /ŋ/), a lateral (/l/), a rhotic (/ʁ/), a glide (/j/), and a glottal fricative (/h/). The affricates /pf/ and /t͡s/ are treated as single phonemes in initial and geminated positions, while /ç/ and /x/ (with [χ] as a positional variant) occur post-vocalically after front and back vowels, respectively. Voiceless plosives are aspirated in onset position ([pʰ], [tʰ], [kʰ]), and all obstruents devoice word-finally, yielding , , , , , [ʃ], [ç], for underlying /b d g v z ʃ ç x/.
Manner of ArticulationBilabialLabiodentalDental/AlveolarPostalveolarPalatalVelarGlottal
Plosivep, bt, dk, ɡ
Affricatets
Fricativef, vs, zʃçxh
Nasalmnŋ
Laterall
Rhoticʁ
Glidej
This table summarizes the primary consonant phonemes by place and manner, excluding allophones; /pf/ is often analyzed separately as a labiodental affricate but omitted here for core inventory focus. The modern inventory derives substantially from the High German consonant shift (Zweite Lautverschiebung), a chain of changes affecting Upper German dialects between approximately 500 and 800 CE, which differentiated them from Low and Central German varieties and other West Germanic languages like English and Dutch. This shift primarily targeted Proto-West Germanic voiceless stops: *p became /pf/ word-initially or geminated (e.g., *peppar > Pfeffer 'pepper') and /f/ intervocalically (e.g., *appul > Apfel 'apple'); *t shifted to /ts/ initially or doubled (e.g., *tīgan > zehen 'ten') and /s/ medially (e.g., *watar > Wasser 'water'); *k yielded /kx/ or /k/ initially (e.g., *kīsing > Kirsche 'cherry') and /x/ elsewhere (e.g., *maken > machen 'make'). Voiced stops *b, *d, *g underwent fortition to /p, t, k/ in geminated or final positions (e.g., *hūsbōk > Haustür 'house door' analogically), though less consistently. The shift's progression is explained as a push-chain triggered by Germanic stress patterns, beginning with affrication of stops after short vowels and propagating northward unevenly, sparing Low German substrates like those in and thus preserving forms closer to English cognates (e.g., Low German Appel vs. High German Apfel). Earlier, (First Germanic Consonant Shift, ca. 500 BCE) had already Indo-European stops to Germanic *p t k from *bʰ dʰ ɡʰ, etc., but the High German changes uniquely innovated affricates and fricatives that define Standard German's today, influencing via Early New High German standardization around 1350–1650 CE. Regional variation persists, with retaining more conservative realizations and Austrian standards aligning closely with the shifted inventory.

Vowel system and diphthongs

The vowel system distinguishes between tense (long) and lax (short) monophthongs, with serving as a phonemic contrast that affects meaning, as in Rad [ʁaːt] 'wheel' versus [ʁat] 'advice'. Tense vowels occur in open syllables or before single , while lax vowels appear before consonant clusters or geminates, though the tense-lax opposition persists even in neutralized contexts. The inventory comprises seven tense monophthongs paired with lax counterparts, plus marginal long /ɛː/ in southern varieties. Umlaut vowels—historically derived from i-mutation—affect the front rounded series (/yː ʏ/, /øː œ/, and /ɛː ɛ/ for ä), distinguishing them from unrounded front vowels like /iː ɪ/ and /eː ɛ/. These are realized with lip rounding and variable height, with /yː/ near-close and /øː/ close-mid. The system can be charted as follows, using IPA symbols for Standard German approximations:
HeightFront unroundedFront roundedBack unroundedBack rounded
Closeiː, ɪyː, ʏuː, ʊ
Close-mideː, ɛøː, œoː, ɔ
Open
Open-centralaː, a
Tense vowels are peripheral and diphthongized in some realizations (e.g., /aɪ/ for long /aː/ in northern speech), but remain monophthongs in prescriptive standards. Unstressed vowels reduce to schwa /ə/ or /ɐ/ (from /ɐr/), neutralizing length. Standard German features three primary closing diphthongs: /aɪ̯/ (as in Ei [aɪ̯] 'egg'), /aʊ̯/ (as in Haus [haʊ̯s] 'house'), and /ɔɪ̯/ (as in äu or eu, e.g., läuft [lɔɪ̯ft] 'runs'). These are unchecked, occurring freely in syllable nuclei without length constraints, and contrast with monophthongs by gliding from open to close positions. Triphthongs like /jaʊ̯/ (e.g., jauchzen [ˈjaʊ̯tsən] 'to cheer') or /aʊ̯ɛ/ (e.g., Bauer [ˈbaʊ̯ɐ] 'farmer') are rare and often dialectal, arising from vowel + glide + schwa clusters. Regional variation exists, such as monophthongization of /aɪ̯/ to /aː/ in some southern dialects, but Standard German maintains the diphthongal quality.

Suprasegmentals and prosody

German exhibits suprasegmental features including lexical stress, rhythm, and intonation, which contribute to its prosodic structure beyond segmental phonemes. Word stress is primarily trochaic, with the default placement on the first of the in native Germanic words, such as Mutter ('mother'), though separable prefixes like an- in anrufen ('to call up') receive secondary stress while the retains primary stress. Loanwords and certain suffixes, such as -ung or -heit, can attract stress to later s, as in demokrátisch ('democratic'), deviating from the native pattern. Acoustic correlates of primary stress include increased duration, higher pitch, and greater intensity on the stressed , with secondary stresses possible in compounds or longer words. Prosodically, Standard German is classified as stress-timed, characterized by relatively equal intervals between stressed syllables, which results in the compression and reduction of unstressed vowels toward schwa ([ə]) or , contrasting with syllable-timed languages. This arises from the foot structure, where stressed-unstressed trochees form the basic unit, influencing phrasing and tempo in . In utterances, not all words receive equal stress; content words bear nuclear or prenuclear accents, while function words are typically de-stressed. Intonation in employs pitch movements aligned with stressed s to signal sentence types and focus. Declarative sentences typically end with a falling pitch contour (H* L-L%), as in Ich gehe arbeiten ('I go to work'), conveying assertion or completion. Yes/no interrogatives feature a rising or rising-falling pattern, often L* H-H% at the end, distinguishing them from declaratives without inverting word order in spoken contexts. Wh-questions show variable contours, including rising-falling alignments of low (L) and high (H) tones with the accented , such as early peak for contrastive focus. Pitch accents are predominantly high (H*) or low (L*), with boundary tones marking edges, and regional standards like exhibit broader pitch excursions compared to northern varieties.

Grammatical structure

Nominal morphology

German nouns inflect for three grammatical —masculine, feminine, and neuter—which determine the form of associated articles, adjectives, and pronouns. Gender assignment is lexical and not always predictable from semantic or phonological cues, though patterns exist, such as most nouns denoting persons being feminine and superordinate categories often neuter. Approximately 46% of nouns are feminine, 34% masculine, and 20% neuter, based on dictionary corpora. Nouns also decline for four cases: nominative (marking subjects), accusative (direct objects), genitive (possession or origin), and dative (indirect objects or means). Unlike , modern nouns exhibit limited case marking on the noun stem itself; masculine and neuter nouns may add -(e)s in genitive singular, while feminine and plural forms typically show no case endings beyond plural markers. Case is primarily realized through definite articles (e.g., der/die/das in nominative becoming den/die/das in accusative for masculines and neuters) and endings. Number distinguishes singular from plural, with plurals formed irregularly across classes: common patterns include vowel umlaut alone (e.g., Mutter → Mütter), umlaut plus -er (e.g., Hund → Hunde), -e (e.g., Auto → Autos), or -en (e.g., Name → Namen), often without predictable rules tying form to gender or stem. Weak nouns, mostly masculine or neuter ending in -e (e.g., der Name), add -n or -en in all non-nominative singular cases and all plurals; strong nouns rely on plural suffixes without additional case markers; mixed declensions blend traits, such as -n in dative singular only. These paradigms interact with gender, as neuter plurals take feminine-like article forms (die).

Verbal system

German verbs conjugate for person, number, tense, mood, and voice, with distinctions based on verb class: weak verbs form the preterite and past participle by adding a dental suffix (-te, -t) to the stem without vowel change; strong verbs employ ablaut (stem vowel gradation) in the preterite and past participle; and mixed verbs combine features of both, such as denken (dachte, gedacht). Weak verbs, comprising the majority in modern German, follow predictable patterns, while the approximately 200 strong verbs preserve Indo-European ablaut patterns inherited through Proto-Germanic. Principal parts for strong and mixed verbs typically include the infinitive, preterite singular indicative, and past participle, dictating forms across paradigms; for example, singen-sang-gesungen. The indicative mood features six tenses: present (Präsens), (Präteritum), (Perfekt, using haben or sein as auxiliary plus past participle), (Plusquamperfekt), future I (Futur I, with werden plus ), and future II (Futur II). Präteritum predominates in written narrative for weak and strong verbs alike, while Perfekt is common in spoken German, especially for events; sein serves as auxiliary for verbs of motion or change of state (e.g., gehen ist gegangen), haben for others. Person endings in the include -e (1sg), -st (2sg informal), -t (3sg), -en (1pl), -t (2pl informal), -en (3pl), with stem changes in strong verbs for certain persons (e.g., e-i in sehen-sehe). Subjunctive moods include Konjunktiv I for and reported questions, formed from the subjunctive stem with umlaut where possible (e.g., habe-hätte for conditional), and Konjunktiv II for hypotheticals, wishes, or polite requests, often using würde plus as a periphrastic alternative in modern usage to avoid archaic forms. Imperative forms derive from the present stem, singular informal using 2sg or stem (e.g., geh!), plural adding -t, with formal using Sie plus . Voice distinguishes active, where the subject acts, from passive: process passive (Vorgangspassiv) uses werden plus past participle for ongoing or future actions (e.g., Das Buch wird gelesen), and state passive (Zustandspassiv) uses sein plus past participle for resulting states (e.g., Das Buch ist gelesen). German lacks dedicated but conveys perfective nuance via compound tenses like Perfekt, contrasting imperfective present or Präteritum. Modal verbs (können, müssen, etc.) and auxiliaries conjugate separately, with infinitives or participles positioned at clause end in subordinate constructions per verb-second and verb-final rules.

Syntactic principles

German syntax adheres to a Verb-Second (V2) principle in main clauses, whereby the occupies the second constituent position regardless of the initial element, which may be the subject, an adverb, or a topicalized . This rule results in surface variations such as subject-verb-object (SVO) when the subject precedes the verb, but reflects an underlying subject-object-verb (SOV) base order, as evidenced by the positioning of non-finite verbs and complements after the . For instance, in declarative sentences, or adverbials can precede the subject, displacing it while maintaining the verb in second place, a mechanism tied to structure and positions in generative analyses. In subordinate clauses introduced by subordinating conjunctions like dass ("that") or weil ("because"), the shifts to clause-final position, enforcing strict SOV order and often separating auxiliaries or modals from participles at the end. This verb-final constraint contrasts with main clause V2, enabling embedding and highlighting hierarchical clause relations, with non-finite elements like infinitives or past participles clustering terminally in complex constructions involving multiple verbs. flexibility within clauses stems from a four-case system—nominative for subjects, accusative for direct objects, dative for indirect objects, and genitive for possession—which morphologically marks arguments, reducing reliance on fixed positions for semantic roles. Case assignment interacts with verb valence and prepositions to govern syntactic relations; for example, transitive verbs typically trigger accusative on direct objects, while certain verbs or prepositions select dative, allowing of arguments without ambiguity in unmarked contexts. This morphological richness permits and focus constructions central to V2, though genitive usage has declined in spoken registers, with dative approximations emerging in some dialects. Syntactic agreement requires adjectives and determiners to inflect for case, , and number concord with nouns, reinforcing noun phrase internal structure amid variable external positioning. Overall, these principles underpin German's analytic-synthetic balance, where case morphology supports freer constituent order compared to languages like English, facilitating information structuring via .

Lexical characteristics

Etymological composition

The core of the German lexicon derives from inherited Proto-Germanic roots, forming the basis for everyday vocabulary, basic grammar, and common nouns, with estimates suggesting that 70-80% of words in standard dictionaries like the originate from these native sources rather than foreign borrowings. This Germanic substrate includes cognates shared with other such as Dutch and English, reflecting common ancestral forms from the onward, as documented in historical etymological reconstructions. In spoken and basic written German, the proportion of such native words approaches 90-100%, underscoring the language's retention of its Indo-European Germanic heritage despite later influences. Significant layers of borrowings overlay this foundation, primarily from Latin, introduced through Roman contact, in the 8th century, and , accounting for roughly 2-3% of modern dictionary entries in fields like , , and administration (e.g., Straße from Latin strata). Greek contributions, often mediated via Latin, entered during the same periods and later via scientific nomenclature post-18th century, comprising another 2-3% and concentrating in , , and (e.g., Philosophie from Greek philosophia). French loanwords, peaking in the 17th-18th centuries amid aristocratic and Enlightenment cultural exchanges, represent about 3-4% of the , particularly in , , and (e.g., from French boulevard). Modern English has emerged as a primary source of neologisms since the 20th century, especially in technology, business, and media, contributing another 3-4% and often retaining original forms (e.g., Computer adapted from English computer). Lesser influences include Slavic terms from medieval eastern contacts (e.g., Grenze from Polish granica) and Hebrew via Yiddish in cultural domains. Overall, foreign elements constitute 10-25% of the total vocabulary depending on corpus size, with higher concentrations in specialized registers like science (up to 50% Latin/Greek-derived) versus colloquial speech (under 10%). These proportions vary by source; dictionary-based counts like Duden's 135,000–145,000 base words, with broader estimates up to 300,000–500,000, emphasize formal lexicon, though the vocabulary is theoretically unlimited due to productive compounding (e.g., Donaudampfschifffahrtsgesellschaftskapitän), while the documented base vocabulary remains smaller than English's; frequency analyses of texts prioritize native terms. The average native speaker's active vocabulary comprises 12,000–16,000 words, with passive vocabulary extending to 50,000 or more.

Word-formation mechanisms

German word formation, or Wortbildung, predominantly occurs through and derivation, processes that facilitate the creation of new lexemes from existing roots and stems, reflecting the language's synthetic nature. is the most productive mechanism, particularly for s, allowing speakers to form complex terms by juxtaposing two or more words without additional affixes, often resulting in right-headed, endocentric structures where the head determines the compound's category and primary meaning. For instance, Handschuh combines Hand (hand) and (shoe) to denote "glove," with Schuh as the head . Nominal compounds can extend indefinitely, as in Donaudampfschiffahrtselektrizitätenhauptbetriebswerkbauunterbeamtengesellschaft (a historical example referring to a chief operations department subordinate officials' society), demonstrating recursive productivity. Derivation involves affixation, with both prefixation and suffixation serving as ancient yet ongoing productive strategies to alter meaning or grammatical category. Prefixes such as un- (negation, e.g., unglücklich "unhappy" from glücklich "happy") or ver- (intensification or change, e.g., verstehen "to understand" from stehen "to stand") attach to verbs, adjectives, or nouns without changing the stem's word class in many cases, while suffixes like -heit form abstract nouns (e.g., Freiheit "freedom" from frei "free") or -er denotes agents (e.g., Lehrer "teacher" from lehren "to teach"). Suffixation often shifts categories more explicitly, such as from adjective to noun, and remains highly active in modern German, contributing to lexical expansion alongside borrowings. Less dominant but notable processes include conversion (zero-derivation), where words change class without morphological alteration, such as nominalizing infinitives into neuter nouns (e.g., das Sprechen "speaking" from the verb sprechen), and occasional blending or , though these are marginal compared to compounding's dominance. Linking elements like -s-, -es-, or -en- may insert between constituents in compounds for phonological ease (e.g., Apfelbaum "apple tree" becomes Apfelsorte "apple variety" with -s-), aiding prosodic integration without altering semantics. These mechanisms, rooted in Proto-Germanic patterns, underscore German's preference for internal derivation over external borrowing, with exhibiting greater productivity in contemporary usage.

Semantic fields and borrowings

The German lexicon exhibits a structured organization into semantic fields—coherent groupings of words sharing thematic or conceptual domains, such as body parts, , or professional activities—facilitated by the language's morphological productivity, particularly , which generates precise, context-specific terms from native roots. This process allows for extensive lexical expansion within fields without heavy reliance on external vocabulary, as compounds like Handschuh (, lit. hand-shoe) or Blutkreislauf (circulation, lit. blood-circuit) derive meanings transparently from familiar elements, enhancing semantic transparency and reducing ambiguity. GermaNet, a lexical-semantic network, models over 16,000 German words across such fields, demonstrating interconnections via hyponymy, synonymy, and meronymy, with accounting for approximately 75% of neologisms in contemporary usage. Borrowings, however, have systematically enriched semantic fields where native terms proved insufficient, particularly in domains involving cultural exchange, science, and technology, constituting roughly 20% of the total , with Latin and Greek origins forming about half of these. Early Latin loans, introduced via Roman contact from the BCE and intensified through medieval and scholarly transmission, populate fields like (Käse from caseus, cheese), infrastructure (Straße from strata, paved ), and daily objects (Küche from coquina, ). These adaptations often underwent phonetic and morphological integration, such as gender shifts (e.g., Latin feminine fenestra becoming neuter Fenster, ), reflecting German's inflectional assimilation of foreign elements. French borrowings surged in the 17th and 18th centuries amid aristocratic Francophilia and courtly , targeting semantic fields of refinement, warfare, and —examples include (avenue), Chance (luck), and (restaurant)—with estimates suggesting thousands of such Gallicisms embedded in elite registers before partial purist replacements. Contemporary English influences, accelerating since the mid-20th century due to globalization and digital media, dominate expansions in semantic fields like computing and entertainment, with direct adoptions such as Computer and Download bypassing full nativization while integrating into compound formations (e.g., Computerhardware). This influx, numbering in the thousands and growing annually, contrasts with historical purist movements—such as 18th-century efforts by Johann Christoph Adelung or 20th-century Nazi-era campaigns promoting native alternatives like Fernsehen (television) over Television—which prioritized compounding to reclaim lexical autonomy. The DWEE etymological project traces these dynamics across fields like "man in nature and culture," revealing uneven foreign penetration: traditional domains (e.g., kinship) remain predominantly Germanic, while intercultural fields (e.g., philosophy, law) blend native and borrowed strata, with up to 80% Romance loans in specialized subsets. Such patterns underscore German's adaptive balance between endogenous growth and exogenous input, fostering lexical resilience amid semantic evolution.

Orthographic system

Historical scripts and transitions

The earliest attested writing for Germanic languages, ancestral to German, employed the runic alphabet known as , originating around the 2nd–3rd centuries AD and comprising 24 angular characters suited for carving into wood, bone, or stone. This script appeared in short inscriptions across Germanic tribal territories, including those of proto-Germanic speakers in regions later associated with , but its use was limited to memorials, amulets, and brief notations rather than extended texts. Christianization of Germanic tribes from the 6th–8th centuries introduced the Latin alphabet, displacing for practical writing by approximately AD 700 in as monastic scriptoria produced religious manuscripts in the vernacular. The oldest surviving texts, such as the Abrogans glossary dated 750–780 AD, were rendered in an early Latin-based uncial or half-uncial script adapted for Germanic phonemes, including additions for sounds like /pf/ and /ts/. This shift enabled the transcription of glosses, hymns, and legal documents, with —standardized under Charlemagne's reforms around 800 AD—serving as the foundational model for subsequent German handwriting and print styles due to its clarity and uniformity. By the (11th–15th centuries), or scripts evolved from Carolingian forms, featuring compressed, angular letters with minimal ascenders and descenders to fit more text on ; these were used in German manuscripts like the Hildebrandslied epic fragment (circa 830 AD, though copied later). The advent of printing in around 1450 by employed a Textura Gothic typeface for the 42-line , which influenced the development of —a "broken" variant with fractured strokes—for printed German books, solidifying its dominance from the late as printers like those in and standardized it for vernacular works, including Martin Luther's 1522 New Testament translation. 's persistence reflected nationalistic preferences for a script perceived as indigenous, contrasting with the rounded Antiqua (Roman) used in Romanic languages. Parallel to print, cursive handwriting styles emerged, with —a flowing, connected script derived from 16th-century chancery hands—becoming prevalent for everyday German documents by the , emphasizing speed over legibility with ligatures and abbreviated forms. A standardized variant, , was mandated in Prussian schools from 1915 to simplify Kurrent for education, featuring rounded loops but retaining archaic traits. The , simmering since the 18th-century Enlightenment when figures like advocated Antiqua for readability and pan-European alignment, intensified in the 19th–20th centuries amid industrialization and internationalization. In 1911, a conference proposed Antiqua for technical texts, but endured in official and literary printing. The decisive transition occurred under the Nazi regime: on 1 January 1941, a decree by abolished in favor of Antiqua, justified by claims—later debunked as —that Jews had invented it in the , though the real impetus was logistical, easing for in occupied non-German territories and aligning with global norms. By 1942, Antiqua supplanted in most printing, a change cemented post-1945 in both West and , with handwriting phased out in schools by 1941–1945; today, Antiqua forms the basis of , though persists in ceremonial contexts like diplomas.

Contemporary rules and reforms

The 1996 German orthography reform, known as the Rechtschreibreform, introduced standardized spelling rules agreed upon by the governments of , , , and to reduce inconsistencies and align orthography more closely with . The accord was signed on July 1, 1996, by the respective ministers, with initial implementation in schools starting August 1, 1998, and broader mandatory adoption by 2005. Among the principal alterations were simplifications to compound word separation, such as optional hyphens in certain cases (e.g., "Weltanschauung" retained as one word but with clearer prefix rules), and adjustments to the sharp s (ß), mandating ss after short vowels at word ends or before certain consonants (e.g., "daß" to "dass", "Fuß" to "Fuss" in some contexts) while preserving ß after long vowels or diphthongs. These changes affected approximately 0.5% of words in everyday use, prioritizing regularity over historical . The reform encountered substantial opposition, including petitions with over 530,000 signatures against it by 1996 and lawsuits claiming it violated constitutional protections for the German language, though courts upheld its legality by 2006. Switzerland and Liechtenstein adopted the rules with greater flexibility, often phasing out ß entirely in favor of ss for simplicity, diverging from stricter adherence in Germany and Austria. Follow-up revisions in 2004 addressed ambiguities, such as compound noun formations and punctuation integration, culminating in updated official guidelines effective August 1, 2006, enforced by bodies like the Standing Conference of the Ministers of Education and Cultural Affairs (Kultusministerkonferenz). Under current rules, all nouns retain mandatory capitalization regardless of position, a tradition predating the reform but reaffirmed for consistency, while adjectives and verbs follow standard lowercase unless deriving from nouns. The ß is retained in lowercase for the /s/ phoneme in specific environments—post-diphthong or long vowel—but replaced by ss elsewhere to indicate vowel length, with uppercase contexts traditionally using SS until the 2017 introduction of the official capital by the Council for German Orthography. Umlauts (ä, ö, ü) and digraphs like eu and ei follow phonetic conventions without alteration, and compound words are generally fused without spaces, though hyphens are permitted for readability in long or ambiguous formations. No major reforms have occurred since 2006, with the system now digitized in tools like Duden dictionaries for enforcement.

Punctuation and typographic conventions

German punctuation, governed by standardized rules emphasizing syntactic clarity in compound sentences, employs the period (Punkt) to end declarative sentences, the (Fragezeichen) for interrogatives, and the (Ausrufezeichen) for exclamations, akin to English conventions but with stricter application in clause separation. The (Semikolon) separates independent clauses or items in complex lists where commas suffice internally, while the colon (Doppelpunkt) introduces explanations, lists, or direct speech. Hyphens (Bindestriche) connect compound words or prefixes, and apostrophes appear sparingly, primarily in genitive forms of proper names or to indicate elisions in dialect or foreign terms. The (Komma) plays a pivotal role, mandating separation of subordinate from main —regardless of position—using subordinating conjunctions like dass, weil, or ob, as well as infinitival and participial phrases for . No precedes und linking two main of equal rank, but one follows if und connects a main to a preceding subordinate ; also delimit appositions, phrases, and enumerations, though the serial () before final und remains optional and uncommon. These rules, derived from syntactic structure rather than intonation, contrast with English by requiring in embedded to prevent in German's verb-final subordinates. Typographic conventions include distinctive quotation marks: primary direct quotes use low-opening „ and high-closing “ (gänsefüßchen), with guillemets » « reserved for nested quotes or titles in formal ; spacing follows a half-space before opening marks in professional . Dashes—em dashes without spaces for interruptions or en dashes for ranges—supplement commas and parentheses, while special characters like the eszett () and umlauts (ä, ö, ü) integrate seamlessly, with ligatures (e.g., historical ch, ck in ) obsolete in modern Antiqua scripts except for ß as a fused ss variant. of all nouns persists as a hallmark, influencing typographic layout in justified text. These elements, upheld by bodies like the advisory council since the 1996 orthographic reform (which minimally altered ), prioritize legibility in dense prose.

Literary and intellectual tradition

Medieval to Enlightenment works

Middle High German literature, spanning roughly 1050 to 1350, featured courtly epics and lyric poetry patronized by nobility, with key works including Hartmann von Aue's Erec (c. 1180) and Iwein (c. 1200), which adapted French Arthurian models into verse narratives emphasizing chivalric virtues. Wolfram von Eschenbach's (completed c. 1210) expanded on quests with complex theological undertones, while Gottfried von Strassburg's (c. 1210) explored tragic love in a romance framework. The anonymous (c. 1200), an epic of betrayal and vengeance rooted in older Germanic oral traditions, achieved enduring popularity for its heroic scale and rhythmic stanzas. Minnesang poets like (c. 1170–1230) composed strophic songs blending (Minne) with , preserving linguistic diversity across dialects. The Late Middle Ages saw didactic and mystical writings, such as Mechthild von Magdeburg's Das fließende Licht der Gottheit (c. 1250–1280), a visionary prose-poetry blend in Low German-influenced dialects, reflecting female spiritual authorship amid religious fervor. Transitioning into the , Martin Luther's translation of the (1522) and full (1534) marked a linguistic milestone, rendering scripture in accessible, idiomatic drawn from Saxon chancery usage, which promoted unity and literacy during the . This translation's rhythmic and compound words influenced subsequent prose styles, standardizing and across regions by prioritizing spoken over Latinized forms. Baroque literature (c. 1600–1720), shaped by the Thirty Years' War's devastation, produced Hans Jakob Christoffel von Grimmelshausen's Simplicissimus (1668), a picaresque novel satirizing social upheaval through a fool's odyssey, incorporating dialectal elements and allegorical critique of human folly. Andreas Gryphius's tragedies, like Leo Armenius (1650), employed alexandrine verse to dramatize tyrannicide and stoic endurance, echoing classical models amid confessional strife. Enlightenment works emphasized rational discourse and moral philosophy, with Gotthold Ephraim Lessing's Minna von Barnhelm (1767), a comedy reconciling post-Seven Years' War divisions through bourgeois realism, and Nathan der Weise (1779), a verse drama advocating via . Lessing's critiques in Hamburgische Dramaturgie (1767–1769) reformed theater toward naturalism, countering French . Early contributions from , such as Die Leiden des jungen Werthers (1774), infused epistolary prose with emotional introspection, bridging Enlightenment reason and emerging sentimentalism.

19th-20th century canon

The 19th-century German literary canon built upon Enlightenment foundations, emphasizing Romantic individualism, preservation, and emerging realism, while reinforcing as a vehicle for amid political fragmentation. Jacob and Wilhelm Grimm's Kinder- und Hausmärchen (1812, expanded through 1857) collected oral tales in a stylized approximating High German, preserving dialectal elements but prioritizing accessibility and moral universality, which popularized forms and idiomatic expressions across educated readers. Their Deutsches Wörterbuch, initiated in 1838, systematically documented etymologies and historical usages from medieval texts onward, establishing a scholarly basis for lexical that influenced subsequent orthographic and definitional norms until its completion in 1961. Heinrich Heine's Buch der Lieder (1827) marked a lyrical pinnacle, blending folk motifs with ironic critique in over 200 poems that shaped Lied composition and entered through musical adaptations, though its sensual irony provoked for challenging bourgeois sensibilities. Realist prose in the late 19th century, exemplified by Theodor Fontane's (1895), dissected Prussian society's rigid honor codes through understated irony and psychological depth, portraying a young wife's and downfall without moralizing, which highlighted linguistic precision in depicting social over fate. This era's works, amid Germany's 1871 unification, elevated Hochdeutsch in print, marginalizing dialects in favor of a unified suited to bureaucratic and literary expansion. Parallel intellectual contributions, such as Friedrich Nietzsche's (1883–1885), introduced neologisms like Übermensch and aphoristic prose that dissected moral , enriching philosophical and prompting debates on linguistic vitality versus decay. The 20th-century canon reflected modernist fragmentation, war's trauma, and , with German as a for Central European intellectuals despite political upheavals. Franz Kafka's Die Verwandlung (1915) and Der Prozess (posthumously 1925) deployed sparse, bureaucratic prose to evoke alienation, coining terms for existential that permeated global lexicon while rooted in German's hybrid vigor. Thomas Mann's Der Zauberberg (1924), a spanning seven years in a , intertwined medical, temporal, and ideological motifs in dense, allusive German, critiquing pre-WWI Europe's intellectual stasis and earning Mann the 1929 for elevating novelistic form. Post-1945, Günter Grass's Die Blechtrommel (1959) revived grotesque realism, using Danzig dialect inflections within standard narrative to confront Nazi complicity, influencing postwar linguistic shifts toward confronting historical euphemisms. These texts, often penned in or under , sustained German's intellectual prestige, embedding compound words and syntactic complexity that resisted simplification amid Anglo-American cultural influx.

Scientific and philosophical lexicon

The German language has historically served as a primary medium for articulating complex philosophical concepts, particularly from the 18th century onward, with thinkers such as , , and developing terminologies that emphasized abstract precision through compound words and derivational morphology. Kant's (1781) introduced terms like Ding an sich (""), denoting the noumenal reality beyond sensory experience, which captured distinctions elusive in other languages and influenced subsequent metaphysics. Hegel's dialectics relied on Aufhebung (sublation), a multifaceted term implying negation, preservation, and elevation, rooted in everyday German verbs but elevated to encapsulate historical and logical processes. Such arose from German's synthetic structure, enabling neologisms like Weltanschauung (""), coined in the early to denote comprehensive interpretive frameworks, which permeated philosophy and entered English unchanged. In scientific domains, German's lexicon expanded rapidly during the 18th and 19th centuries, coinciding with the establishment of research-oriented universities under Wilhelm von Humboldt's model in 1810, fostering systematic terminology in fields like chemistry and physics. By the late 19th century, German supplanted Latin as the dominant scientific language, with journals and texts in German comprising a plurality of publications; for instance, in chemistry, terms like Allotropie (allotropy, from Greek roots via German coinage in 1834 by Berzelius but standardized in German works) exemplified precise morphological adaptation. This era saw prolific output from figures like Carl Friedrich Gauss in mathematics (Eigenwert, eigenvalue, introduced in 19th-century linear algebra) and Max Planck in physics, where compound forms like Quantenmechanik (quantum mechanics) allowed concise expression of novel ideas. The language's agglutinative compounding facilitated causal descriptiveness, as in Relativitätstheorie (theory of relativity), directly embedding relational dynamics. Post-World War I, English overtook German due to geopolitical shifts, including Allied boycotts of German scholarship and the ascent of U.S. institutions, reducing German's share of global scientific output from primacy in 1900 to marginal by the 1930s. Nonetheless, German-derived terms persist internationally, such as Gestalt in psychology (from Max Wertheimer's 1920s holistic perception theory) and Wissenschaft (science/knowledge), borrowed into English to denote rigorous inquiry. Philosophically, 20th-century phenomenology by Edmund Husserl and Martin Heidegger further enriched the lexicon with Lebenswelt (lifeworld), critiquing abstracted reason through everyday etymological roots, underscoring German's capacity for phenomenological depth. This enduring lexicon reflects not institutional bias but the language's empirical adaptability, evidenced by its retention in specialized discourses despite dominance shifts.

Sociolinguistic dynamics

Dialect vs. standard usage

The German language features a dialect continuum spanning from Low German in the north to Upper German dialects in the south and west, with gradual phonetic, lexical, and grammatical variations rather than discrete boundaries. This continuum arose from the historical West Germanic dialect area, disrupted by 20th-century territorial losses but persisting in core regions. Standard German, or Hochdeutsch, developed as a supradialectal variety in the 16th century, drawing primarily from East Middle German chancery languages around Saxony and Thuringia, and was disseminated through Martin Luther's Bible translation (New Testament 1522, full Bible 1534), which leveraged the printing press for widespread adoption. Standard German functions as the acrolect in formal domains—education, media, administration, and inter-regional communication—across , , , and other areas, ensuring amid dialectal diversity. Dialects serve as basilects in informal spoken contexts, such as family, local commerce, and rural communities, with usage patterns varying by region and social setting. In , surveys indicate that 59.6% of respondents can speak a dialect or , reflecting broad exposure, though active daily preference for dialects over standard occurs among approximately 30% of speakers, per University estimates. Southern regions exhibit stronger diglossic tendencies: in , (Schwiizerdütsch)—an Alemannic cluster—dominates everyday oral communication for nearly all 4.6 million German-speaking residents, with confined to writing, broadcasting, and official interactions, as evidenced by neuroimaging studies on bilingual-like brain adaptations in diglossic speakers. In , Austro-Bavarian dialects prevail in informal speech among much of the 8 million population, though standard forms are emphasized in schools and urban professional life. (Plattdeutsch), once a with millions of speakers, has declined to under 5 million active users in and the , influenced by attitudes that classify it more as than , affecting reporting. This dialect-standard opposition fosters based on context, with younger urban populations trending toward standard-influenced "Umgangssprache" (colloquial standard), potentially eroding pure dialects due to media homogenization and migration, yet regional identities sustain vitality in cultural expressions like theater and festivals. within the continuum allows comprehension between adjacent varieties but falters southward, where the (circa 500-800 CE) marks a phonological divide from .

Language policy in education and media

In , mandates the use of (Hochdeutsch) as the language of instruction across primary, secondary, and higher education levels, with federal states () overseeing curricula that prioritize linguistic standardization to facilitate nationwide mobility and academic equity. Although the German Basic Law lacks an explicit declaration of an , state constitutions and educational frameworks implicitly enforce , supplemented by awareness programs in regions like or areas, where dialects serve informal or cultural roles but not core instruction. For immigrant students, integration policies require German language proficiency, with segregated support classes in and focusing on rapid acquisition to enable mainstream participation, though efficacy studies highlight persistent challenges in long-term outcomes. Austria mirrors this approach, with the Language Promotion Act of accelerating German instruction in schools, particularly for non-native speakers, while emphasizing to counter dialect fragmentation; regional variations like Austro-Bavarian are acknowledged in extracurricular settings but excluded from formal testing and certification. In Switzerland's German-speaking cantons, policy balances federal multilingualism with cantonal autonomy, mandating (Schweizer Hochdeutsch) for written exams and official school communication, even as spoken dialects dominate casual interactions— a pragmatic distinction rooted in ensuring across cantons without constitutional rights to dialect-based education. and , as smaller German-speaking entities, align with this standardization, using in public schooling alongside co-official languages where applicable. Media policy in these countries reinforces Standard German dominance through regulatory frameworks designed for broad accessibility. Germany's Interstate Media Treaty (2020) governs public and private broadcasters like ARD and ZDF, requiring content in comprehensible German to fulfill public service mandates, with limited dialect usage confined to regional programming—such as North German broadcasts incorporating Low German—under quotas for cultural diversity but not exceeding 5-10% of airtime nationally. Austrian and Swiss regulations similarly prioritize Standard German in national outlets (e.g., ORF in Austria, SRF in Switzerland), where dialects appear in variety shows or local news to preserve heritage, yet strict adherence to intelligibility standards prevents fragmentation; private media follows suit to maximize audience reach. These policies stem from post-WWII broadcasting treaties emphasizing national cohesion, with empirical data showing Standard German's 95%+ comprehension rate across dialect speakers as justification for its primacy over vernacular alternatives.

Demographic shifts and vitality

German possesses approximately 95 million native speakers globally, concentrated in with over 76 million, with 8 million, and with 5 million, comprising the bulk of primary usage. Including second-language proficiency, total speakers exceed 130 million, ranking it among the world's top 15 languages by overall reach. These figures reflect stability in core regions but mask shifts driven by below-replacement rates and migration patterns. In , the share of the population speaking German at home stood at 90% in 2020, down from higher historical levels due to sustained from non-Germanic linguistic backgrounds, particularly since the 2015 migrant influx. among German nationals averaged 1.23 births per woman in recent years, contrasting with 1.89 for non-nationals, signaling a demographic tilt toward fewer native speakers in future generations absent rapid by immigrant descendants. Similar low persists in and , exacerbating aging populations and straining intergenerational transmission, though institutional assimilation policies mitigate some erosion. Vitality remains robust in official domains, with German serving as a primary in the —taught to substantial pupil shares in neighboring states like (75%) and the (50%) as of 2023—and supported by media, , and economic incentives in German-speaking nations. However, regional dialects face decline from , , and mobility, with classifying several, including Bavarian, as vulnerable and others like as definitely endangered. Diaspora communities, numbering in the millions in places like the and , exhibit assimilation-driven attrition, further contracting native usage outside . Overall, while not endangered, German confronts pressures from demographic imbalances—low native birth rates coupled with influxes favoring other tongues—that could diminish its proportional dominance in if integration falters, though its economic and cultural institutionalization sustains proficiency levels.

Controversies and ideological uses

Nationalist and political instrumentalization

Linguistic purism in German, defined as efforts to eliminate foreign loanwords and preserve native forms, has historically surged during periods of perceived national vulnerability, coinciding with heightened assertions of German identity. Waves of such purism, particularly against French influences in the 18th and 19th centuries, reflected reactions to cultural domination, as intellectuals sought to cultivate a "pure" vernacular free of Gallicisms to symbolize independence. For instance, post-Napoleonic reformers advocated replacing terms like Mode (fashion) with native equivalents, tying linguistic cleansing to patriotic revival amid French occupation. In the Romantic era of the early , intertwined with through thinkers like , who posited language as the "soul" of the , urging collection of dialects and to safeguard an organic, unadulterated German essence against standardization's homogenizing effects. Figures such as pursued "fanatical purification" of the language, viewing foreign elements as corrosive to national vigor, which aligned with broader movements for unification under a linguistically unified identity. This instrumentalization peaked during the founding of the , where standardized Hochdeutsch served as a tool for political cohesion across dialect-diverse regions, marginalizing non-standard varieties in official domains. The Nazi regime (1933–1945) exemplified extreme political instrumentalization of language, though not through orthodox ; dissolved the Allgemeiner Deutscher Sprachverein in 1936, dismissing purists as reactionary, while the state coined neologisms like (coordination) to embed ideology. Nonetheless, fostered a cult of the "mother tongue" as racially pure, dehumanizing outgroups via lexical shifts—e.g., denying mental state attributions in —and enforcing Germanic in to reinforce völkisch exclusivity. Postwar taboos on overt , stemming from Nazi associations, yielded to subtler modern variants, with criticism of Anglicisms ("Denglish") in media and evoking nationalist resistance to . Organizations like the Verein Deutsche Sprache campaign against terms like Handy (), arguing they erode cultural , a stance occasionally echoed in conservative discourse but lacking state enforcement. Such efforts persist amid empirical data showing Anglicisms comprising under 5% of new lexicon, yet fueling debates on identity in an context.

Gender-inclusive reforms and linguistic resistance

Efforts to reform the German language for gender inclusivity emerged prominently in the late 20th century, driven by feminist and linguistic advocacy groups seeking to address perceived male bias in the generic masculine form (e.g., Lehrer for "teachers"). Proponents proposed alternatives such as the gender star (e.g., Lehrerinnen*), inner capital (e.g., LehrerInnen), or double forms (e.g., Lehrer und Lehrerinnen) to explicitly include feminine and non-binary references, arguing these reduce stereotyping. The Duden dictionary, a standard reference, issued guidance in 2021 discouraging standalone generic masculine for professions, effectively de-emphasizing around 12,000 such entries to promote paired or neutral forms, though it stopped short of endorsing symbols like the gender star. Adoption has varied: usage in German media rose steadily from 2000 to 2021, with forms like the gender star becoming common in left-leaning outlets and public institutions, while parliamentary debates in the Bundestag show increased gender-fair phrasing since the 2010s. However, the Council for German Orthography declined to officially recognize these innovations in 2018, citing insufficient consensus. Linguistic resistance has been widespread, rooted in arguments that such reforms disrupt readability, violate grammatical norms, and impose ideological priorities over natural usage, with studies estimating they affect less than 1% of tokens yet provoke disproportionate debate. Public surveys indicate limited enthusiasm: a 2023 study found nearly two-thirds of Germans view gender-inclusive language as playing little or no role in communication, while 84% of journalists prefer the generic masculine in professional contexts. Politically, conservative parties like the CDU and AfD have framed it as a threat to linguistic integrity, with the AfD advocating bans in public institutions. In 2024, Bavaria's conservative state government restricted its use in official documents, schools, and administration, followed by similar prohibitions in at least two other states by May, emphasizing clarity and tradition over inclusivity mandates. No federal law requires gender-inclusive writing, leaving adoption voluntary and contested, often aligned with partisan divides where left-leaning entities promote it despite broader societal skepticism.

Multilingualism debates in supranational contexts

In the European Union, German holds official status alongside 23 other languages, with approximately 18% of EU citizens speaking it as a first language and an additional 14% as a second language. The EU's multilingualism policy, formalized since the 1950s with initial languages including German, Dutch, French, and Italian, aims to ensure equal treatment of languages for democratic participation and cultural preservation. However, empirical usage reveals English as the predominant working language in institutions like the European Commission and Parliament, where internal communications and informal negotiations increasingly default to it despite official requirements for multilingual documentation. This de facto dominance persists post-Brexit, contrary to predictions of a shift toward French or German, as non-native English proficiency among EU elites sustains its role. German-speaking representatives have voiced concerns over this trend, arguing it undermines linguistic equity and the influence of larger non-English languages like German. In 2017, senior German lawmakers, including from the , urged a reduction in English's primacy after the UK's anticipated exit, proposing enhanced use of German and French to balance power dynamics. Such debates highlight tensions between efficiency and inclusivity: proponents of a cite streamlined decision-making, while critics, including German stakeholders, contend that English marginalizes native speakers of other major languages, potentially skewing policy toward Anglophone priorities. data from 2012 indicates 38% of Europeans speak English to some degree, compared to 11% for German, fueling arguments that amplifies English's advantages but at the expense of parity for languages like German. The financial implications of maintaining full intensify these discussions, with annual and interpretation costs estimated at €1 billion, representing under 1% of the . From a German perspective, this expenditure is often defended as essential for legitimacy, given German's demographic weight—spanning , , and parts of other member states—but challenged by efficiency advocates who note that procedural languages like German incur lower per-unit costs than smaller ones due to higher demand volumes. Proposals for partial English reliance post-Brexit have met resistance, as they risk eroding the multilingual principle enshrined in treaties, though shows no substantial cost savings from dominance shifts, as English's prevalence predates recent enlargements. These debates underscore causal trade-offs: while fosters broader representation, its administrative burden may inadvertently reinforce English's entrenched position through practical inertia.

References

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