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Biological warfare
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Biological warfare, also known as germ warfare, is the use of biological toxins or infectious agents such as bacteria, viruses, insects, and fungi with the intent to kill, harm or incapacitate humans, animals or plants as an act of war.[1] Biological weapons (often termed "bio-weapons", "biological threat agents", or "bio-agents") are living organisms or replicating entities (i.e. viruses, which are not universally considered "alive"). Entomological (insect) warfare is a subtype of biological warfare.
Biological warfare is subject to a forceful normative prohibition.[2][3] Offensive biological warfare in international armed conflicts is a war crime under the 1925 Geneva Protocol and several international humanitarian law treaties.[4][5] In particular, the 1972 Biological Weapons Convention (BWC) bans the development, production, acquisition, transfer, stockpiling and use of biological weapons.[6][7] In contrast, defensive biological research for prophylactic, protective or other peaceful purposes is not prohibited by the BWC.[8]
Biological warfare is distinct from warfare involving other types of weapons of mass destruction (WMD), including nuclear warfare, chemical warfare, and radiological warfare. None of these are considered conventional weapons, which are deployed primarily for their explosive, kinetic, or incendiary potential.
Biological weapons may be employed in various ways to gain a strategic or tactical advantage over the enemy, either by threats or by actual deployments. Like some chemical weapons, biological weapons may also be useful as area denial weapons. These agents may be lethal or non-lethal, and may be targeted against a single individual, a group of people, or even an entire population. They may be developed, acquired, stockpiled or deployed by nation states or by non-national groups. In the latter case, or if a nation-state uses it clandestinely, it may also be considered bioterrorism.[9]
Biological warfare and chemical warfare overlap to an extent, as the use of toxins produced by some living organisms is considered under the provisions of both the BWC and the Chemical Weapons Convention. Toxins and psychochemical weapons are often referred to as midspectrum agents. Unlike bioweapons, these midspectrum agents do not reproduce in their host and are typically characterized by shorter incubation periods.[10]
Overview
[edit]A biological attack could conceivably result in large numbers of civilian casualties and cause severe disruption to economic and societal infrastructure.[11]
A nation or group that can pose a credible threat of mass casualty has the ability to alter the terms under which other nations or groups interact with it. When indexed to weapon mass and cost of development and storage, biological weapons possess destructive potential and loss of life far in excess of nuclear, chemical or conventional weapons. Accordingly, biological agents are potentially useful as strategic deterrents, in addition to their utility as offensive weapons on the battlefield.[12]
As a tactical weapon for military use, a significant problem with biological warfare is that it would take days to be effective, and therefore might not immediately stop an opposing force. Some biological agents (smallpox, pneumonic plague) have the capability of person-to-person transmission via aerosolized respiratory droplets. This feature can be undesirable, as the agent(s) may be transmitted by this mechanism to unintended populations, including neutral or even friendly forces. Worse still, such a weapon could "escape" the laboratory where it was developed, even if there was no intent to use it – for example by infecting a researcher who then transmits it to the outside world before realizing that they were infected. Several cases are known of researchers becoming infected and dying of Ebola,[13][14] which they had been working with in the lab (though nobody else was infected in those cases) – while there is no evidence that their work was directed towards biological warfare, it demonstrates the potential for accidental infection even of careful researchers fully aware of the dangers. While containment of biological warfare is less of a concern for certain criminal or terrorist organizations, it remains a significant concern for the military and civilian populations of virtually all nations.
History
[edit]Antiquity and Middle Ages
[edit]Rudimentary forms of biological warfare have been practiced since antiquity.[15] The earliest documented incident of the intention to use biological weapons is recorded in Hittite texts of 1500–1200 BC, in which victims of an unknown plague (possibly tularemia) were driven into enemy lands, causing an epidemic.[16] The Assyrians poisoned enemy wells with the fungus ergot, though with unknown results. Scythian archers dipped their arrows and Roman soldiers their swords into excrements and cadavers – victims were commonly infected by tetanus as result.[17] In 1346, the bodies of Mongol warriors of the Golden Horde who had died of plague were thrown over the walls of the besieged Crimean city of Kaffa. Specialists disagree about whether this operation was responsible for the spread of the Black Death into Europe, Near East and North Africa, resulting in the deaths of approximately 25 million Europeans.[18][19][20][21]
Biological agents were extensively used in many parts of Africa from the sixteenth century AD, most of the time in the form of poisoned arrows, or powder spread on the war front as well as poisoning of horses and water supply of the enemy forces.[22][23] In Borgu, there were specific mixtures to kill, hypnotize, make the enemy bold, and to act as an antidote against the poison of the enemy as well. The creation of biologicals was reserved for a specific and professional class of medicine-men.[23]
18th to 19th century
[edit]During the French and Indian War, in June 1763 a group of Native Americans laid siege to British-held Fort Pitt.[24] Following instructions of his superior, Colonel Henry Bouquet, the commander of Fort Pitt, Swiss-born Captain Simeon Ecuyer, ordered his men to take smallpox-infested blankets from the infirmary and give it to a Lenape delegation during the siege.[25][26][27] A reported outbreak that began the spring before left as many as one hundred Native Americans dead in Ohio Country from 1763 to 1764. It is not clear whether the smallpox was a result of the Fort Pitt incident or the virus was already present among the Delaware people as outbreaks happened on their own every dozen or so years[28] and the delegates were met again later and seemingly had not contracted smallpox.[29][30][31] During the American Revolutionary War, Continental Army officer George Washington mentioned to the Continental Congress that he had heard a rumor from a sailor that his opponent during the Siege of Boston, General William Howe, had deliberately sent civilians out of the city in the hopes of spreading the ongoing smallpox epidemic to American lines; Washington, remaining unconvinced, wrote that he "could hardly give credit to" the claim. Washington had already inoculated his soldiers, diminishing the effect of the epidemic.[32][33] Some historians have claimed that a detachment of the Corps of Royal Marines stationed in New South Wales, Australia, deliberately used smallpox there in 1789.[34] Dr Seth Carus states: "Ultimately, we have a strong circumstantial case supporting the theory that someone deliberately introduced smallpox in the Aboriginal population."[35]
World War I
[edit]By 1900 the germ theory and advances in bacteriology brought a new level of sophistication to the techniques for possible use of bio-agents in war. Biological sabotage in the form of anthrax and glanders was undertaken on behalf of the Imperial German government during World War I (1914–1918), with indifferent results.[36] The Geneva Protocol of 1925 prohibited the first use of chemical and biological weapons against enemy nationals in international armed conflicts.[37]
World War II
[edit]With the onset of World War II, the Ministry of Supply in the United Kingdom established a biological warfare program at Porton Down, headed by the microbiologist Paul Fildes. The research was championed by Winston Churchill and soon tularemia, anthrax, brucellosis, and botulism toxins had been effectively weaponized. In particular, Gruinard Island in Scotland, was contaminated with anthrax during a series of extensive tests for the next 56 years. Although the UK never offensively used the biological weapons it developed, its program was the first to successfully weaponize a variety of deadly pathogens and bring them into industrial production.[38] Other nations, notably France and Japan, had begun their own biological weapons programs.[39]
When the United States entered the war, Allied resources were pooled at the request of the British. The US then established a large research program and industrial complex at Fort Detrick, Maryland, in 1942 under the direction of George W. Merck.[40] The biological and chemical weapons developed during that period were tested at the Dugway Proving Grounds in Utah. Soon there were facilities for the mass production of anthrax spores, brucellosis, and botulism toxins, although the war was over before these weapons could be of much operational use.[41]

The most notorious program of the period was run by the secret Imperial Japanese Army Unit 731 during the war, based at Pingfang in Manchuria and commanded by Lieutenant General Shirō Ishii. This biological warfare research unit conducted often fatal human experiments on prisoners, and produced biological weapons for combat use.[42] Although the Japanese effort lacked the technological sophistication of the American or British programs, it far outstripped them in its widespread application and indiscriminate brutality. Biological weapons were used against Chinese soldiers and civilians in several military campaigns.[43] In 1940, the Japanese Army Air Force bombed Ningbo with ceramic bombs full of fleas carrying the bubonic plague.[44] Many of these operations were ineffective due to inefficient delivery systems,[42] although up to 200,000 people may have died.[45] During the Zhejiang-Jiangxi Campaign in 1942, around 1,700 Japanese troops died out of a total 10,000 Japanese soldiers who fell ill with disease when their own biological weapons attack rebounded on their own forces.[46][47]
During the final months of World War II, Japan planned to use plague as a biological weapon against US civilians in San Diego, California, during Operation Cherry Blossoms at Night. The plan was set to launch on 22 September 1945, but it was not executed because of Japan's surrender on 15 August 1945.[48][49][50]
1948 Arab–Israeli War
[edit]According to historians Benny Morris and Benjamin Kedar, Israel conducted a biological warfare operation codenamed Operation Cast Thy Bread during the 1948 Arab–Israeli War. The Haganah initially used typhoid bacteria to contaminate water wells in newly cleared Arab villages to prevent the population including militiamen from returning. Later, the biological warfare campaign expanded to include Jewish settlements that were in imminent danger of being captured by Arab troops and inhabited Arab towns not slated for capture. There was also plans to expand the biological warfare campaign into other Arab states including Egypt, Lebanon and Syria, but they were not carried out.[51]
Some British soldiers were also poisoned: causing the event to gain international attention.[52]
Cold War
[edit]In Britain, the 1950s saw the weaponization of plague, brucellosis, tularemia and later equine encephalomyelitis and vaccinia viruses, but the programme was unilaterally cancelled in 1956. The United States Army Biological Warfare Laboratories weaponized anthrax, tularemia, brucellosis, Q-fever and others.[53]
In 1969, US President Richard Nixon decided to unilaterally terminate the offensive biological weapons program of the US, allowing only scientific research for defensive measures.[54] This decision increased the momentum of the negotiations for a ban on biological warfare, which took place from 1969 to 1972 in the United Nation's Conference of the Committee on Disarmament in Geneva.[55] These negotiations resulted in the Biological Weapons Convention, which was opened for signature on 10 April 1972 and entered into force on 26 March 1975 after its ratification by 22 states.[55]
Despite being a party and depositary to the BWC, the Soviet Union continued and expanded its massive offensive biological weapons program, under the leadership of the allegedly civilian institution Biopreparat.[56] The Soviet Union attracted international suspicion after the 1979 Sverdlovsk anthrax leak killed approximately 65 to 100 people.[57]
International law
[edit]
International restrictions on biological warfare began with the 1925 Geneva Protocol, which prohibits the use but not the possession or development of biological and chemical weapons in international armed conflicts.[37][59] Upon ratification of the Geneva Protocol, several countries made reservations regarding its applicability and use in retaliation.[60] Due to these reservations, it was in practice a "no-first-use" agreement only.[61]
The 1972 Biological Weapons Convention (BWC) supplements the Geneva Protocol by prohibiting the development, production, acquisition, transfer, stockpiling and use of biological weapons.[6] Having entered into force on 26 March 1975, the BWC was the first multilateral disarmament treaty to ban the production of an entire category of weapons of mass destruction.[6] As of March 2021, 183 states have become party to the treaty.[62] The BWC is considered to have established a strong global norm against biological weapons,[63] which is reflected in the treaty's preamble, stating that the use of biological weapons would be "repugnant to the conscience of mankind".[64] The BWC's effectiveness has been limited due to insufficient institutional support and the absence of any formal verification regime to monitor compliance.[65]
In 1985, the Australia Group was established, a multilateral export control regime of 43 countries aiming to prevent the proliferation of chemical and biological weapons.[66]
In 2004, the United Nations Security Council passed Resolution 1540, which obligates all UN Member States to develop and enforce appropriate legal and regulatory measures against the proliferation of chemical, biological, radiological, and nuclear weapons and their means of delivery, in particular, to prevent the spread of weapons of mass destruction to non-state actors.[67]
Bioterrorism
[edit]Biological weapons are difficult to detect, economical and easy to use, making them appealing to terrorists. The cost of a biological weapon is estimated to be about 0.05 percent the cost of a conventional weapon in order to produce similar numbers of mass casualties per kilometer square.[68] Moreover, their production is very easy as common technology can be used to produce biological warfare agents, like that used in production of vaccines, foods, spray devices, beverages and antibiotics. A major factor in biological warfare that attracts terrorists is that they can easily escape before the government agencies or secret agencies have even started their investigation. This is because the potential organism has an incubation period of 3 to 7 days, after which the results begin to appear, thereby giving terrorists a lead.
A technique called Clustered, Regularly Interspaced, Short Palindromic Repeat (CRISPR-Cas9) is now[when?] so cheap and widely available that scientists fear that amateurs will start experimenting with them. In this technique, a DNA sequence is cut off and replaced with a new sequence, e.g. one that codes for a particular protein, with the intent of modifying an organism's traits. Concerns have emerged regarding do-it-yourself biology research organizations due to their associated risk that a rogue amateur DIY researcher could attempt to develop dangerous bioweapons using genome editing technology.[69]
In 2002, when CNN went through Al-Qaeda's (AQ's) experiments with crude poisons, they found out that AQ had begun planning ricin and cyanide attacks with the help of a loose association of terrorist cells.[70] The associates had infiltrated many countries like Turkey, Italy, Spain, France and others. In 2015, to combat the threat of bioterrorism, a National Blueprint for Biodefense was issued by the Blue-Ribbon Study Panel on Biodefense.[71] Also, 233 potential exposures of select biological agents outside of the primary barriers of the biocontainment in the US were described by the annual report of the Federal Select Agent Program.[72]
Though a verification system can reduce bioterrorism, an employee, or a lone terrorist having adequate knowledge of a bio-technology company's facilities, can cause potential danger by using, without proper oversight and supervision, that company's resources. Moreover, it has been found that about 95% of accidents that have occurred due to low security have been done by employees or those who had a security clearance.[73]
Entomology
[edit]Entomological warfare (EW) is a type of biological warfare that uses insects to attack the enemy. The concept has existed for centuries and research and development have continued into the modern era. EW has been used in battle by Japan and several other nations have developed and been accused of using an entomological warfare program. EW may employ insects in a direct attack or as vectors to deliver a biological agent, such as plague. Essentially, EW exists in three varieties. One type of EW involves infecting insects with a pathogen and then dispersing the insects over target areas.[74] The insects then act as a vector, infecting any person or animal they might bite. Another type of EW is a direct insect attack against crops; the insect may not be infected with any pathogen but instead represents a threat to agriculture. The final method uses uninfected insects, such as bees or wasps, to directly attack the enemy.[75]
Genetics
[edit]Theoretically, novel approaches in biotechnology, such as synthetic biology could be used in the future to design novel types of biological warfare agents.[76][77][78][79]
- Would demonstrate how to render a vaccine ineffective;
- Would confer resistance to therapeutically useful antibiotics or antiviral agents;
- Would enhance the virulence of a pathogen or render a nonpathogen virulent;
- Would increase the transmissibility of a pathogen;
- Would alter the host range of a pathogen;
- Would enable the evasion of diagnostic/detection tools;
- Would enable the weaponization of a biological agent or toxin.
Most of the biosecurity concerns in synthetic biology are focused on the role of DNA synthesis and the risk of producing genetic material of lethal viruses (e.g. 1918 Spanish flu, polio) in the lab.[80][81][82] Recently, the CRISPR/Cas system has emerged as a promising technique for gene editing. It was hailed by The Washington Post as "the most important innovation in the synthetic biology space in nearly 30 years."[83] While other methods take months or years to edit gene sequences, CRISPR speeds that time up to weeks.[6] Due to its ease of use and accessibility, it has raised a number of ethical concerns, especially surrounding its use in the biohacking space.[83][84][85]
Dual-Use Risks of Selected Biotechnology Tools
[edit]Synthetic biology provides the technical capacity to fundamentally alter the bioweapons landscape by enabling the reconstitution of an eradicated or extinct human pathogen. Reports highlight the immediate security concern of "re-creating known pathogen viruses". This capability drastically lowers the barrier to entry for acquiring highly dangerous agents. The deliberate synthesis of the Horsepox virus, an Orthopoxvirus, from commercially acquired DNA segments, stands as a critical academic demonstration of this dual-use capability. This experiment proved that highly complex pox viruses could be engineered.[86] [87][88]
Viral Reassortment and Recombination as Dual-Use Risks
[edit]- Reassortment occurs when two segmented viruses (e.g., influenza, bunyaviruses) co-infect a host cell and exchange entire genome segments. This can generate chimeric viruses with new properties .
- Lowen (2018) explains that reassortment "allows exchange of intact genes between related viruses… giving rise to novel genotypes" that may occasionally result in increased viral fitness under selective pressures (Lowen, PLoS Pathogens, 2018).[89]
- Recombination involves the joining of nucleic acid sequences from different viral templates into a single genome. This can produce hybrid viruses with traits not present in either parent strain.
- Torralba et al. (2024) note that multipartite viruses can reassort even across spatially separated infections, raising concerns about unexpected recombinants with enhanced transmission or pathogenicity (Torralba et al., Virus Evolution, 2024).[90]
Genetic Engineering Platforms
[edit]- Geneious Prime (plasmid design & sequence alignment): Widely used for cloning, primer design, and sequence analysis. Dual-use risk arises from its ability to streamline plasmid construction for pathogenic genes, lowering technical barriers for designing vectors that could express toxins or virulence factors. See: Geneious Prime features overview (Geneious, 2024). [91]
- SnapGene (CRISPR guide RNA design): Provides intuitive tools for designing CRISPR/Cas9 edits. While invaluable for therapeutic research, it could be misused to design guide RNAs targeting immune evasion or resistance genes in pathogens. See: Benchling vs SnapGene comparison (OneBrowsing, 2024). [92]
- Benchling (cloud-based genetic engineering platform): Enables collaborative design, annotation, and sharing of genetic constructs. Its cloud-based nature raises risks of unauthorized access or covert collaboration for dual-use projects, especially if security controls are weak. See: Benchling platform analysis (OneBrowsing, 2024). [93]
Pathogen Analysis & Modeling
[edit]- CLC Genomics Workbench (NGS data analysis): Supports large-scale sequencing, variant detection, and metagenomics. Dual-use risk lies in its ability to rapidly identify mutations that enhance virulence or resistance, potentially guiding deliberate engineering. See: Gronvall & Bouri, Biosecurity and Bioterrorism (2008).
- PyRosetta (protein structure prediction): Used for modeling protein folding and interactions. Could be misapplied to optimize viral surface proteins for immune escape or host adaptation. See: Chaudhury et al., PLoS ONE (2010).[94]
- EpiModel (outbreak simulation): Epidemiological modeling platform for simulating disease spread. While critical for preparedness, it could be exploited to model optimal release strategies for engineered pathogens in a conflict scenario. See: Jenness et al., Journal of Statistical Software (2018).[95]
AI-Driven Optimization & Enabling Hardware
[edit]- AlphaFold (protein structure prediction): Breakthrough AI for predicting protein structures. Dual-use risk lies in its potential to predict virulence factor conformations or design proteins that evade host defenses. See: Jumper et al., Nature (2021).[96]
- DeepVir (AI for viral transmissibility): Machine learning tool for predicting viral host range, and how contagious a virus can be. Could be misused to optimize viral genomes for cross-species transmission. See: Ren et al., Bioinformatics (2020).
- DNA/RNA Synthesizers (e.g., Twist Bioscience): Legitimately used for custom gene fragment synthesis. Dual-use concern: reconstruction of eradicated or high-risk pathogens from sequence data. See: Noyce et al., PLOS ONE (2018) on horsepox synthesis.
- Electroporators: Standard lab devices for introducing DNA/RNA into cells. Dual-use risk: facilitating transformation of pathogens with engineered plasmids or synthetic genomes.[97]
- Next-Generation Sequencers (e.g., Illumina NovaSeq): Critical for quality control and mutation detection. Dual-use risk: verification of engineered modifications in pathogens, accelerating iterative design cycles. See: Gronvall, Health Security (2017).[98]
By target
[edit]Anti-personnel
[edit]
Ideal characteristics of a biological agent to be used as a weapon against humans are high infectivity, high virulence, non-availability of vaccines and availability of an effective and efficient delivery system. Stability of the weaponized agent (the ability of the agent to retain its infectivity and virulence after a prolonged period of storage) may also be desirable, particularly for military applications, and the ease of creating one is often considered. Control of the spread of the agent may be another desired characteristic.
The primary difficulty is not the production of the biological agent, as many biological agents used in weapons can be manufactured relatively quickly, cheaply and easily. Rather, it is the weaponization, storage, and delivery in an effective vehicle to a vulnerable target that pose significant problems.
For example, Bacillus anthracis is considered an effective agent for several reasons. First, it forms hardy spores, perfect for dispersal aerosols. Second, this organism is not considered transmissible from person to person, and thus rarely if ever causes secondary infections. A pulmonary anthrax infection starts with ordinary influenza-like symptoms and progresses to a lethal hemorrhagic mediastinitis within 3–7 days, with a fatality rate that is 90% or higher in untreated patients.[99] Finally, friendly personnel and civilians can be protected with suitable antibiotics.
Agents considered for weaponization, or known to be weaponized, include bacteria such as Bacillus anthracis, Brucella spp., Burkholderia mallei, Burkholderia pseudomallei, Chlamydophila psittaci, Coxiella burnetii, Francisella tularensis, some of the Rickettsiaceae (especially Rickettsia prowazekii and Rickettsia rickettsii), Shigella spp., Vibrio cholerae, and Yersinia pestis. Many viral agents have been studied and weaponized, including some of the Bunyaviridae (especially Rift Valley fever virus), Ebolavirus, many of the Flaviviridae (especially Japanese encephalitis virus), Machupo virus, Coronaviruses, Marburg virus, Variola virus, and yellow fever virus. Fungal agents that have been studied include Coccidioides spp.[56][100]
Toxins that can be used as weapons include ricin, staphylococcal enterotoxin B, botulinum toxin, saxitoxin, and many mycotoxins. These toxins and the organisms that produce them are sometimes referred to as select agents. In the United States, their possession, use, and transfer are regulated by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention's Select Agent Program.
The former US biological warfare program categorized its weaponized anti-personnel bio-agents as either Lethal Agents (Bacillus anthracis, Francisella tularensis, Botulinum toxin) or Incapacitating Agents (Brucella suis, Coxiella burnetii, Venezuelan equine encephalitis virus, Staphylococcal enterotoxin B).
Anti-agriculture
[edit]Anti-crop/anti-vegetation/anti-fisheries
[edit]The United States developed an anti-crop capability during the Cold War that used plant diseases (bioherbicides, or mycoherbicides) for destroying enemy agriculture. Biological weapons also target fisheries as well as water-based vegetation. It was believed that the destruction of enemy agriculture on a strategic scale could thwart Sino-Soviet aggression in a general war. Diseases such as wheat blast and rice blast were weaponized in aerial spray tanks and cluster bombs for delivery to enemy watersheds in agricultural regions to initiate epiphytotic (epidemics among plants). On the other hand, some sources report that these agents were stockpiled but never weaponized.[101] When the United States renounced its offensive biological warfare program in 1969 and 1970, the vast majority of its biological arsenal was composed of these plant diseases.[102] Enterotoxins and Mycotoxins were not affected by Nixon's order.
Though herbicides are chemicals, they are often grouped with biological warfare and chemical warfare because they may work in a similar manner as biotoxins or bioregulators. The Army Biological Laboratory tested each agent and the Army's Technical Escort Unit was responsible for the transport of all chemical, biological, radiological (nuclear) materials.
Biological warfare can also specifically target plants to destroy crops or defoliate vegetation. The United States and Britain discovered plant growth regulators (i.e., herbicides) during the Second World War, which were then used by the UK in the counterinsurgency operations of the Malayan Emergency. Inspired by the use in Malaysia, the US military effort in the Vietnam War included a mass dispersal of a variety of herbicides, famously Agent Orange, with the aim of destroying farmland and defoliating forests used as cover by the Viet Cong.[103] Sri Lanka deployed military defoliants in its prosecution of the Eelam War against Tamil insurgents.[104]
Anti-livestock
[edit]During World War I, German saboteurs used anthrax and glanders to sicken cavalry horses in US and France, sheep in Romania, and livestock in Argentina intended for the Entente forces.[105] One of these German saboteurs was Anton Dilger. Also, Germany itself became a victim of similar attacks – horses bound for Germany were infected with Burkholderia by French operatives in Switzerland.[106]
During World War II, the US and Canada secretly investigated the use of rinderpest, a highly lethal disease of cattle, as a bioweapon.[105][107]
In the 1980s Soviet Ministry of Agriculture had successfully developed variants of foot-and-mouth disease, and rinderpest against cows, African swine fever for pigs, and psittacosis for chickens. These agents were prepared to spray them down from tanks attached to airplanes over hundreds of miles. The secret program was code-named "Ecology".[56]
During the Mau Mau Uprising in 1952, the poisonous latex of the African milk bush was used to kill cattle.[108]
Defensive operations
[edit]Medical countermeasures
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In 2010 at The Meeting of the States Parties to the Convention on the Prohibition of the Development, Production and Stockpiling of Bacteriological (Biological) and Toxin Weapons and Their Destruction in Geneva[109] the sanitary epidemiological reconnaissance was suggested as well-tested means for enhancing the monitoring of infections and parasitic agents, for the practical implementation of the International Health Regulations (2005). The aim was to prevent and minimize the consequences of natural outbreaks of dangerous infectious diseases as well as the threat of alleged use of biological weapons against BTWC States Parties.
Many countries require their active-duty military personnel to get vaccinated for certain diseases that may potentially be used as a bioweapon such as anthrax, smallpox, and various other vaccines depending on the Area of Operations of the individual military units and commands.[110]
Public health and disease surveillance
[edit]Most classical and modern biological weapons' pathogens can be obtained from a plant or an animal which is naturally infected.[111]
In the largest biological weapons accident known—the anthrax outbreak in Sverdlovsk (now Yekaterinburg) in the Soviet Union in 1979—sheep became ill with anthrax as far as 200 kilometers (120 mi) from the release point of the organism from a military facility in the southeastern portion of the city and still off-limits to visitors today, (see Sverdlovsk Anthrax leak).[112]
Thus, a robust surveillance system involving human clinicians and veterinarians may identify a bioweapons attack early in the course of an epidemic, permitting the prophylaxis of disease in the vast majority of people (and animals) exposed but not yet ill.[113]
For example, in the case of anthrax, it is likely that by 24–36 hours after an attack, some small percentage of individuals (those with the compromised immune system or who had received a large dose of the organism due to proximity to the release point) will become ill with classical symptoms and signs (including a virtually unique chest X-ray finding, often recognized by public health officials if they receive timely reports).[114] The incubation period for humans is estimated to be about 11.8 days to 12.1 days. This suggested period is the first model that is independently consistent with data from the largest known human outbreak. These projections refine previous estimates of the distribution of early-onset cases after a release and support a recommended 60-day course of prophylactic antibiotic treatment for individuals exposed to low doses of anthrax.[115] By making these data available to local public health officials in real time, most models of anthrax epidemics indicate that more than 80% of an exposed population can receive antibiotic treatment before becoming symptomatic, and thus avoid the moderately high mortality of the disease.[114]
Common epidemiological warnings
[edit]From most specific to least specific:[116]
- Single cause of a certain disease caused by an uncommon agent, with lack of an epidemiological explanation.
- Unusual, rare, genetically engineered strain of an agent.
- High morbidity and mortality rates in regards to patients with the same or similar symptoms.
- Unusual presentation of the disease.
- Unusual geographic or seasonal distribution.
- Stable endemic disease, but with an unexplained increase in relevance.
- Rare transmission (aerosols, food, water).
- No illness presented in people who were/are not exposed to "common ventilation systems (have separate closed ventilation systems) when illness is seen in persons in close proximity who have a common ventilation system."
- Different and unexplained diseases coexisting in the same patient without any other explanation.
- Rare illness that affects a large, disparate population (respiratory disease might suggest the pathogen or agent was inhaled).
- Illness is unusual for a certain population or age-group in which it takes presence.
- Unusual trends of death and illness in animal populations, previous to or accompanying illness in humans.
- Many affected reaching out for treatment at the same time.
- Similar genetic makeup of agents in affected individuals.
- Simultaneous collections of similar illness in non-contiguous areas, domestic, or foreign.
- An abundance of cases of unexplained diseases and deaths.
Bioweapon identification
[edit]The goal of biodefense is to integrate the sustained efforts of the national and homeland security, medical, public health, intelligence, diplomatic, and law enforcement communities. Health care providers and public health officers are among the first lines of defense. In some countries private, local, and provincial (state) capabilities are being augmented by and coordinated with federal assets, to provide layered defenses against biological weapon attacks. During the first Gulf War the United Nations activated a biological and chemical response team, Task Force Scorpio, to respond to any potential use of weapons of mass destruction on civilians.
The traditional approach toward protecting agriculture, food, and water: focusing on the natural or unintentional introduction of a disease is being strengthened by focused efforts to address current and anticipated future biological weapons threats that may be deliberate, multiple, and repetitive.
The growing threat of biowarfare agents and bioterrorism has led to the development of specific field tools that perform on-the-spot analysis and identification of encountered suspect materials. One such technology, being developed by researchers from the Lawrence Livermore National Laboratory (LLNL), employs a "sandwich immunoassay", in which fluorescent dye-labeled antibodies aimed at specific pathogens are attached to silver and gold nanowires.[117]
In the Netherlands, the company TNO has designed Bioaerosol Single Particle Recognition eQuipment (BiosparQ). This system would be implemented into the national response plan for bioweapon attacks in the Netherlands.[118]
Researchers at Ben Gurion University in Israel are developing a different device called the BioPen, essentially a "Lab-in-a-Pen", which can detect known biological agents in under 20 minutes using an adaptation of the ELISA, a similar widely employed immunological technique, that in this case incorporates fiber optics.[119]
List of programs, projects and sites by country
[edit]United States
[edit]- Fort Detrick, Maryland

Researchers working in Class III cabinets at the US Army Biological Warfare Laboratories, Camp Detrick, Maryland (1940s). - Project Bacchus
- Project Clear Vision
- Project SHAD
- Project 112
- Horn Island Testing Station
- Fort Terry
- Granite Peak Installation
- Vigo Ordnance Plant
United Kingdom
[edit]- Porton Down
- Gruinard Island
- Nancekuke
- Operation Vegetarian (1942–1944)
- Open-air field tests:
- Operation Harness off Antigua, 1948–1950.
- Operation Cauldron off Stornoway, 1952.
- Operation Hesperus off Stornoway, 1953.
- Operation Ozone off Nassau, 1954.
- Operation Negation off Nassau, 1954–5.
Soviet Union and Russia
[edit]- Biopreparat (18 labs and production centers)
- Stepnogorsk Scientific and Technical Institute for Microbiology, Stepnogorsk, northern Kazakhstan
- Institute of Ultra Pure Biochemical Preparations, Leningrad, a weaponized plague center
- Vector State Research Center of Virology and Biotechnology (VECTOR), a weaponized smallpox center
- Institute of Applied Biochemistry, Omutninsk
- Kirov bioweapons production facility, Kirov, Kirov Oblast
- Zagorsk smallpox production facility, Zagorsk
- Berdsk bioweapons production facility, Berdsk
- Bioweapons research facility, Obolensk
- Sverdlovsk bioweapons production facility (Military Compound 19), Sverdlovsk, a weaponized anthrax center
- Institute of Virus Preparations
- Poison laboratory of the Soviet secret services
- Vozrozhdeniya
- Project Bonfire
- Project Factor
Japan
[edit]
- Unit 731
- Zhongma Fortress
- Kaimingjie germ weapon attack
- Khabarovsk War Crime Trials
- Epidemic Prevention and Water Purification Department
Iraq
[edit]- Al Hakum
- Salman Pak facility
- Al Manal facility
South Africa
[edit]Rhodesia
[edit]Canada
[edit]- Grosse Isle, Quebec, site (1939–45) of research into anthrax and other agents
- DRDC Suffield, Suffield, Alberta
List of associated people
[edit]Bioweaponeers:
- Includes scientists and administrators
- Shyh-Ching Lo[120][121]
- Kanatjan Alibekov, known as Ken Alibek[122]
- Ira Baldwin[123]
- Wouter Basson
- Kurt Blome[124]
- Eugen von Haagen[125]
- Anton Dilger[126]
- Paul Fildes[127]
- Arthur Galston (unwittingly)
- Kurt Gutzeit[128]
- Riley D. Housewright
- Shirō Ishii
- Elvin A. Kabat
- George W. Merck
- Frank Olson
- Vladimir Pasechnik[129]
- William C. Patrick III[130]
- Sergei Popov[131]
- Theodor Rosebury
- Rihab Rashid Taha[132]
- Prince Tsuneyoshi Takeda
- Huda Salih Mahdi Ammash
- Nassir al-Hindawi
- Erich Traub[133]
- Auguste Trillat
- Baron Otto von Rosen[134]
- Yujiro Wakamatsu
- Yazid Sufaat[citation needed]
Writers and activists:
- Jack Trudel[135]
- Daniel Barenblatt
- Leonard A. Cole
- Stephen Endicott
- Arthur Galston
- Jeanne Guillemin[136]
- Edward Hagerman
- Sheldon H. Harris[137]
- Nicholas D. Kristof
- Joshua Lederberg[138]
- Matthew Meselson[139]
- Toby Ord
- Richard Preston
- Ed Regis
- Mark Wheelis
- David Willman
- Aaron Henderson[citation needed]
In popular culture
[edit]See also
[edit]- Animal-borne bomb attacks
- Antibiotic resistance
- Asymmetric warfare
- Baker Island
- Bioaerosol
- Biological contamination
- Biological pest control
- Biosecurity
- Chemical weapon
- Counterinsurgency
- Discredited AIDS origins theories
- Enterotoxin
- Entomological warfare
- Ethnic bioweapon
- Herbicidal warfare
- Hittite plague
- Human experimentation in the United States
- John W. Powell
- Johnston Atoll Chemical Agent Disposal System
- List of CBRN warfare forces
- McNeill's law
- Military animal
- Mycotoxin
- Plum Island Animal Disease Center
- Project 112
- Project AGILE
- Project SHAD
- Rhodesia and weapons of mass destruction
- Trichothecene
- Well poisoning
- Yellow rain
References
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- ^ Leyendecker B, Klapp F (December 1989). "[Human hepatitis experiments in the 2d World War]". Zeitschrift für die Gesamte Hygiene und Ihre Grenzgebiete. 35 (12): 756–60. PMID 2698560.
- ^ Maksel R (14 January 2007). "An American waged germ warfare against U.S. in WWI". SF Gate. Archived from the original on 11 May 2011. Retrieved 7 March 2010.
- ^ Chauhan SS (2004). Biological Weapons. APH Publishing. p. 194. ISBN 978-81-7648-732-0.
- ^ Office of U.S. Chief of Counsel for the American Military Tribunals at Nurember, 1946. http://www.mazal.org/NO-series/NO-0124-000.htm Archived 1 May 2011 at the Wayback Machine
- ^ "Obituary: Vladimir Pasechnik". The Daily Telegraph. London. 29 November 2001. Archived from the original on 3 March 2010. Retrieved 8 March 2010.
- ^ "Anthrax attacks". Newsnight. BBC. 14 March 2002. Archived from the original on 7 April 2009. Retrieved 16 March 2010.
- ^ "Interviews With Biowarriors: Sergei Popov" Archived 18 June 2017 at the Wayback Machine, (2001) NOVA Online.
- ^ "US welcomes 'Dr Germ' capture". BBC. 13 May 2003. Archived from the original on 19 October 2006. Retrieved 8 March 2010.
- ^ Jackson PJ, Siegel J (2005). Intelligence and Statecraft: The Use and Limits of Intelligence in International Society. Greenwood Publishing Group. p. 194. ISBN 978-0-275-97295-0.
- ^ "Jamie Bisher, "Baron von Rosen's 1916 Anthrax Mission," 2014". Baron von Rosen's 1916 Anthrax Mission. Archived from the original on 13 April 2014. Retrieved 24 October 2014.
- ^ Trudel, Jack (January 2025). "Weaponization Risks of Mirror Bacteria: Feasibility, Consequences, and Mitigation Strategies". doi:10.13140/RG.2.2.14865.34401.
{{cite web}}: Missing or empty|url=(help) - ^ "MIT Security Studies Program (SSP): Jeanne Guillemin". MIT. Archived from the original on 28 November 2009. Retrieved 8 March 2010.
- ^ Lewis P (4 September 2002). "Sheldon Harris, 74, Historian of Japan's Biological Warfare". The New York Times. Archived from the original on 11 May 2011. Retrieved 8 March 2010.
- ^ Miller J (2001). Biological Weapons and America's Secret War. New York: Simon & Schuster. p. 67. ISBN 978-0-684-87158-5.
- ^ "Matthew Meselson – Harvard – Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs". Harvard. Archived from the original on 5 September 2008. Retrieved 8 March 2010.
Further reading
[edit]- Alibek K, Handelman S (2000). Biohazard: The Chilling True Story of the Largest Covert Biological Weapons Program in the World – Told from Inside by the Man Who Ran it. Delta. ISBN 978-0-385-33496-9.
- Almosara, Joel O. (1 June 2010). "Biotechnology: Genetically Engineered Pathogens". EVES Drift. Archived from the original on 3 December 2017. Retrieved 2 December 2017. Counterproliferation Paper No. 53, USAF Counterproliferation Center, Air University, Maxwell Air Force Base, Alabama, USA.
- Appel JM (July 2009). "Is all fair in biological warfare? The controversy over genetically engineered biological weapons". Journal of Medical Ethics. 35 (7): 429–32. doi:10.1136/jme.2008.028944. PMID 19567692. S2CID 1643086.
- Aucouturier E (2020). Biological Warfare: Another French Connexion. Matériologiques. ISBN 978-2-37361-239-4.
- Carus WS (2017). A Short History of Biological Warfare: From Pre-History to the 21st Century. US Defense Dept., National Defense University, Center for the Study of Weapons of Mass Destruction. ISBN 978-0-16-094148-1.
- Chaturvedi, Alok. "Live and Computational Experimentation in Bio-terror Response" (PDF). misrc.umn.edu Purdue Homeland Security Institute. Archived (PDF) from the original on 9 October 2022. Retrieved 28 February 2018.
- Chevrier MI, Chomiczewski K, Garrigue H, eds. (2004). The Implementation of Legally Binding Measures to Strengthen the Biological and Toxin Weapons Convention: Proceedings of the NATO Advanced Study Institute, Held in Budapest, Hungary, 2001. Vol. 150 of NATO science series: Mathematics, physics, and chemistry (illustrated ed.). Springer. ISBN 978-1-4020-2097-1.
- Croddy E, Wirtz JJ, eds. (2005). Weapons of Mass Destruction. ABC-CLIO. ISBN 978-1-85109-490-5.
- Crosby AW (1986). Ecological Imperialism: The Biological Expansion of Europe 900–1900. New York.
{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link) - Cross G (2017). Dirty War: Rhodesia and Chemical Biological Warfare, 1975–1980. Helion & Company. ISBN 978-1-911512-12-7.
- Davis JA, Schneider B (April 2002). The Gathering Biological Warfare Storm (2nd ed.). USAF Counterproliferation Center. Archived from the original on 24 November 2018. Retrieved 27 February 2018.
- Dembek Z, ed. (2007). Medical Aspects of Biological Warfare. Washington, DC: Borden Institute. Archived from the original on 27 August 2012. Retrieved 27 September 2010.
- Endicott S, Hagerman E (1998). The United States and Biological Warfare: Secrets from the Early Cold War and Korea. Indiana University Press. ISBN 978-0-253-33472-5.
- Fenn EA (2000). "Biological Warfare in Eighteenth-Century North America: Beyond Jeffery Amherst". Journal of American History. 86 (4): 1552–1580. doi:10.2307/2567577. JSTOR 2567577. PMID 18271127.
- Hersh S (1968). Chemical and biological warfare; America's hidden arsenal.
- Keith J (1999). Biowarfare in America. Illuminet Press. ISBN 978-1-881532-21-7.
- Knollenberg B (1954). "General Amherst and Germ Warfare". Mississippi Valley Historical Review. 41 (3): 489–494. doi:10.2307/1897495. JSTOR 1897495.
British war against Indians in 1763
- Leitenberg, Milton; Zilinskas, Raymond A. (2012). The Soviet Biological Weapons Program: A History. Harvard University Press. p. 921.
- Mangold T, Goldberg J (1999). Plague Wars: a true story of biological warfare. Macmillan, London. ISBN 978-0-333-71614-4.
- Maskiell M, Mayor A (January 2001). "Killer Khilats Part 1: Legends of Poisoned" Robes of Honour" in India". Folklore. 112 (1): 23–45. doi:10.1080/00155870120037920. S2CID 36729031.
- Maskiell M, Mayor A (January 2001). "Killer Khilats Part 2: Imperial collecting of poison dress legends in India". Folklore. 112 (2): 163–82. doi:10.1080/00155870120082218. S2CID 161373103.
- Mayor A (2009). Greek Fire, Poison Arrows & Scorpion Bombs: Biological and Chemical Warfare in the Ancient World (revised ed.). Overlook. ISBN 978-1-58567-348-3.
- National Academies of Sciences, Engineering, and Medicine (2018). Biodefense in the Age of Synthetic Biology. National Academies Press. doi:10.17226/24890. ISBN 978-0-309-46518-2. PMID 30629396. S2CID 90767286.
- Orent W (2004). Plague, The Mysterious Past and Terrifying Future of the World's Most Dangerous Disease. New York, NY: Simon & Schuster, Inc. ISBN 978-0-7432-3685-0.
- Pala C (12 January 2003). "Anthrax Island". The New York Times.
- Preston R (2002). The Demon in the Freezer. New York: Random House.
- Warner J, Ramsbotham J, Tunia E, Vadez JJ (May 2011). Analysis of the Threat of Genetically Modified Organisms for Biological Warfare. Washington, D.C.: National Defense University. Retrieved 8 March 2015.
- Wheelis, Mark (September 2002). "Biological Warfare at the 1346 Siege of Caffa". Emerging Infectious Diseases. 8 (9): 971–975. doi:10.3201/eid0809.010536. PMC 2732530. PMID 12194776.
- Woods JB, ed. (April 2005). USAMRIID's Medical Management of Biological Casualties Handbook (PDF) (6th ed.). Fort Detrick, Maryland: U.S. Army Medical Institute of Infectious Diseases. Archived from the original (PDF) on 9 June 2007.
- Zelicoff A, Bellomo M (2005). Microbe: Are we Ready for the Next Plague?. AMACOM Books, New York, NY. ISBN 978-0-8144-0865-0.
External links
[edit]- Biological weapons and international humanitarian law Archived 11 August 2010 at the Wayback Machine, ICRC
- WHO: Health Aspects of Biological and Chemical Weapons
- "Biological Warfare". National Library of Medicine. Archived from the original on 26 April 2017. Retrieved 28 May 2013.
- USAMRIID (Archived 5 June 2016 at the Wayback Machine)—U.S. Army Medical Research Institute of Infectious Diseases
Biological warfare
View on GrokipediaDefinition and Fundamentals
Classification of Biological Agents
Biological agents used in warfare or as potential bioterrorism threats are classified primarily by their risk to public health, ease of dissemination, mortality potential, and requirements for preparedness. The U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) employs a tiered system dividing agents into Categories A, B, and C based on these factors.[10] Category A agents pose the highest risk, characterized by high mortality, person-to-person transmissibility, ease of dissemination, potential for public panic, and need for specialized public health responses.[11] Examples include anthrax (Bacillus anthracis), botulism toxin (Clostridium botulinum), plague (Yersinia pestis), smallpox (variola major), tularemia (Francisella tularensis), and viral hemorrhagic fevers such as Ebola and Marburg.[12] Category B agents represent a moderate risk, being moderately easy to disseminate with lower mortality but higher morbidity rates, and often requiring enhanced surveillance.[10] They include brucellosis (Brucella spp.), epsilon toxin (Clostridium perfringens), glanders (Burkholderia mallei), Q fever (Coxiella burnetii), ricin toxin (Ricinus communis), and staphylococcal enterotoxin B.[11] Category C agents encompass emerging or engineered pathogens with potential for high-impact attacks through genetic modification or natural evolution, such as Nipah virus or hantaviruses, though they currently pose lower immediate threats.[13] Agents are also grouped by biological type, influencing their weaponization suitability: bacteria (e.g., anthrax spores for aerosol stability), viruses (e.g., smallpox for infectivity), rickettsia (e.g., Rickettsia prowazekii for typhus), fungi (rarely used but possible), and toxins (e.g., botulinum for lethality without replication).[1] Bacterial agents like anthrax are favored historically for environmental persistence, while viral agents require containment to prevent uncontrolled spread.[14] This dual classification aids in assessing strategic viability, with Category A agents historically researched by programs like the U.S. and Soviet bioweapons efforts due to their disruptive potential.[15]| Category | Key Characteristics | Select Examples |
|---|---|---|
| A | High mortality, easy dissemination, public health disruption | Anthrax (B. anthracis), Plague (Y. pestis), Smallpox (V. major)[12] |
| B | Moderate ease of use, lower lethality, surveillance needs | Ricin toxin, Q fever (C. burnetii), Brucellosis (Brucella spp.)[11] |
| C | Emerging threats, potential for enhancement | Nipah virus, Hantavirus, Tick-borne encephalitis virus[13] |
Weaponization Processes
The weaponization of biological agents converts pathogens or toxins from their natural state into deployable forms optimized for storage, dissemination, and maximum pathogenic effect on targets. This entails overcoming inherent biological fragilities, such as sensitivity to environmental factors like temperature, humidity, and UV radiation, which can degrade viability. Key challenges include achieving high yield without contamination, ensuring agent stability over time, and engineering particle sizes suitable for inhalation or other routes, typically 1-5 micrometers for aerosolized respiratory delivery.[16][17] Production begins with large-scale cultivation of the selected agent. Bacterial pathogens, such as Bacillus anthracis, are grown in fermenters using nutrient media under precise control of temperature, pH, and aeration, often yielding billions of organisms per liter after 24-48 hours of incubation. Viral agents require host cell cultures or embryonated eggs for propagation, while toxins like botulinum are extracted post-microbial growth. These methods scale from laboratory flasks to industrial bioreactors capable of processing thousands of liters, as demonstrated in historical state programs.[18][17] Processing follows to prepare the agent for dispersal. Harvesting involves centrifugation or filtration to separate biomass, followed by purification to remove impurities that could impair efficacy. Drying techniques, such as spray-drying or lyophilization, reduce moisture content to prevent spoilage, though agents often clump, necessitating milling into fine powders. Additives like silica or sugars serve as stabilizers to enhance aerosolization and longevity, preventing aggregation and maintaining infectivity during storage, which can last months to years under refrigerated conditions.[18][19] Final integration loads the formulated agent into munitions, such as cluster bombs or sprayers, calibrated for uniform release over target areas. Efficacy testing evaluates lethality, stability under dissemination stresses, and environmental persistence, often in contained facilities to simulate field conditions. Despite technical feasibility, weaponization demands specialized expertise and infrastructure, imposing barriers beyond mere acquisition of starter cultures.[17][3]Distinction from Other Weapons of Mass Destruction
Biological warfare utilizes living pathogens—such as bacteria, viruses, and fungi—or derived toxins that can self-replicate within infected hosts, enabling exponential amplification through secondary infections and potential epidemics.[20][21] This replication distinguishes biological agents from chemical weapons, which employ non-living toxic compounds that neither multiply nor propagate biologically; chemical effects are confined to the initial dispersal volume, concentration, and environmental persistence without host-mediated spread.[22][23] Nuclear weapons, by comparison, derive destructive power from fission or fusion reactions, producing immediate blast waves, thermal energy, and ionizing radiation that cause acute physical trauma and contamination independent of biological processes.[22] Key operational differences arise in onset, controllability, and attribution: biological agents typically exhibit incubation periods ranging from hours to weeks, delaying visible impacts and allowing covert use that may resemble endemic diseases, whereas chemical agents induce rapid physiological responses upon contact or inhalation, and nuclear events generate detectable signatures like electromagnetic pulses or seismic signals within seconds.[20][22] The infectious potential of biological weapons heightens risks of unintended blowback to perpetrators or allies via airborne or vector transmission, a vulnerability not inherent to chemical dispersal, which dissipates predictably, or nuclear strikes, which are self-contained in their yield.[21] Radiological weapons, involving non-fissile radioactive materials in dispersal devices, inflict damage through chronic radiation sickness but without the self-sustaining contagion of replicating pathogens.[22] These traits render biological warfare uniquely suited for asymmetric or deniable applications, as small quantities of agents can yield disproportionate casualties through natural multiplication, contrasting the resource-intensive production and delivery required for equivalent chemical or nuclear yields.[20][22] However, the unpredictability of pathogen evolution and environmental factors limits precision, unlike the more deterministic mechanics of chemical persistence or nuclear chain reactions.[21]Historical Development and Use
Pre-Modern Instances
One of the earliest recorded instances of potential biological warfare dates to the 14th century BC, when the Hittites reportedly drove rams infected with tularemia—a bacterial disease caused by Francisella tularensis—into enemy territories in Anatolia to spread the pathogen among opposing forces and livestock.[24] This action, described in Hittite cuneiform texts as invoking divine plague, aligns with epidemiological patterns of tularemia outbreaks in the region, though modern scholars debate whether the intent was deliberate weaponization or ritualistic.[25] In classical antiquity, the nomadic Scythians employed arrowheads coated with a mixture of viper venom, decomposed viper flesh, human blood, and dung to induce septic infections and rapid death in wounded enemies, as documented by Herodotus in the 5th century BC.[26] This toxin-based approach exploited natural bacterial contamination to amplify lethality beyond mechanical injury, representing an early form of biotoxin warfare effective against larger Persian armies due to the Scythians' hit-and-run tactics.[26] During the 1346 Siege of Caffa in Crimea, Mongol forces under Jani Beg catapulted corpses of soldiers who had died from bubonic plague over the Genoese-held walls, according to the contemporaneous account of notary Gabriele de' Mussi.[27] This act, intended to demoralize and infect defenders, is cited as a pioneering example of corpse-based dissemination, potentially accelerating plague transmission into the city and contributing to its role in the Black Death's spread to Europe via fleeing ships.[27] However, some historians question the reliability of de' Mussi's narrative, attributing the event more to opportunistic disease spread amid siege conditions than verified intentional biowarfare, given inconsistencies in primary sources and the challenges of aerosolizing Yersinia pestis from cadavers.[28] In 1763, during Pontiac's Rebellion, British commander Jeffery Amherst authorized the distribution of blankets and handkerchiefs contaminated with smallpox variola virus from infected patients at Fort Pitt to besieging Delaware and Shawnee warriors, as evidenced by correspondence between Amherst and Colonel Henry Bouquet.[29][30] This tactic, proposed to "try Every other method that can serve to Extirpate this Execreble Race," exploited the Native Americans' lack of immunity to variola major, resulting in localized outbreaks that weakened resistance without direct combat.[31] The strategy's efficacy stemmed from the virus's high transmissibility via fomites, though its broader impact was limited by existing regional smallpox circulation.[30]19th and Early 20th Century
The 19th century witnessed foundational scientific advances that theoretically enabled biological warfare by elucidating microbial causation of disease. Louis Pasteur's experiments in the 1860s demonstrated that specific microorganisms cause fermentation and spoilage, while his 1881 development of an anthrax vaccine highlighted pathogens' potential for controlled manipulation. Robert Koch isolated Bacillus anthracis as the anthrax agent in 1876 and Mycobacterium tuberculosis in 1882, culminating in his 1890 postulates—a criterion for linking microbes to diseases that facilitated targeted pathogen research. These developments shifted perceptions from miasma theory to germ theory, raising military interest in exploiting infections, though practical weaponization lagged due to dissemination challenges.[32] Documented attempts at deliberate biological attacks during this era were sporadic, small-scale, and ineffective, often relying on outdated transmission understandings. In the American Civil War (1861–1865), Confederate operatives, including physician Luke Pryor Blackburn, sought to disseminate yellow fever by shipping contaminated bedding and clothing from infected southern ports to northern Union cities, with a specific 1862 plot targeting Washington, D.C. These efforts yielded no outbreaks, as yellow fever requires mosquito vectors absent in cooler climates. Allegations also emerged of Confederates selling smallpox-tainted garments to Union troops, but no verifiable epidemics resulted.[32][33] An unconfirmed 1831 incident involved American traders allegedly distributing smallpox-contaminated tobacco or blankets to Pawnee tribes in the Great Plains, purportedly causing thousands of deaths, though evidence remains anecdotal and debated. In colonial contexts, such as British operations in India or Africa, disease outbreaks among locals were sometimes exacerbated by poor sanitation in camps, but deliberate pathogen deployment lacked substantiation beyond pre-19th-century precedents.[33] By the early 20th century (pre-1914), biological warfare transitioned from ad hoc sabotage to theoretical military doctrine, yet no formalized programs materialized. Discussions in European and American military circles, informed by microbiology, speculated on anthrax or glanders against livestock, but ethical conventions and technical hurdles—such as stable aerosolization—precluded action. Alleged Russian use of plague fleas during the 1904–1905 Russo-Japanese War was dismissed as natural epidemiology, with no forensic evidence. This era's restraint reflected incomplete science rather than absence of intent, setting the stage for World War I escalations.[33][32]World Wars and Interwar Period
During World War I, German agents employed biological sabotage targeting Allied livestock, inoculating horses and mules with Bacillus anthracis (anthrax) and Burkholderia mallei (glanders) before shipment to ports in the United States, France, Argentina, and Romania.[34] This program, initiated in 1915 under Anton Dilger, aimed to disrupt cavalry and transport capabilities, with documented cases including infected animals arriving at Newport News, Virginia, in 1917 and outbreaks among Argentine mules intended for Allied forces.[35] While the extent of human casualties remains unclear, the efforts marked an early systematic use of pathogens as weapons, though Allied veterinary measures limited widespread impact.[36] In the interwar period, biological weapons research expanded modestly in several nations amid fears of renewed conflict. Britain initiated preliminary studies in 1934 at Porton Down, focusing on defensive measures against potential aerial dissemination, while the United States conducted limited experiments until formalizing its program in 1943.[37] Japan, however, advanced aggressively; General Shiro Ishii established a biological warfare research facility near Harbin in occupied Manchuria in 1932, evolving into Unit 731 by 1936, where scientists cultured pathogens like plague, anthrax, and cholera for weaponization.[38] These efforts prioritized offensive capabilities, including vivisection on prisoners to study disease progression, reflecting Japan's imperial ambitions in Asia rather than European theater preparations.[24] World War II saw Japan's Unit 731 conduct the era's most extensive biological warfare operations, deploying plague-infected fleas via ceramic bombs over Chinese cities such as Ningbo in 1940 and Changde in 1941, resulting in thousands of civilian deaths from outbreaks.[39] Estimates attribute over 200,000 fatalities to these field tests and human experiments involving at least 3,000 victims subjected to pathogen exposure, frostbite simulations, and pressure chamber tests without anesthesia.[40] In contrast, Allied programs—initiated by the U.S. in spring 1943 under President Roosevelt's directive—emphasized research and production at facilities like Camp Detrick, producing anthrax bombs and botulinum toxin but refraining from battlefield deployment due to ethical concerns and retaliation fears.[41] Britain and Canada collaborated on similar defensive-oriented work, including tests on Gruinard Island with anthrax spores that rendered the site uninhabitable until decontamination in the 1980s, underscoring the dual-use risks without offensive escalation.[32] Germany maintained covert research but prioritized chemical weapons, with no verified large-scale biological attacks.[42]Cold War Era
During the Cold War, the United States maintained an offensive biological weapons program centered at Fort Detrick, Maryland, which had originated in 1943 and expanded amid fears of Soviet capabilities.[43] The program developed and stockpiled agents including anthrax, tularemia, Q fever, and botulinum toxin, alongside anti-crop agents like rice blast fungus, with production facilities capable of yielding thousands of kilograms annually by the 1960s.[44] Over 200 domestic open-air tests were conducted between 1949 and 1969 to assess vulnerabilities, including releases of bacteria over cities like San Francisco in 1950 and St. Louis in 1953-1954, which exposed civilian populations to simulants such as Serratia marcescens and zinc cadmium sulfide.[45] On November 25, 1969, President Richard Nixon renounced offensive biological weapons, ordering the destruction of all stockpiles by May 1972 and shifting focus to defensive research, citing the agents' "massive, unpredictable, and potentially uncontrollable consequences" that risked global epidemics.[46] [47] In contrast, the Soviet Union operated the world's largest biological weapons effort, encompassing both military and civilian fronts under organizations like Biopreparat, established in 1974 but building on interwar foundations.[48] Employing approximately 30,000 to 50,000 personnel across 52 facilities, the program weaponized over a dozen pathogens, including anthrax, plague, tularemia, and smallpox, and pioneered genetic engineering techniques such as recombinant DNA to enhance virulence and antibiotic resistance starting in the 1970s.[48] [49] Soviet efforts included aerosol testing on Vozrozhdeniye Island and production of tons of weaponized anthrax, with capabilities for rapid scaling to arm intercontinental ballistic missiles or aircraft bombs.[50] A pivotal incident revealing Soviet offensive activities was the Sverdlovsk anthrax outbreak on April 2, 1979, when an accidental release of weaponized Bacillus anthracis spores from a military microbiology facility (Compound 19) exposed downwind populations, resulting in at least 66 confirmed deaths and likely over 100 total from inhalation anthrax, predominantly among industrial workers.[51] Soviet authorities initially attributed the epidemic to contaminated meat, vaccinating livestock while suppressing human cases, but post-Cold War evidence, including autopsies showing inhalation patterns and strain analysis matching lab variants, confirmed a filter failure during production as the cause.[52] [53] This leak underscored the program's scale and risks, yet Soviet denial persisted until 1992 admissions by President Boris Yeltsin.[54] The United Kingdom, through its Porton Down facility, curtailed offensive biological research by the mid-1950s, transitioning to defensive measures and collaborative testing with the U.S. and Canada under the "Five Eyes" framework, including animal and simulant trials to counter perceived Soviet threats.[55] These efforts reflected broader Western alliances, but unilateral U.S. renunciation in 1969 influenced the 1972 Biological Weapons Convention, which the superpowers signed despite Soviet non-compliance.[38] Soviet programs continued covertly into the 1990s, highlighting asymmetries in adherence that strained arms control verification.[48]Post-Cold War and Contemporary Allegations
Following the 1991 Gulf War, United Nations Special Commission (UNSCOM) inspections revealed that Iraq had maintained an offensive biological weapons program since the 1980s, producing approximately 19,000 liters of botulinum toxin and 8,400 liters of anthrax spores by 1991, among other agents including aflatoxin and ricin.[56] UNSCOM's investigations, initiated in 1991, utilized circumstantial evidence such as procurement records and site visits to uncover concealed facilities at Al Hakam and Salman Pak, leading to the destruction of equipment and agent stocks by 1996, though full verification of Iraq's disclosures remained incomplete due to non-cooperation.[57] Iraq's program involved weaponization efforts, including filling warheads with anthrax and botulinum for Scud missiles, but no confirmed battlefield use occurred post-Cold War.[56] In the non-state actor domain, the Japanese cult Aum Shinrikyo developed the most extensive known biological weapons program by a non-governmental entity in the early 1990s, attempting to produce and deploy anthrax, botulinum toxin, and Q fever agents against Japanese targets.[58] Between 1993 and 1995, the group disseminated aerosolized botulinum toxin and anthrax spores in Tokyo and other sites, but these efforts failed due to ineffective culturing techniques and low pathogen viability, resulting in no confirmed casualties from biological agents despite killing 13 via sarin gas in 1995.[32] Japanese authorities dismantled the program after the sarin incident, seizing labs and cultures, highlighting vulnerabilities in non-state weaponization despite access to scientific expertise.[58] Russia inherited the Soviet Union's vast biological weapons infrastructure after 1991, including Biopreparat facilities capable of mass-producing weaponized plague, smallpox, and anthrax, prompting President Boris Yeltsin to decree its offensive program's termination in 1992.[50] However, U.S. and UK intelligence assessments through the 1990s and into the 2000s questioned full dismantlement, citing scientist defections like Ken Alibek's 1992 revelations of ongoing genetic engineering for antibiotic-resistant strains and undeclared stockpiles estimated at tens of tons.[50] No verifiable evidence of post-1991 offensive activities has emerged, though dual-use research at Vector and other sites persists under defensive pretexts, with compliance ambiguities noted in Biological Weapons Convention reviews.[59] Contemporary allegations surged during Russia's 2022 invasion of Ukraine, where Russian officials claimed U.S.-funded laboratories in Ukraine—numbering around 30 under a Defense Threat Reduction Agency cooperative program—were developing biological weapons targeting ethnic Russians via pathogens like African swine fever.[60] These assertions, presented at UN Security Council sessions, alleged violations of the Biological Weapons Convention through gain-of-function research on bat coronaviruses and tularemia, but lacked documentary proof and were refuted by U.S., Ukrainian, and UN officials, who described the labs as public health facilities for threat monitoring and outbreak response.[61] Independent verifications, including WHO inspections, found no bioweapons evidence, attributing Russian claims to disinformation tactics echoing Cold War-era tactics, though the episode underscored ongoing transparency challenges in dual-use biological research.[62] Syria's pre-2011 biological research infrastructure raised parallel suspicions of offensive potential, but confirmed allegations center on chemical weapons use rather than biological deployment.[63]Scientific and Technological Aspects
Pathogen Biology and Selection
Selection of pathogens for biological warfare hinges on their intrinsic biological attributes that maximize lethality, dissemination potential, and operational feasibility while minimizing detectability and countermeasures. Ideal agents exhibit high infectivity, defined as the minimal dose required to establish infection (e.g., an ID50 of 10-50 organisms for Francisella tularensis via aerosol), enabling efficient targeting of large populations from small quantities. Virulence, encompassing both morbidity and mortality rates, is prioritized; for instance, untreated pneumonic plague caused by Yersinia pestis yields case-fatality rates exceeding 90%, while botulinum toxin, a protein neurotoxin produced by Clostridium botulinum, inhibits neuromuscular transmission with an estimated human lethal dose of 1-3 ng/kg body weight intravenously.[64][1][65] Environmental stability is critical for survival during storage, dissemination, and post-release exposure to stressors like desiccation, temperature fluctuations, and ultraviolet radiation. Spore-forming bacteria such as Bacillus anthracis, responsible for anthrax, exemplify this trait: endospores remain viable for decades in soil and resist aerosolization challenges, with documented persistence in contaminated environments for over 40 years. Viruses like variola major (smallpox) demonstrate aerosol stability, retaining infectivity in fine droplets for hours, though they require host cellular machinery for replication, limiting autonomous survival outside vectors. Non-replicating toxins, such as ricin from Ricinus communis, offer indefinite shelf-life due to chemical stability absent in live pathogens. Transmissibility further enhances selection; agents capable of person-to-person spread, like measles virus or influenza strains, amplify epidemics, contrasting with non-transmissible agents like anthrax that rely solely on primary exposure.[66][14][64] Pathogen biology influences production scalability and host specificity. Bacteria and fungi can be cultured in fermenters yielding kilograms from laboratory strains, as with Brucella species grown in nutrient broths, whereas viruses necessitate cell cultures or embryonated eggs, increasing complexity but enabling genetic uniformity. Selection favors agents with extended incubation periods (e.g., 1-7 days for inhalational anthrax) to delay symptomatic onset and hinder early intervention, coupled with resistance to antibiotics or vaccines—such as engineered strains evading standard prophylaxis. Susceptibility of non-immune populations, absence of natural herd immunity, and low cross-protection from civilian vaccines (e.g., limited efficacy of older smallpox vaccines against aerosolized variola) are assessed empirically through animal models and historical outbreak data. These criteria, derived from microbial physiology and epidemiology, underscore why category A agents per U.S. classification—anthrax, plague, tularemia, botulism, smallpox, and viral hemorrhagic fevers—predominate in biowarfare considerations, balancing biological potency with logistical constraints.[65][3][67]Delivery and Dissemination Methods
Aerosol dissemination constitutes the most effective and commonly pursued method for delivering biological agents, enabling broad-area coverage through airborne particles optimized for inhalation and deep lung penetration. Particles sized 1-5 microns in diameter are ideal, as they resist rapid settling, evade upper respiratory clearance, and deposit in the alveoli to maximize infection rates for agents like Bacillus anthracis (anthrax) or Francisella tularensis (tularemia).[68] [69] Delivery platforms include crop-dusting aircraft, artillery shells, cluster bombs, or sprayers mounted on vehicles, with line-source (moving) or point-source (stationary) releases to exploit wind patterns for downwind propagation.[14] However, efficacy is constrained by environmental factors: ultraviolet radiation, desiccation, temperature fluctuations, and atmospheric pollution degrade agent viability, as evidenced by British tests in the 1950s where bacteria persisted over rural areas but inactivated rapidly over urban-industrial zones.[3] Vector-based dissemination employs infected arthropods, such as fleas carrying Yersinia pestis (plague), released via aerial drops or ground dispersal to facilitate mechanical or biological transmission. Japan's Unit 731 program in 1940-1942 exemplified this, dropping ceramic bombs filled with plague-infected fleas over Chinese cities like Ningbo (causing 106 deaths) and Quzhou (over 3,000 deaths), though containment failures led to unintended spread among Japanese forces.[33] Challenges include vector escape, short lifespan post-release, and dependency on ambient conditions for host-seeking behavior, rendering the method less predictable than pure aerosols for large-scale operations.[14] Contamination of food, water, or fomites offers covert, low-technology alternatives suited to sabotage or non-state actors, bypassing aerosol stability issues by leveraging direct ingestion or contact routes. Historical instances include the 1984 Rajneeshee cult's introduction of Salmonella typhimurium into Oregon salad bars, infecting 751 people, and Japan's 1942 Zhe-Gan campaign, where cholera, typhoid, and anthrax were poured into wells and food supplies.[33] The 2001 U.S. anthrax mailings disseminated refined B. anthracis spores via envelopes, achieving secondary aerosolization upon opening and causing 5 deaths through inhalation and cutaneous exposure.[33] Agents like Vibrio cholerae or Shigella spp. thrive in this mode due to environmental persistence in liquids, but dilution, purification systems, and detection limit scalability against prepared targets.[14] Advanced state programs, such as those in the U.S. and Soviet Union during the Cold War, integrated stabilizers and milling techniques into munitions for reliable aerosol output, contrasting with crude non-state attempts like Aum Shinrikyo's failed 1990s B. anthracis sprayer tests using avirulent strains.[33] Indoor dissemination via HVAC systems or nebulizers poses risks to enclosed populations, while rare injection methods, as in the 1978 ricin assassination of Georgi Markov via pellet gun, suit targeted eliminations rather than mass effects.[14] Overall, delivery success hinges on agent formulation to withstand dissemination stresses, with blowback risks and incubation delays complicating tactical use compared to conventional munitions.[3]Advances in Genetic Engineering and Synthetic Biology
Advances in genetic engineering have transformed the potential for biological warfare by enabling the targeted modification of pathogens to increase virulence, transmissibility, antibiotic resistance, or environmental stability. Early recombinant DNA techniques, pioneered in the 1970s, allowed the insertion of foreign genes into bacteria, such as adding toxin-producing capabilities or resistance markers, which Soviet programs reportedly exploited to engineer strains like antibiotic-resistant anthrax during the Cold War.[4][70] These methods laid the groundwork for weaponizing natural agents but were limited by imprecise editing and high technical barriers. The development of CRISPR-Cas9 in 2012 marked a pivotal advance, offering precise, cost-effective genome editing that democratizes pathogen manipulation. This system, derived from bacterial immune mechanisms, enables sequence-specific cuts and insertions in viral or bacterial genomes, facilitating gain-of-function modifications that enhance host range or lethality. For example, CRISPR has been applied to edit human viruses, potentially allowing alterations to evade immune responses or vaccines, though such experiments carry inherent biosecurity risks due to their dual-use nature.[71][72][73] Gain-of-function research, often conducted under biosafety protocols, has included serial passaging or genetic tweaks to boost transmissibility, as seen in studies on influenza and coronaviruses, but critics argue the risks of accidental release or misuse outweigh predictable benefits given alternative modeling approaches.[74][75] Synthetic biology further escalates these capabilities by enabling de novo pathogen creation from digital sequences, bypassing natural isolation. In 2002, researchers chemically synthesized poliovirus cDNA from its published genome, assembling oligonucleotides to produce infectious virus in a cell-free system, proving that viruses could be reconstructed without a natural template.[76][77] This milestone highlighted vulnerabilities in sequence databases, as public data could fuel bioweapon design. Building on this, in 2017–2018, scientists synthesized horsepox virus—an orthopoxvirus closely related to extinct smallpox—by ordering 10 DNA fragments (10–30 kb each) and assembling them in cells infected with a helper poxvirus, at a cost of about $100,000.[78][79] The experiment, intended to test vaccine platforms, underscored proliferation dangers, as similar methods could revive eradicated agents or design novel chimeras resistant to existing countermeasures.[80][81] These technologies converge to create "next-generation" bioweapons: stealthy, ethnically targeted, or self-replicating agents that challenge attribution and defense. Synthetic biology lowers entry barriers for non-state actors, as commercial gene synthesis services require minimal oversight, while AI integration could accelerate design.[82][83] Peer-reviewed analyses emphasize that while therapeutic applications abound, weaponization potential demands rigorous governance, including sequence screening and international norms, to mitigate existential risks without stifling innovation.[84][85] Despite claims in some security literature of imminent threats, empirical evidence shows no confirmed engineered bioweapon deployments to date, though dual-use experiments continue amid debates over moratoriums on high-risk gain-of-function work.[86][87]Entomological and Agricultural Applications
Entomological applications leverage insects as vectors to transmit pathogens to human, animal, or plant targets, exploiting their natural mobility and reproductive capacity for dissemination. Fleas infected with Yersinia pestis, the causative agent of plague, have been deployed via ceramic bombs or contaminated rodents to initiate epidemics, as demonstrated in historical programs where insects were bred in controlled environments and released to amplify disease spread through biting or environmental contamination.[88] Mosquitoes, capable of carrying arboviruses like yellow fever or malaria parasites, were researched for mass rearing and aerial dispersal, with late 1950s efforts emphasizing their potential for targeted incapacitation due to vectored pathogens' incubation periods allowing for covert operations.[89] Ticks and flies have similarly been evaluated for disseminating rickettsial diseases or trypanosomes, with technological focus on stabilizing insect-pathogen associations under varying climatic conditions to ensure viability post-release.[90] Agricultural applications extend biological warfare to disrupt food supplies by targeting crops and livestock with specialized agents, often integrating entomological vectors for enhanced propagation. Anti-crop efforts have prioritized fungal pathogens such as wheat stem rust (Puccinia graminis tritici), rye stem rust (P. graminis secalis), and rice blast (Pyricularia oryzae), which were produced and stockpiled by the United States from 1951 to 1969 for aerosol or ground-based delivery to induce widespread yield losses exceeding 50% in susceptible varieties.[91] Insect vectors like aphids or beetles facilitate transmission of plant viruses or bacteria, such as potato blight (Phytophthora infestans) or bacterial wilt, by mechanical transfer during feeding, amplifying damage through secondary infections in monoculture fields.[92] For livestock, agents like foot-and-mouth disease virus or rinderpest virus target ruminants, causing high morbidity rates—up to 100% in naive herds for rinderpest—via contaminated feed or insect-mediated spread, thereby collapsing meat and dairy production without immediate human casualties.[93] Delivery systems for these applications emphasize scalability and stealth, including cluster bombs for insect release or contaminated fodder dispersal for livestock pathogens, with entomological methods benefiting from insects' autonomous dispersal over kilometers.[88] Challenges include pathogen stability in vectors, influenced by temperature and humidity, and unintended blowback, though genetic selection of virulent strains has mitigated some variability in efficacy.[90] These approaches aim at economic attrition by denying sustenance, with historical programs underscoring their feasibility against agriculturally dependent adversaries.[94]State Programs and Capabilities
United States Initiatives
The United States biological weapons program began in response to intelligence on Axis capabilities during World War II. In June 1941, Secretary of War Henry L. Stimson directed the National Academy of Sciences to assess biological warfare feasibility, resulting in a report recommending defensive measures due to the potential for mass casualties from aerosolized pathogens.[95] President Franklin D. Roosevelt authorized offensive and defensive research in November 1942, initially coordinating through the Federal Security Agency's War Research Service before transferring oversight to the U.S. Army Chemical Warfare Service.[95] Fort Detrick in Frederick, Maryland—established as Camp Detrick in 1943—served as the program's central hub for research, pilot-scale production, and testing of agents including Bacillus anthracis (anthrax), Francisella tularensis (tularemia), Brucella species (brucellosis), Coxiella burnetii (Q fever), and Clostridium botulinum toxin.[95] By war's end, the facility had developed munitions prototypes, such as cluster bombs filled with anthrax simulants, through collaboration with British scientists on dissemination methods like the "cattle cake" bomb.[95] Postwar, the U.S. acquired data from Japan's Unit 731 experiments via immunity deals for its leaders, incorporating insights on plague and anthrax field trials without prosecutions.[96] The Cold War era saw program expansion under the Department of Defense, with Pine Bluff Arsenal in Arkansas handling full-scale production of filled munitions and Dugway Proving Ground in Utah conducting open-air tests.[96] Key agents weaponized included lethal antipersonnel strains of anthrax and tularemia, incapacitants like Venezuelan equine encephalitis virus, and anti-crop pathogens such as rice blast fungus; by 1969, stockpiles comprised approximately 220 pounds of anthrax paste and 23,000 botulinum toxin cartridges.[96][97] Large-scale simulant releases, including Operation Large Area Coverage (1957–1958) dispersing fluorescent particles over swaths of the Midwest and Operation Sea-Spray (1950) aerosolizing bacteria over San Francisco, validated aerosol delivery efficacy while raising undetected public exposure risks.[95] On November 25, 1969, President Richard Nixon unilaterally renounced offensive biological weapons in a public statement, directing the destruction of all agents, toxins, and delivery systems to eliminate first-use capabilities amid ethical concerns, verification challenges, and fears of escalation.[98] National Security Decision Memorandum 35 formalized this shift, retaining only defensive research for detection, immunization, and protective gear; stockpiles were incinerated or neutralized by May 1972, with facilities like Pine Bluff's BW plant decommissioned.[96] Post-renunciation initiatives emphasized biodefense, including Project Whitecoat (1954–1973), which volunteered over 2,300 conscientious objectors for safe-agent exposure studies to advance vaccines against tularemia and Q fever.[96] The U.S. Army Medical Research Institute of Infectious Diseases, activated at Fort Detrick in 1970, focused on countermeasures, later integrating into broader programs under the Biological Weapons Convention ratified in 1975.[99] While defensive work complied with treaty prohibitions on development and stockpiling, declassified records note isolated CIA retention of small toxin quantities into the 1970s, resolved through destruction orders.[96]Soviet Union and Russian Efforts
The Soviet Union's biological weapons program, initiated in the 1920s but expanded significantly after World War II, became the largest and most advanced offensive effort globally by the 1970s, operating in violation of the 1972 Biological Weapons Convention (BWC) which the USSR had ratified.[50] In 1974, the civilian-masked Biopreparat organization was established under the 15th Main Directorate of the Ministry of Defense to oversee research, development, and production of weaponized pathogens, employing approximately 50,000 personnel across at least 52 facilities and conducting genetic engineering to enhance virulence, antibiotic resistance, and environmental stability in agents such as anthrax (Bacillus anthracis), plague (Yersinia pestis), tularemia (Francisella tularensis), and hemorrhagic fevers like Marburg virus.[100] The program's code-named "Ferment" initiative focused on creating chimeric viruses and bacteria, including smallpox-venom toxin hybrids and antibiotic-resistant strains, with production capacities reaching tons of agent annually at sites like Sverdlovsk-19 and Vector.[101] A pivotal incident exposing the program's risks occurred on April 2, 1979, when an accidental release of weaponized anthrax spores from the militarized Compound 19 facility in Sverdlovsk (now Yekaterinburg) killed at least 66 civilians and infected 94 others downwind, with symptoms manifesting as inhalational anthrax rather than the gastrointestinal form claimed by Soviet authorities who attributed deaths to contaminated meat.[51] Independent autopsies and soil sampling in the 1990s, corroborated by defectors including Kanatjan Alibek (formerly Ken Alibek), first deputy director of Biopreparat, confirmed the airborne dispersal of a highly refined, non-encapsulated anthrax strain engineered for bioweapon use, highlighting systemic cover-ups and inadequate containment protocols.[52] Alibek's 1999 account detailed how the incident stemmed from a filter failure during routine production, yet the program accelerated afterward, producing smallpox variants and smallpox-Ebola recombinants by the late 1980s.[100] Following the USSR's dissolution in 1991, President Boris Yeltsin publicly acknowledged the offensive program's existence and ordered its termination in 1992, acceding to the BWC's verification protocol and permitting limited international inspections under the Trilateral Process with the United States and United Kingdom.[50] However, implementation faltered amid economic chaos, with reports of unsecured pathogen stockpiles, black-market sales of expertise to rogue states, and retention of dual-use facilities like the State Research Center of Virology and Biotechnology (Vector), which housed samples of weaponized smallpox until at least 1999.[49] Russian officials maintain that all offensive activities ceased and current research is purely defensive, but U.S. intelligence assessments through the 2000s cited ongoing genetic engineering under civilian institutes and proliferation risks from underpaid scientists.[48] In the post-Soviet era, Russia's biological efforts have emphasized "defensive" programs like the 2012 BIO-2020 strategy, investing millions in synthetic biology and pathogen modeling, while denying BWC violations amid mutual accusations during conflicts such as the 2022 Ukraine crisis, where Russia alleged U.S.-funded biolabs as offensive sites—a claim refuted by inspections revealing only public health functions.[102] Legacy concerns persist, including unverified stockpiles and advanced research at facilities like the 48th Central Scientific Research Institute, with defectors and declassified documents indicating incomplete dismantlement and potential for rapid reconstitution given retained expertise in aerosol delivery and genetic modification.[59][103]Japanese and Other Axis Powers Programs
The Japanese Imperial Army established a comprehensive biological warfare program in the 1930s, primarily through Unit 731, a covert research facility in Pingfang, near Harbin in occupied Manchuria, operational from 1936 to 1945.[104] Led by army surgeon general Shiro Ishii, the unit conducted extensive human experimentation on prisoners, including Chinese civilians, Soviet POWs, and others labeled as maruta (logs), involving vivisections without anesthesia, pathogen infections such as plague, anthrax, cholera, and typhoid, and tests on frostbite, pressure effects, and chemical agents.[39] At least 3,000 individuals were killed in facility experiments alone, with estimates of up to 10,000 prisoners subjected to lethal procedures.[105] Unit 731 developed delivery methods including contaminated water supplies, food, and ceramic bombs filled with plague-infected fleas disseminated via aircraft, culminating in field tests against Chinese populations. Notable attacks included plague releases over Ningbo in October 1940, causing outbreaks that killed over 100 civilians, and similar operations in Changde in 1941, where infected fleas and grain led to hundreds of deaths from plague and other diseases.[104] Overall, Japanese biological attacks in China are estimated to have caused between 200,000 and 580,000 deaths through induced epidemics, though precise attribution remains challenging due to wartime conditions and disease prevalence.[105] The program also explored entomological warfare, breeding fleas and other vectors on a massive scale, with facilities producing millions of plague-carrying insects.[106] In contrast, Nazi Germany's biological weapons efforts were limited and never progressed to operational deployment. Initiated in the early 1930s, the program focused on research into pathogens like anthrax and botulinum toxin but was curtailed by Adolf Hitler's aversion to biological agents, stemming from his World War I gas exposure, and ethical concerns among some scientists.[107] German scientists conducted animal tests and sabotage considerations, such as mosquito vectors, but produced no deployable weapons, adhering to the 1925 Geneva Protocol's prohibitions.[32] Italy's involvement in biological warfare during World War II was minimal, with no evidence of significant research or development programs comparable to those of Japan or even Germany. While Italy ratified the Geneva Protocol and possessed theoretical knowledge from interwar studies, wartime records indicate no offensive biological capabilities were pursued or employed.[32] Other Axis allies, such as Hungary and Romania, similarly lacked documented biological weapons initiatives. Postwar, the United States granted immunity to Shiro Ishii and key Unit 731 personnel in exchange for their research data, which informed American biodefense programs, while Japan conducted no formal trials for these atrocities until limited acknowledgments in the 1980s.[108]Programs in Iraq, South Africa, and Rhodesia
Iraq initiated its biological weapons program in the mid-1980s, focusing on the development and production of agents such as Bacillus anthracis (anthrax), botulinum toxin, and aflatoxin.[109] By 1990, the program had produced approximately 19,180 liters of concentrated botulinum toxin and 8,445 liters of anthrax spores, among other agents, with UNSCOM estimating actual output at two to four times Iraq's declared 12,500 liters of bulk agents.[110][109] Weaponization efforts included filling 25 al-Hussein missile warheads and 157 R-400 aerial bombs with these agents, tested at sites like al-Muhammadiyat between 1988 and 1991.[109] Iraq concealed the program's existence until 1995, following the defection of Hussein Kamal, and claimed unilateral destruction of stockpiles in 1991-1992; UNSCOM inspections from 1991 to 1998 verified partial dismantlement but uncovered ongoing concealment, with no evidence of active production after 1996.[111][109] South Africa's Project Coast, established in 1981 under the apartheid regime's South African Defence Force, encompassed chemical and biological warfare research primarily aimed at producing toxins for targeted assassinations and incapacitating agents for crowd control.[112] Managed by Dr. Wouter Basson, the program utilized front companies for covert procurement and development of biological substances, including efforts to synthesize poisons and defensive countermeasures against CBW threats.[112] While chemical agents dominated, biological research explored pathogens and toxins for operational use, though no large-scale deployment was documented; the program was phased out by 1995 amid political transition, with revelations from Basson's 1999-2002 trial exposing its scope and contributing to South Africa's accession to the Biological Weapons Convention in 1995.[112][113] During the Rhodesian Bush War (1965-1980), Rhodesian security forces, particularly the Selous Scouts, employed rudimentary chemical and biological methods against insurgents, including contaminating guerrilla-supplied clothing with parathion (an organophosphate insecticide) and food/water sources with thallium (a rodenticide), reportedly causing 1,500-2,500 combatant deaths.[114] Biological applications involved introducing cholera pathogens into insurgent water supplies in the early 1970s and deploying botulinum toxin, with claims of significant casualties though reliability remains uncertain due to limited documentation.[114] The 1978-1980 anthrax outbreak, affecting over 11,000 humans and killing hundreds of thousands of cattle, has been alleged as deliberate dissemination targeting livestock-dependent guerrillas, but evidence is inconclusive, with natural epizootic factors also plausible; Rhodesia denied BW use, framing operations as counterinsurgency necessities amid international isolation.[114][115] These tactics relied on commercially available materials rather than advanced production, reflecting resource constraints.[116]Current Proliferation Concerns in China, Iran, North Korea, and Syria
China's biological weapons program raises significant proliferation concerns due to its integration of advanced biotechnology with military objectives, potentially enabling the development of novel agents and delivery systems. The U.S. intelligence community's 2025 Annual Threat Assessment states that China most likely possesses capabilities relevant to chemical and biological warfare, including research on marine toxins like tetrodotoxin and saxitoxin, which could be weaponized for offensive purposes.[117] This assessment aligns with a 2024 U.S. Department of Defense report highlighting the People's Liberation Army's (PLA) expansion of dual-use biopharmaceutical facilities, such as those under the Academy of Military Medical Sciences, which conduct gain-of-function research on pathogens like influenza and coronaviruses under the guise of defensive preparedness.[118] U.S. officials have noted China's use of artificial intelligence to accelerate biological agent engineering, potentially bypassing traditional biological weapons constraints by creating targeted, stealthier pathogens.[119] These efforts, documented in State Department analyses from 2025, suggest a shift toward "biotechnological warfare" that evades the Biological Weapons Convention (BWC) through plausible deniability in civilian-military fusion initiatives.[120] Iran's biological weapons capabilities remain opaque but are viewed with concern due to its advanced pharmaceutical infrastructure and history of covert WMD pursuits, potentially enabling rapid scaling of offensive agents if strategic pressures mount. U.S. assessments indicate Iran possesses the biotechnology expertise—bolstered by facilities like the Pasteur Institute and Razi Vaccine and Serum Research Institute—to produce weaponizable pathogens such as anthrax and botulinum toxin, with missile delivery systems providing dissemination options.[121] Reports from 2025 highlight Iranian proxies in Syria operating biological research bases since at least 2013, focusing on anthrax production, which could facilitate proliferation to non-state actors or regional allies.[122] While Iran denies offensive intent and claims adherence to the BWC, evidence of dual-use activities, including aerosolization studies, persists, as noted in analyses suggesting an active or nascent chemical-biological-radiological program amid escalating regional conflicts.[123] Proliferation risks are heightened by Iran's collaborations with entities in Russia and North Korea, potentially exchanging bioweapons technology for ballistic missile components.[124] North Korea sustains a longstanding, covert biological weapons program despite BWC ratification in 1987, with proliferation concerns centered on its research into aerosolized delivery of agents like anthrax, plague, and smallpox, supported by over 10 dedicated facilities. A 2025 U.S. government report confirms Pyongyang's ongoing violation of international treaties through offensive BW development, including field testing and integration with artillery and sprayers for mass dissemination.[125] Intelligence estimates from the Arms Control Association indicate North Korea's capacity to produce thousands of kilograms of weaponized agents annually, drawing on pharmaceutical plants like the February 8 Vinal Factory, with evidence of human experimentation and export attempts to rogue actors.[126] These capabilities, assessed as operational since the 1990s, pose escalation risks in Korean Peninsula contingencies, particularly given North Korea's rejection of transparency measures and alliances enabling technology transfers.[127] Syria's suspected biological weapons program, though less documented than its chemical arsenal, evokes proliferation worries post-2013 disarmament efforts, with unverified research persisting amid civil war chaos and regime collapse risks. U.S. intelligence from 1988 onward has noted Syrian R&D into agents like botulinum toxin at facilities such as the Scientific Studies and Research Center, with capabilities potentially retained or reconstituted using dual-use labs for vaccine production.[128] A 2025 analysis warns that biological weapons dimensions have been largely ignored during chemical weapons destruction, leaving stockpiles or know-how vulnerable to proliferation by remnants of the Assad regime or non-state groups like ISIS affiliates.[129] The Arms Control Association profiles Syria as possessing suspected BW infrastructure, including pathogen cultivation and weaponization research, unaddressed by OPCW inspections focused on chemicals, heightening risks of transfer to Iranian proxies or terrorist networks in unstable post-Assad scenarios.[130]Non-State Actors and Bioterrorism
Historical Bioterror Incidents
In 1984, members of the Rajneeshee cult, led by Bhagwan Shree Rajneesh, deliberately contaminated salad bars at ten restaurants in The Dalles, Oregon, with Salmonella typhimurium to incapacitate voters and influence a local election in favor of cult-aligned candidates.[131] This attack sickened 751 individuals, marking the first confirmed bioterrorism incident in the United States, though no fatalities occurred due to the agent's low lethality.[131] The perpetrators cultured the bacteria in their facilities and applied it to food items, exploiting public health vulnerabilities in food service settings.[132] Investigations by the CDC and local authorities confirmed intentional contamination after initial misattribution to natural outbreak.[131] The Japanese apocalyptic cult Aum Shinrikyo conducted unsuccessful biological attacks in the early 1990s as part of its efforts to develop non-state bioweapons capabilities. In June 1993, cult members aerosolized a liquid suspension of Bacillus anthracis (anthrax) from the roof of a building in Kameido, Tokyo, targeting nearby residents, but the strain used was a veterinary vaccine variant lacking virulence, resulting in no confirmed illnesses or deaths.[133] Additional attempts involved botulinum toxin production and dissemination trials in Tokyo and other sites, which also failed due to technical deficiencies in agent cultivation, weaponization, and delivery systems.[58] Despite producing several liters of botulinum toxin and experimenting with other pathogens like Clostridium botulinum, the group's biological program yielded no successful mass-casualty outcomes, contrasting with their 1995 sarin chemical attack on the Tokyo subway.[58] Japanese authorities later uncovered evidence of these efforts post-arrests, highlighting challenges in non-state actor proficiency with biological agents.[133] Following the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks, letters containing anthrax spores (Bacillus anthracis) were mailed to media offices and U.S. senators, causing five deaths and infecting 17 others through inhalation and cutaneous exposure.[134] The spores, refined to a highly dispersible form (Ames strain), were processed to enhance aerosolization, contaminating postal facilities and leading to widespread environmental remediation.[134] The FBI's Amerithrax investigation, concluded in 2010, attributed the attacks to Bruce Ivins, a microbiologist at the U.S. Army Medical Research Institute of Infectious Diseases, who died by suicide before charges; genetic analysis linked the spores to his lab flask.[135] This incident exposed vulnerabilities in domestic mail systems and prompted enhanced biosecurity measures, including select agent regulations.[135]Capabilities of Extremist Groups
Extremist groups have demonstrated limited but notable capabilities in acquiring, producing, and attempting to deploy biological agents, primarily through recruitment of technical experts and establishment of clandestine laboratories. The Japanese cult Aum Shinrikyo operated the most extensive non-state biological weapons program uncovered to date, beginning in the early 1990s, where it recruited microbiologists and built facilities capable of culturing pathogens such as Bacillus anthracis (anthrax) and Clostridium botulinum (botulinum toxin).[58] [136] The group produced quantities of anthrax spores estimated at up to 5 liters of culture and aerosolized botulinum toxin in failed dissemination tests, highlighting rudimentary weaponization efforts despite ultimate operational shortcomings.[58] Al-Qaeda pursued biological capabilities in the late 1990s and early 2000s, recruiting biologists including a Pakistani expert in 1999 to develop agents in a Kandahar laboratory and directing efforts toward anthrax under Ayman al-Zawahiri's oversight.[137] [138] Evidence from post-2001 interrogations and site inspections revealed research into crude production methods, such as fermenters for bacterial growth, though no verified successful deployments occurred.[139] Similarly, the Rajneeshee cult in 1984 demonstrated low-technology capabilities by culturing Salmonella typhimurium in a rented facility and contaminating salad bars in Oregon, infecting 751 individuals in the largest recorded bioterrorism incident prior to 2001.[32] Advances in synthetic biology and accessible biotechnology tools have potentially expanded capabilities for smaller extremist cells, enabling gene editing and pathogen synthesis via commercial DNA synthesizers and open-source protocols.[86] Groups with ideological motivations, such as apocalyptic sects, could leverage these for enhanced virulence or antibiotic resistance in agents like anthrax or plague, as assessed in U.S. intelligence evaluations of non-state threats.[140] However, documented successes remain confined to basic culturing and contamination tactics, with acquisition often relying on theft from laboratories, veterinary sources, or mail-order cultures rather than advanced engineering.[141]- Acquisition and Production: Extremists have sourced pathogens from academic or commercial suppliers, as Aum did with anthrax strains, or through insider recruitment, enabling small-scale fermentation in hidden labs.[58]
- Weaponization Attempts: Efforts include aerosol sprayers and crop duster adaptations, tested by Aum for botulinum dispersal over Tokyo, though efficacy was undermined by agent instability.[136]
- Dissemination Methods: Low-tech vectors like food adulteration (Rajneeshees) or planned releases in enclosed spaces predominate, contrasting with state-level sophistication.[32]
