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Multiculturalism
Multiculturalism
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Countries ranked by ethnic and cultural diversity level; blue is lower and orange is higher.[1]

Multiculturalism is the coexistence of multiple cultures. The word is used in sociology, in political philosophy, and colloquially. In sociology and everyday usage, it is usually a synonym for ethnic or cultural pluralism[2] in which various ethnic and cultural groups exist in a single society. It can describe a mixed ethnic community area where multiple cultural traditions exist or a single country. Groups associated with an indigenous, aboriginal or autochthonous ethnic group and settler-descended ethnic groups are often the focus.[3]

In reference to sociology, multiculturalism is the end-state of either a natural or artificial process (for example: legally controlled immigration) and occurs on either a large national scale or on a smaller scale within a nation's communities. On a smaller scale, this can occur artificially when a jurisdiction is established or expanded by amalgamating areas with two or more different cultures (e.g. French Canada and English Canada). On a large scale, it can occur as a result of either legal or illegal migration to and from different jurisdictions around the world.

In reference to political science, multiculturalism can be defined as a state's capacity to effectively and efficiently deal with cultural plurality within its sovereign borders. Multiculturalism as a political philosophy involves ideologies and policies which vary widely.[4] It has been described as a "salad bowl" and as a "cultural mosaic",[5] in contrast to a "melting pot".[6]

History

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Prevalence of multiculturalism over time

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According to migration researcher Hein de Haas, it is a myth that current societies are more diverse than ever. The idea that the current society is an exceptionally diverse one is based on a distorted image of past societies, in which historical diversity is often overlooked. Historical waves of migration have led to levels of diversity that are comparable to or even greater than those of today. European countries such as the United Kingdom, France, Germany, and the Netherlands have long-standing diverse societies due to colonial migration, labor migration, and flows of refugees.[7]

States that embody multicultural ideals have arguably existed since ancient times. The Achaemenid Empire founded by Cyrus the Great followed a policy of incorporating and tolerating various cultures.[8]

The Holy Roman Empire during the High Middle Ages. Before the rise of nation-states in the 16th century, local and regional identities in Europe were strong, with each region and town having its own dialect, customs, and traditions.
Ethnographic map of the Austro-Hungarian Empire (1910)

Europe has historically known great diversity in terms of ethnic, linguistic, and religious groups, far outnumbering the number of nation-states. Local and regional identities were strong, with each region and town having its own dialect, customs, and traditions. From the 16th century larger nation states were formed. This process gained momentum after the French Revolution and consolidated in the 19th century.[7]

The Habsburg monarchy, which existed from 1282 to 1918, stood in contrast to the emerging trend of nation-state formation in Europe. It encompassed a mosaic of languages, religions, and regional identities, resisting the centralizing and homogenizing tendencies that characterized nation-state development elsewhere. Today's topical issues such as social and cultural differentiation, multilingualism, competing identity offers or multiple cultural identities have already shaped the scientific theories of many thinkers of this multi-ethnic empire.[9]

Especially since the 19th century societies in Europe and North America have become culturally more homogeneous due to the consolidation of the nation-state. Governments promoted national identities through education, conscription, and the standardization of languages. In France, for instance, the promotion of French led to the decline of regional languages such as Breton and Occitan. Likewise, in Western Europe, the use of many local dialects decreased. In addition, the rigid religious divides in Western countries softened due to the declining influence of organized religion and the advance of secularization. This pattern repeated itself elsewhere in Europe and North America, where national unification was accompanied by cultural homogenization.[7]

In the 19th century, millions of people from diverse ethnic and religious backgrounds migrated to the United States and Europe, in search of better economic opportunities or to escape persecution. The U.S. was a melting pot of groups such as Irish, Italian, Chinese, German, and Jewish immigrants, who were often initially perceived as threats to the national identity. At the beginning of the 20th century, 14.7% of the U.S. population were immigrants, a percentage that corresponds to current levels.[7]

Nationalism further accelerated cultural homogenization in the 20th century. For example after World War I, much of the former ethnic diversity in the area of the former Habsburg monarchy disappeared. Under the influence of nationalist ideologies, ethnic minorities were disadvantaged, forced to emigrate or even murdered in most regions in the area of the former Habsburg monarchy due to the prevailing nationalism at the time. In many areas, these ethnic mosaics no longer exist today. The ethnic mix of that time can only be experienced in a few areas, such as in the former Habsburg port city of Trieste.[10]

Globalization has further reduced cultural differences. The emergence of an increasingly global youth culture in the 1920s, which accelerated significantly from the 1950s onward, made it easier for young people around the world to find shared reference points in food, music, film, literature, and other forms of artistic expression. International travel and the rise of television and the internet promoted the development of both national and international culture. The spread of English as a global language, Hollywood films, and the universal availability of fast-food chains such as McDonald's are all signs of a world becoming increasingly culturally homogeneous. Although urban areas tend to show greater ethnic diversity, the variation between regions and countries has declined, which is often seen as a loss of cultural diversity.[7]

Homogenization is taking place worldwide, with the decline of minority languages being a major indicator of this trend. It is estimated that every two weeks a language disappears along with its last speaker. Since language is a crucial carrier of culture, identity, and shared understanding, the significance of this development is substantial.[7]

Multiculturalism in modern government policy

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The term multiculturalism is most often used in reference to Western nation-states, which had seemingly achieved a de facto single national identity during the 18th and/or 19th centuries.[11] Multiculturalism has been official policy in several Western nations since the 1970s, for reasons that varied from country to country,[12][13][14] including the fact that many of the great cities of the Western world are increasingly made of a mosaic of cultures.[15]

The Canadian government has often been described as the instigator of multicultural ideology because of its public emphasis on the social importance of immigration.[16][17] The Canadian Royal Commission on Bilingualism and Biculturalism is often referred to as the origins of modern political awareness of multiculturalism.[18] Canada has provided provisions to the French-speaking majority of Quebec, whereby they function as an autonomous community with special rights to govern the members of their community, as well as establish French as one of the official languages. In the Western English-speaking countries, multiculturalism as an official national policy started in Canada in 1971, followed by Australia in 1973 where it is maintained today.[19][20][21][22] Recently, right-of-center governments in several European Union states – notably the Netherlands and Denmark – have reversed the national policy and returned to an official monoculturalism.[23] A similar reversal is the subject of debate in the United Kingdom, among others, due to evidence of incipient segregation and anxieties over "home-grown" terrorism.[24] Several heads-of-state or heads-of-government have expressed doubts about the success of multicultural policies: The United Kingdom's ex-Prime Minister David Cameron, German Chancellor Angela Merkel, Australia's ex-prime minister John Howard, Spanish ex-prime minister José María Aznar and French ex-president Nicolas Sarkozy have voiced concerns about the effectiveness of their multicultural policies for integrating immigrants.[25][26]

Many nation-states in Africa, Asia, and the Americas are culturally diverse and are 'multicultural' in a descriptive sense. In some, ethnic communalism is a major political issue. The policies adopted by these states often have parallels with multiculturalist policies in the Western world, but the historical background is different, and the goal may be a mono-cultural or mono-ethnic nation-building – for instance in the Malaysian government's attempt to create a 'Malaysian race' by 2020.[27]

Impact according to research

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People of Indian origin have been able to achieve a high demographic profile in India Square, Jersey City, New Jersey, US, known as Little Bombay,[28] home to the highest concentration of Indians in the Western Hemisphere[29] and one of at least 24 enclaves characterized as a Little India which have emerged within the New York City Metropolitan Area, with the largest metropolitan Indian population outside Asia, as large-scale immigration from India continues into New York City,[30][31] through the support of the surrounding community.

According to migration researcher Hein de Haas, research anno 2023 shows that there is no systematic relationship between levels of immigration or ethnic diversity and social cohesion or trust. Studies show that factors such as economic inequality and trust in government are much more important for social cohesion than diversity. In countries and regions where income inequality is low and where people trust their government, social cohesion remains strong even with high levels of diversity. Canada and Australia, for example, are countries with high levels of immigration and diversity, but also with stable and well-functioning societies. On the other hand, hate speech toward minority groups by politicians can reduce social cohesion. So diversity as such does not undermine social cohesion, hate speech by politicians does.[32]

In a study concluded in 2007, Harvard professor of political science Robert D. Putnam conducted a nearly decade-long study on how multiculturalism affects social trust.[33] He surveyed 26,200 people in 40 American communities, finding that when the data were adjusted for class, income and other factors, the more racially diverse a community is, the greater the loss of trust. People in diverse communities "don't trust the local mayor, they don't trust the local paper, they don't trust other people and they don't trust institutions," writes Putnam.[34] In the presence of such ethnic diversity, Putnam maintains that, "[W]e hunker down. We act like turtles. The effect of diversity is worse than had been imagined. And it's not just that we don't trust people who are not like us. In diverse communities, we don't trust people who do not look like us".[33] Putnam has also stated, however, that "this allergy to diversity tends to diminish and to go away... I think in the long run we'll all be better."[35] Putnam denied allegations he was arguing against diversity in society and contended that his paper had been "twisted" to make a case against race-conscious admissions to universities. He asserted that his "extensive research and experience confirm the substantial benefits of diversity, including racial and ethnic diversity, to our society."[36]

In a 2003 book On Genetic Interests, Ethnologist Frank Salter writes:

Relatively homogeneous societies invest more in public goods, indicating a higher level of public altruism. For example, the degree of ethnic homogeneity correlates with the government's share of gross domestic product as well as the average wealth of citizens. Case studies of the United States, Africa and South-East Asia find that multi-ethnic societies are less charitable and less able to cooperate to develop public infrastructure. Moscow beggars receive more gifts from fellow ethnics than from other ethnies [sic]. A recent multi-city study of municipal spending on public goods in the United States found that ethnically or racially diverse cities spend a smaller portion of their budgets and less per capita on public services than do the more homogeneous cities.[37]

Research psychologist Kenan Malik has criticized the views of Frank Salter, arguing that the main issue with Salter’s argument is not so much the politically sensitive aspects, but rather the points he shares with broader debates on the evolution of ethnocentrism and identity politics. Malik argues that Salter pays insufficient attention to historical context. In Salter’s view group differences are portrayed as a constant and universal feature of human nature. Malik argues that this approach can lead to a distorted interpretation of empirical data. Malik also criticized the theory of ethnic nepotism, and argued that the field studies of favoritism shown to beggars of the benefactor's ethnic group are best explained by cultural factors.[38]

While there is research that suggests that ethnic diversity increases chances of war, lower public goods provision and decreases democratization, there is also research that shows that ethnic diversity in itself is not detrimental to peace,[39][40] public goods provision[41][42] or democracy.[43] Rather, it was found that promoting diversity actually helps in advancing disadvantaged students.[44] A 2018 study in the American Political Science Review cast doubts on findings that ethnoracial homogeneity led to greater public goods provision.[45] A 2015 study in the American Journal of Sociology challenged past research showing that racial diversity adversely affected trust.[46]

Racial and ethnic labels can have a significant impact: non-minorities primed to think of themselves as White (versus European American) were subsequently less in favor of multiculturalism and were more racially prejudiced.[47] This was due to decreases in identification with ethnic minorities.[47]

The contact hypothesis in sociology is a well-documented phenomenon in which cooperative interactions with those from a different group than one's own reduce prejudice and inter-group hostility.

Opinions

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Support

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The Monument to Multiculturalism in Toronto, Canada. Four identical sculptures are located in East London (South Africa), in Changchun (China), in Sarajevo (Bosnia and Herzegovina), and in Sydney (Australia).

Multiculturalism is seen by its supporters as a fairer system that allows people to truly express who they are within a society, that is more tolerant and that adapts better to social issues.[48] They argue that culture is not one definable thing based on one race or religion, but rather the result of multiple factors that change as the world changes.

Historically, support for modern multiculturalism stems from the changes in Western societies after World War II, in what Susanne Wessendorf calls the "human rights revolution", in which the horrors of institutionalized racism and ethnic cleansing became almost impossible to ignore in the wake of the Holocaust; with the collapse of the European colonial system, as colonized nations in Africa and Asia successfully fought for their independence and pointed out the discriminatory underpinnings of the colonial system; and, in the United States in particular, with the rise of the civil rights movement, which criticized ideals of assimilation that often led to prejudices against those who did not act according to Anglo-American standards and which led to the development of academic ethnic studies programs as a way to counteract the neglect of contributions by racial minorities in classrooms.[49][50] As this history shows, multiculturalism in Western countries was seen to combat racism, to protect minority communities of all types, and to undo policies that had prevented minorities from having full access to the opportunities for freedom and equality promised by the liberalism that has been the hallmark of Western societies since the Age of Enlightenment.

Will Kymlicka argues for "group differentiated rights", that help both religious and cultural minorities operate within the larger state as a whole, without impinging on the rights of the larger society. He bases this on his opinion that human rights fall short in protecting the rights of minorities, as the state has no stake in protecting the minorities.[51]

C. James Trotman argues that multiculturalism is valuable because it "uses several disciplines to highlight neglected aspects of our social history, particularly the histories of women and minorities [...and] promotes respect for the dignity of the lives and voices of the forgotten.[52] By closing gaps, by raising consciousness about the past, multiculturalism tries to restore a sense of wholeness in a postmodern era that fragments human life and thought."[52]

Tariq Modood argues that in the early years of the 21st century, multiculturalism "is most timely and necessary, and [...] we need more not less", since it is "the form of integration" that (1) best fits the ideal of egalitarianism, (2) has "the best chance of succeeding" in the "post-9/11, post 7/7" world, and (3) has remained "moderate [and] pragmatic".[53]

Bhikhu Parekh counters what he sees as the tendencies to equate multiculturalism with racial minorities "demanding special rights" and to see these as promoting a "thinly veiled racis[m]". Instead, he argues that multiculturalism is in fact "not about minorities" but "is about the proper terms of the relationship between different cultural communities", which means that the standards by which the communities resolve their differences, e.g., "the principles of justice" must not come from only one of the cultures but must come "through an open and equal dialogue between them."[54]

Balibar characterizes criticisms of multiculturalism as "differentialist racism", which he describes as a covert form of racism that does not purport ethnic superiority as much as it asserts stereotypes of perceived "incompatibility of life-styles and traditions".[55]

Criticism

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Critics of multiculturalism often debate whether the multicultural ideal of benignly co-existing cultures that interrelate and influence one another, and yet remain distinct, is sustainable, paradoxical, or even desirable.[56][57][58] It is argued that nation states, who would previously have been synonymous with a distinctive cultural identity of their own, lose out to enforced multiculturalism and that this ultimately erodes the host nations' distinct culture.[59]

Sarah Song views cultures as historically shaped entities by its members, and that they lack boundaries due to globalization, thereby making them stronger than others might assume.[60] She goes on to argue against the notion of special rights as she feels cultures are mutually constructive, and are shaped by the dominant culture. Brian Barry advocates a difference-blind approach to culture in the political realm and he rejects group-based rights as antithetical to the universalist liberal project, which he views as based on the individual.[61]

Susan Moller Okin, a feminist professor of political philosophy, argued in 1999, in "Is multiculturalism bad for women?", that the principle that all cultures are equal means that the equal rights of women in particular are sometimes severely violated.[62]

Dick Lamm, former three-term Democratic governor of the US state of Colorado, argued that "diverse peoples worldwide are mostly engaged in hating each other—that is, when they are not killing each other. A diverse, peaceful, or stable society is against most historical precedent."[63]

The American classicist Victor Davis Hanson used the perceived differences in "rationality" between Moctezuma and Cortés to argue that Western culture was superior to every culture in the entire world, which thus led him to reject multiculturalism as a false doctrine that placed all cultures on an equal footing.[64]

In New Zealand (Aotearoa), which is officially bi-cultural, multiculturalism has been seen as a threat to the Māori as an attempt by the New Zealand Government to undermine Māori demands for self-determination and encourage assimilation.[65]

Far-right sympathisers have been shown to increasingly take part in a multitude of online discursive efforts directed against global brands' multicultural advertisements.[66]: 477 

Americas

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Argentina

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Russian Orthodox Cathedral of the Most Holy Trinity in Buenos Aires

The preamble of Argentina's constitution explicitly promotes immigration and recognizes multiple citizenships held by its citizens. Though 97% of Argentina's population self-identify as of European descent and mestizo[67] to this day a high level of multiculturalism remains a feature of Argentina's culture,[68][69] allowing foreign festivals and holidays (e.g. Saint Patrick's Day), supporting all kinds of art or cultural expressions from ethnic groups, as well as their diffusion through an important multicultural presence in the media. In Argentina there are recognized regional languages Guaraní in Corrientes,[70] Quechua in Santiago del Estero,[71] Qom, Mocoví, and Wichí in Chaco.[72] According to the National Institute for Indigenous Affairs published on its website, there are 1,779 registered indigenous communities in Argentina, belonging to 39 indigenous peoples.[73][74]

Bolivia

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Bolivia is a diverse country made up of 36 different types of indigenous groups.[75] Over 62% of Bolivia's population falls into these different indigenous groups, making it the most indigenous country in Latin America.[76] Out of the indigenous groups the Aymara and the Quechua are the largest.[75] The latter 30% of the population is a part of the mestizo, which are a people mixed with European and indigenous ancestry.[76] Bolivia's political administrations have endorsed multicultural politics and in 2009 Bolivia's Constitution was inscribed with multicultural principles.[77] The Constitution of Bolivia recognizes 36 official languages besides Spanish, each language has its own culture and indigenous group.[78] Bolivian culture is celebrated across the country and has heavy influences from the Aymara, the Quechua, the Spanish, and other popular cultures from around Latin America.

Brazil

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House with elements of people from different countries, including Russians and Germans, in Carambeí, south of the country, a city of Dutch majority

Brazil has been known to acclaim multiculturalism and has undergone many changes regarding this in the past few decades. Brazil is a controversial country when it comes to defining a multicultural country.[79] There are two views: the Harvard Institute of Economic Research points to the fact that Brazil has a large mixed-race population, while researcher Erkan Gören of the University of Oldenburg notes that virtually all Brazilians speaks Portuguese.[79]

Cities such as São Paulo are home to migrants from Japan, Italy, Lebanon, Portugal, and Africa.[80] There is a multicultural presence in this city, and this is prevalent throughout Brazil. Furthermore, Brazil is a country that has made great strides to embrace migrant cultures. There has been increased awareness of anti-blackness and active efforts to combat racism. However, there is still a lack of school engagement in these matters.[81]

Canada

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Sikhs celebrating the Sikh new year in Toronto, Canada

Canadian society is often depicted as being "very progressive, diverse, and multicultural," or a just society that formally acknowledges several different cultures and beliefs.[82][83] Multiculturalism, however, is a misnomer often misidentified as a societal ideal with its associated natural moral sensitivity, whereas it functions as a political instrument for diversity management under official policy.[84][85] Multiculturalism was adopted as the official policy of the Canadian government during the premiership of Pierre Elliott Trudeau in the 1970s and 1980s, influenced by factors such as the militant politics of Québécois nationalism, rising Indigenous discontent over the assimilationist policies outlined in the 1969 White Paper, the threat of American cultural annexation, the need to secure ethnic votes in immigrant-rich urban centers, and the appeasement of other European ethnic groups.[86][87]

Multiculturalism is reflected in the law through the Canadian Multiculturalism Act[88] and section 27 of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms.[89] Canadian multiculturalism is often seen as cherishing immigrant ways of life from outside the country, and as such, it is looked upon with admiration resulting in dismissing of most critics of the concept.[90][91] The Broadcasting Act of 1991 asserts the Canadian broadcasting system should reflect the diversity of cultures in the country.[92][93] This conceptual transition of multiculturalism is also reflected in Canada's official discourse, where attitudes about "multiculturalism" have shifted to focus on "diversity," driven by increasing immigration rates. It now emphasizes Canada's growing multicultural makeup and the diversity of ethnic and racial groups within the country adhering to a politics of recognition, rather than a politics of interrogation that could have been instrumental in addressing dominant power dynamics and the privileges that affect marginalized groups.[94] Multiculturalism in Canada is often globally recognized as one of the country's significant accomplishments in diversity management, and a key distinguishing element of Canadian national identity.[85][95]

In a 2002 interview with The Globe and Mail, Karīm al-Hussainī, the 49th Aga Khan of the Ismaili Muslims, described Canada as "the most successful pluralist society on the face of our globe", citing it as "a model for the world".[96] He explained that the experience of Canadian governance—its commitment to pluralism and its support for the rich multicultural diversity of its people—is something that must be shared and would be of benefit to all societies in other parts of the world.[96] The Economist ran a cover story in 2016 praising Canada as the most successful multicultural society in the West.[97] The Economist argued that Canada's multiculturalism was a source of strength that united the diverse population and by attracting immigrants from around the world was also an engine of economic growth as well.[97] The influence of the transitioned ideology of multiculturalism in the public sphere has led many public and private groups in Canada to work toward supporting both multiculturalism and recent immigrants to Canada.[98] In an effort to support recent Filipino immigrants to Alberta, for example, one school board partnered with a local university and an immigration agency to support these new families in their school and community.[99]

Mexico

[edit]
Teotihuacan

Mexico has historically always been a multicultural country. After the betrayal of Hernán Cortés to the Aztecs, the Spanish conquered the Aztec Empire and colonized indigenous people. They influenced the indigenous religion, politics, culture and ethnicity.[citation needed] The Spanish opened schools in which they taught Christianity, and the Spanish language eventually surpassed indigenous languages, making it the most spoken language in Mexico. Mestizo was also born from the conquest, which meant being half-Indigenous and half-Spanish.[100]

Mexico City has recently been integrating rapidly, doing much better than many cities in a sample conducted by the Intercultural Cities Index (being the only non-European city, alongside Montreal, on the index).[101] Mexico is an ethnically diverse country with a population composed of approximately 123 million in 2017. There is a wide variety of ethnic groups, the major group being Mestizos followed by White Mexicans and Indigenous Mexicans.[102] There are many other ethnic groups such as Arab Mexicans, Afro-Mexicans and Asian Mexicans.

From the year 2000 to 2010, the number of people in Mexico that were born in another country doubled, reaching a total of 961,121 people, mostly coming from Guatemala and the United States.[103] Mexico is quickly becoming a melting pot, with many immigrants coming into the country. It is considered to be a cradle of civilization, which influences their multiculturalism and diversity, by having different civilizations influence them. A distinguishable trait of Mexico's culture is the mestizaje of its people, which caused the combination of Spanish influence, their indigenous roots while also adapting the culture traditions from their immigrants.

Peru

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Peru is an exemplary country of multiculturalism, in 2016 the INEI reported a total population of 31 million people. They share their borders with Ecuador, Colombia, Brazil, Chile and Bolivia, and have welcomed many immigrants into their country creating a diverse community.

Tambomachay, Cuzco, Peru

Peru is the home to Amerindians but after the Spanish Conquest, the Spanish brought African, and Asian peoples as slaves to Peru creating a mix of ethnic groups. After slavery was no longer permitted in Peru, African-Peruvians and Asian-Peruvians have contributed to Peruvian culture in many ways. Today, Amerindians make up 25.8% of the population, Mestizos 60.2%, White 5.9% and 4.8% is composed by Black, Chinese, Japanese and others.[104] In 1821, Peru's president José de San Martín gave foreigners the freedom to start industries in Peru's ground, 2 years after, foreigners that lived in Peru for more than 5 years were considered naturalized citizens, which then decreased to 3 years.

United States

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Little Italy (top, c. 1900) in New York City abuts Manhattan's Chinatown.
People waiting to cross Fifth Avenue
Poster from 1907:
The many ways in which New Yorkers say "Merry Christmas" or its equivalent;
in Arabic, Armenian, Chinese, Croatian, Czech, Dutch, Esperanto, Finnish, Flemish, French, Gaelic, German, Greek, Yiddish (labeled as "Christian Hebrew"), Hungarian, Italian, Japanese, Lithuanian, Norwegian, Polish, Portuguese, Romanian, Russian, Slovene, Spanish, Swedish, Turkish and Ukrainian.
"Gotham's citizens have been called "The Sons of Elsewhere", and their language that spoken at the Tower of Babel..."

Although official multiculturalism policy is not established at the federal level, ethnic and cultural diversity is common in rural, suburban and urban areas.[105]

Continuous mass immigration was a feature of the United States economy and society since the first half of the 19th century.[106] The absorption of the stream of immigrants became, in itself, a prominent feature of America's national myth. The idea of the melting pot is a metaphor that implies that all the immigrant cultures are mixed and amalgamated without state intervention.[107] The melting pot theory implied that each individual immigrant, and each group of immigrants, assimilated into American society at their own pace. This is different from multiculturalism as it is defined above, which does not include complete assimilation and integration.[108] The melting pot tradition co-exists with a belief in national unity, dating from the American founding fathers:

Providence has been pleased to give this one connected country to one united people – a people descended from the same ancestors, speaking the same language, professing the same religion, attached to the same principles of government, very similar in their manners and customs... This country and this people seem to have been made for each other, and it appears as if it was the design of Providence, that an inheritance so proper and convenient for a band of brethren, united to each other by the strongest ties, should never be split into a number of unsocial, jealous, and alien sovereignties.[109]

Staff of President Clinton's One America Initiative. The President's Initiative on Race was a critical element in President Clinton's effort to prepare the country to embrace diversity.

As a philosophy, multiculturalism began as part of the pragmatism movement at the end of the 19th century in Europe and the United States, then as political and cultural pluralism at the turn of the 20th century.[110] It was partly in response to a new wave of European imperialism in sub-Saharan Africa and the massive immigration of Southern and Eastern Europeans to the United States and Latin America. Philosophers, psychologists and historians and early sociologists such as Charles Sanders Peirce, William James, George Santayana, Horace Kallen, John Dewey, W. E. B. Du Bois and Alain Locke developed concepts of cultural pluralism, from which emerged what we understand today as multiculturalism. In Pluralistic Universe (1909), William James espoused the idea of a "plural society". James saw pluralism as "crucial to the formation of philosophical and social humanism to help build a better, more egalitarian society.[111]

The educational approach to multiculturalism has since spread to the grade school system, as school systems try to rework their curricula to introduce students to diversity earlier – often on the grounds that it is important for minority students to see themselves represented in the classroom.[112][113] Studies estimated 46 million Americans ages 14 to 24 to be the most diverse generation in American society.[114] In 2009 and 2010, controversy erupted in Texas as the state's curriculum committee made several changes to the state's requirements, often at the expense of minorities. They chose to juxtapose Abraham Lincoln's inaugural address with that of Confederate president Jefferson Davis;[115] they debated removing Supreme Court Justice Thurgood Marshall and labor-leader Cesar Chavez[116] and rejected calls to include more Hispanic figures, in spite of the high Hispanic population in the state.[117]

According to a 2000 analysis of domestic terrorism in the United States, "A distinctive feature of American terrorism is the ideological diversity of perpetrators. White racists are responsible for over a third of the deaths, and black militants have claimed almost as many. Almost all of the remaining deaths are attributable to Puerto Rican nationalists, Islamic extremists, revolutionary leftists and emigre groups."[118] Twenty years later, far-right and white racists were observed as the leading perpetrators of domestic terrorism in the U.S.[119] According to a 2020 study by the Strategic & International Studies, right-wing extremists are responsible for the murder of 329 people since 1994[120] (over half due to the terrorist bombing of the 1995 bombing of the Alfred P. Murrah building in Oklahoma City, which killed 168 people).[121]

Effect of diversity on civic engagement

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A 2007 study by Robert Putnam encompassing 30,000 people across the US found that diversity had a negative effect on civic engagement. The greater the diversity, the fewer people voted and the less they volunteered for community projects; also, trust among neighbours was only half that of homogenous communities.[122] Putnam says, however, that "in the long run immigration and diversity are likely to have important cultural, economic, fiscal, and developmental benefits", as long as society successfully overcomes the short-term problems.[33] Putnam adds that his "extensive research and experience confirm the substantial benefits of diversity, including racial and ethnic diversity, to our society."[123]

Bartizan in Venezuela

Venezuela

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Venezuela is home to a variety of ethnic groups, with an estimated population of 32 million, as of 2018.[124] Their population is composed of approximately 68% mestizo, which means of mixed race.[125] Venezuelan culture is mainly composed of a mixture of their indigenous culture, Spanish, and African.[126] There was a heavy influence of Spanish culture due to the Spanish Conquest, which influenced their religion, language and traditions. African influence can be seen in their music.[126] While Spanish is Venezuela's main language, there are more than 40 indigenous languages spoken to this day.[127]

Colombia

[edit]

Colombia, with an estimated population of 51 million inhabitants, is populated by a great variety of ethnic groups. Approximately 49% of its population is Mestizo, 37% White, 10% African descent, 3.4% Indigenous and 0.6 Romani.

It is estimated that 18.8 million Colombians are direct descendants of Europeans, either by one of their parents or grandparents. Mainly from Spain, Italy, Germany, Poland and England, they represent 37% of its population. The Arab descent also predominates in the country. The Syrians, Lebanese and Palestinians are the largest post-independence immigrants to the country, so much so that Colombia has the second largest Arab diaspora in Latin America, with a little more than 3.2 million descendants, which represents 6.4% of its population.

Europe

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Ethno-linguistic map of Austria-Hungary, 1910
Ethno-linguistic map of the Second Polish Republic, 1937

Historically, Europe has always been a mixture of Latin, Slavic, Germanic, Uralic, Celtic, Hellenic, Illyrian, Thracian and other cultures influenced by the importation of Jewish, Christian, Muslim and other belief systems; although the continent was supposedly unified by the super-position of Imperial Roman Christianity, it is accepted that geographic and cultural differences continued from antiquity into the modern age.[128]

In the nineteenth century, the ideology of nationalism transformed the way Europeans thought about the state.[128] Existing states were broken up and new ones created; the new nation-states were founded on the principle that each nation is entitled to its own sovereignty and to engender, protect, and preserve its own unique culture and history. Unity, under this ideology, is seen as an essential feature of the nation and the nation-state; unity of descent, unity of culture, unity of language, and often unity of religion. The nation-state constitutes a culturally homogeneous society, although some national movements recognised regional differences.[129]

Where cultural unity was insufficient, it was encouraged and enforced by the state.[130] The nineteenth century nation-states developed an array of policies – the most important was compulsory primary education in the national language.[130] The language itself was often standardised by a linguistic academy, and regional languages were ignored or suppressed. Some nation-states pursued violent policies of cultural assimilation and even ethnic cleansing.[130]

Some countries in the European Union have introduced policies for "social cohesion", "integration", and (sometimes) "assimilation". The policies include:

Other countries have instituted policies which encourage cultural separation.[133] The concept of "Cultural exception" proposed by France in the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) negotiations in 1993 was an example of a measure aimed at protecting local cultures.[134]

Bulgaria

[edit]
Sofia Synagogue
Banya Bashi Mosque in Sofia

Since its establishment in the seventh century, Bulgaria has hosted many religions, ethnic groups and nations. The capital city Sofia is the only European city that has peacefully functioning, within walking distance of 300 metres,[135][136] four Places of worship of the major religions: Eastern Orthodox (St Nedelya Church), Islam (Banya Bashi Mosque), Roman Catholicism (St. Joseph Cathedral), and Orthodox Judaism (Sofia Synagogue, the third-largest synagogue in Europe).

This unique arrangement has been called by historians a "multicultural cliche".[137] It has also become known as "The Square of Religious Tolerance"[138][139] and has initiated the construction of a 100-square-metre scale model of the site that is to become a symbol of the capital.[140][141][142]

Furthermore, unlike some other Nazi Germany allies or German-occupied countries excluding Denmark, Bulgaria managed to save its entire 48,000-strong Jewish population during World War II from deportation to Nazi concentration camps.[143][144] According to Dr Marinova-Christidi, the main reason for the efforts of Bulgarian people to save their Jewish population during WWII is that within the region, they "co-existed for centuries with other religions" – giving it a unique multicultural and multiethnic history.[145]

Consequently, within the Balkan region, Bulgaria has become an example for multiculturalism in terms of variety of religions, artistic creativity[146] and ethnicity.[147][148] Its largest ethnic minority groups, Turks and Roma, enjoy wide political representation. In 1984, following a campaign by the Communist regime for a forcible change of the Islamic names of the Turkish minority,[149][150][151][152] an underground organisation called «National Liberation Movement of the Turks in Bulgaria» was formed which headed the Turkish community's opposition movement. On 4 January 1990, the activists of the movement registered an organisation with the legal name Movement for Rights and Freedoms (MRF) (in Bulgarian: Движение за права и свободи: in Turkish: Hak ve Özgürlükler Hareketi) in the Bulgarian city of Varna. At the moment of registration, it had 33 members, at present, according to the organisation's website, 68,000 members plus 24,000 in the organisation's youth wing [1]. In 2012, Bulgarian Turks were represented at every level of government: local, with MRF having mayors in 35 municipalities, at parliamentary level with MRF having 38 deputies (14% of the votes in Parliamentary elections for 2009–13)[153] and at executive level, where there is one Turkish minister, Vezhdi Rashidov. 21 Roma political organisations were founded between 1997–2003 in Bulgaria.[154]

France

[edit]

After the end of World War II in 1945, immigration significantly increased. During the period of reconstruction, France lacked the labour to do so, and as a result; the French Government was eager to recruit immigrants coming from all over Europe, the Americas, Africa and Asia.

Although there was a presence of, Vietnamese in France since the late-nineteenth century (mostly students and workers), a wave of Vietnamese migrated after 1954. These migrants consisted of those who were loyal to the colonial government and those married to French colonists. Following the partition of Vietnam, students and professionals from South Vietnam continued to arrive in France. Although many initially returned to the country after a few years, as the Vietnam War situation worsened, a majority decided to remain in France and brought their families over as well.[155]

This period also saw a significant wave of immigrants from Algeria. As the Algerian War started in 1954, there were already 200,000 Algerian immigrants in France.[156] However, because of the tension between the Algerians and the French, these immigrants were no longer welcome. This conflict between the two sides led to the Paris Massacre of 17 October 1961, when the police used force against an Algerian demonstration on the streets of Paris. After the war, after Algeria gained its independence, the free circulation between France and Algeria was once again allowed, and the number of Algerian immigrants started to increase drastically. From 1962–75, the Algerian immigrant population increased from 350,000 to 700,000.[157] Many of these immigrants were known as the "harkis", and the others were known as the "pieds-noirs". The "harkis" were Algerians who supported the French during the Algerian War; once the war was over, they were deeply resented by other Algerians, and thus had to flee to France. The "pieds-noirs" were European settlers who moved to Algeria, but migrated back to France since 1962 when Algeria declared independence.

According to Erik Bleich, multiculturalism in France faced stiff resistance in the educational sector, especially regarding recent Muslim arrivals from Algeria. Gatekeepers often warned that multiculturalism was a threat to the historic basis of French culture.[158]

Jeremy Jennings finds three positions among elites regarding the question of reconciling traditional French Republican principles with multiculturalism. The traditionalists refuse to make any concessions and instead insist on clinging to the historic republican principles of "laïcité" and the secular state in which religion and ethnicity are always ignored. In the middle are modernising republicans who uphold republicanism but also accept some elements of cultural pluralism. Finally there are multiculturalist republicans who envision a pluralist conception of French identity and seek an appreciation of the positive values brought to France by the minority cultures.[159]

A major attack on multiculturalism came in Stasi Report of 2003 which denounces "Islamism" as deeply opposed to the mainstream interpretations of French culture. It is portrayed as a dangerous political agenda that will create a major obstacle for Muslims to comply with French secularism or "laïcité ".[160] Murat Akan, however, argues that the Stasi Report and the new regulations against the hijab and religious symbols in the schools must be set against gestures toward multiculturalism, such as the creation of Muslim schools under contract with the government.[161]

Germany

[edit]

In October 2010, Angela Merkel told a meeting of younger members of her Christian Democratic Union (CDU) party at Potsdam, near Berlin, that attempts to build a multicultural society in Germany had "utterly failed",[162] stating: "The concept that we are now living side by side and are happy about it does not work".[162][163] She continued to say that immigrants should integrate and adopt Germany's culture and values. This has added to a growing debate within Germany[164] on the levels of immigration, its effect on Germany and the degree to which middle eastern immigrants have integrated into German society.[165] In 2015, Merkel again criticized multiculturalism on the grounds that it leads to parallel societies.[166]

The Ahmadiyya Muslim Community of Germany is the first Muslim group to have been granted "corporation under public law status", putting the community on par with the major Christian churches and Jewish communities of Germany.[167]

Luxembourg

[edit]

Luxembourg has one of the highest foreign-born populations in Europe, foreigners account for nearly half of the country's total population.[168] The majority of foreigners are from: Belgium, France, Italy, Germany, and Portugal.[169] In total, 170 different nationalities make up the population of Luxembourg, out of this; 86% are of European descent.[170] The official languages of Luxembourg are German, French, and Luxembourgish all of which are supported in the Luxembourg government and education system.[170][171] In 2005, Luxembourg officially promoted and implemented the objectives of the UNESCO Convention on the Protection and Promotion of the Diversity of Cultural Expressions. This Convention affirms multicultural policies in Luxembourg and creates political awareness of cultural diversity.[172]

Netherlands

[edit]
Süleymanìye Mosque in Tilburg, built in 2001

Multiculturalism in the Netherlands began with major increases in immigration to the Netherlands during the mid-1950s and 1960s.[173] As a consequence, an official national policy of multiculturalism was adopted in the early-1980s.[173] Different groups could themselves determine religious and cultural matters, while state authorities would handle matters of housing and work policy.[174]

In the 1990s, the public debate were generally optimistic on immigration and the prevailing view was that a multicultural policy would reduce the social economic disparities over time.[174]

This policy subsequently gave way to more assimilationist policies in the 1990s and post-electoral surveys uniformly showed from 1994 onwards that a majority preferred that immigrants assimilated rather than retained the culture of their country of origin.[173][175]

Following the September 11 attacks in the United States and the murders of Pim Fortuyn (in 2002) and Theo van Gogh (in 2004), there was increased political debate on the role of multiculturalism in the Netherlands.[174][176]

Lord Sacks, Chief Rabbi of the United Hebrew Congregations of the Commonwealth, made a distinction between tolerance and multiculturalism, citing the Netherlands as a tolerant, rather than multicultural, society.[177] In June 2011, the First Rutte cabinet said the Netherlands would turn away from multiculturalism: "Dutch culture, norms and values must be dominant" Minister Donner said.[178]

Romania

[edit]

Since Antiquity, Romania has hosted many religious and ethnic groups, besides Romanians, including Roma people, Hungarians, Germans, Turks, Greeks, Tatars, Slovaks, Serbs, Jews and others. During WW2 and Communism, most of these ethnic groups chose to emigrate to other countries. However, since the 1990s, Romania has received a growing number of immigrants and refugees, most of them from the Arab world, Asia or Africa. Immigration is expected to increase in the future, as large numbers of Romanian workers leave the country and are being replaced by foreigners.[179][180]

Scandinavia

[edit]
The Vuosaari district in Helsinki, Finland, is highly multicultural.[181][182]

Multiculturalism in Scandinavia has centered on discussions about marriage, dress, religious schools, Muslim funeral rites and gender equality. Forced marriages have been widely debated in Denmark, Sweden and Norway but the countries differ in policy and responses by authorities.[183]

Sweden has the most permissive policies while Denmark the most restrictive ones.

Denmark

[edit]

In 2001, Denmark, a liberal-conservative coalition government with the support of the Danish People's Party which instituted less pluralistic policy, geared more towards assimilation.[183]

A 2018 study found that increases in local ethnic diversity in Denmark caused "rightward shifts in election outcomes by shifting electoral support away from traditional "big government" left‐wing parties and towards anti‐immigrant nationalist parties."[184]

For decades, Danish immigration policy was built upon the belief that, with support, immigrants and their descendants would eventually reach the same levels of education as Danes. In a 2019 report, the Danish Immigration Service and the Ministry of Education found this to be false. The report found that, while the second-generation immigrants without a Western background do better than their parents, the same is not true for third-generation immigrants. One of the reasons given was that second-generation immigrants may marry someone from their country of origin, which may cause Danish not to be spoken at home, which would put the children at a disadvantage in school. Thereby, the process of integrating has to start from the beginning for each generation.[185][186]

Norway

[edit]
Educational attainment of migrants in Norway in 2018[187]

Apart from citizens of Nordic countries, all foreigners must apply for permanent residency in order to live and work in Norway.[188] In 2017, the Norwegian immigrant population was made up of: citizens of EU and EEA countries (41.2%); citizens of Asian countries, including Turkey (32.4%); citizens of African countries (13.7%); and citizens of non-EU/EEA European, North American, South American and Oceanian countries (12.7%).[189]

In 2015, during the European migrant crisis, a total of 31,145 asylum seekers, most of whom came from Afghanistan and Syria, crossed the Norwegian border.[190] In 2016, the number of asylum seekers dramatically reduced by almost 90%, with 3460 asylum seekers coming to Norway. This was partly due to the stricter border control across Europe, including an agreement between the EU and Turkey.[191][192]

As of September 2019, 15 foreign residents who had travelled from Norway to Syria or Iraq to join the Islamic State have had their residence permits revoked.[193]

The Progress Party has named the reduction of high levels of immigration from non-European countries one of their goals:

"Immigration from countries outside the EEA must be strictly enforced to ensure a successful integration. It can not be accepted that fundamental Western values and human rights are set aside by cultures and attitudes that certain groups of immigrants bring with them to Norway."[194]

An extreme form of opposition to immigration in Norway were the 22/7 attacks carried out by the terrorist Anders Behring Breivik on 22 July 2011. He killed 8 people by bombing government buildings in Oslo and massacred 69 young people at a youth summer camp held by the Labour Party, who were in power at the time. He blamed the party for the high level of Muslim immigration and accused it of "promoting multiculturalism".[195]

Sweden

[edit]
Source: Gävle University College[196]

Sweden has from the early 1970s experienced a greater share of non-Western immigration than the other Scandinavian countries, which consequently have placed multiculturalism on the political agenda for a longer period of time.[183]

Sweden was the first country to adopt an official policy of multiculturalism in Europe. On 14 May 1975, a unanimous Swedish parliament passed an act on a new multiculturalist immigrant and ethnic minority policy put forward by the social democratic government, that explicitly rejected the ideal ethnic homogeneity and the policy of assimilation.[197] The three main principles of the new policy were equality, partnership and freedom of choice. The explicit policy aim of the freedom of choice principle was to create the opportunity for minority groups in Sweden to retain their own languages and cultures. From the mid-1970s, the goal of enabling the preservation of minorities and creating a positive attitude towards the new officially endorsed multicultural society among the majority population became incorporated into the Swedish constitution as well as cultural, educational and media policies. Despite the anti-multiculturalist protestations of the Sweden Democrats, multiculturalism remains official policy in Sweden.[198]

A 2008 study which involved questionnaires sent to 5,000 people, showed that less than a quarter of the respondents (23%) wanted to live in areas characterised by cultural, ethnic and social diversity.[199]

A 2014 study published by Gävle University College showed that 38% of the population never interacted with anyone from Africa and 20% never interacted with any non-Europeans.[200] The study concluded that while physical distance to the country of origin, also religion and other cultural expressions are significant for the perception of cultural familiarity. In general, peoples with Christianity as the dominant religion were perceived to be culturally closer than peoples from Muslim countries.[196]

A 2017 study by Lund University also found that social trust was lower among people in regions with high levels of past non-Nordic immigration than among people in regions with low levels of past immigration.[201] The erosive effect on trust was more pronounced for immigration from culturally distant countries.[202]

Serbia

[edit]
Csárdás traditional Hungarian folk dance in Doroslovo

In Serbia, there are 19 officially recognised ethnic groups with a status of national minorities.[203] Vojvodina is an autonomous province of Serbia, located in the northern part of the country. It has a multiethnic and multicultural identity;[204] there are more than 26 ethnic groups in the province,[205][206] which has six official languages.[207] Largest ethnic groups in Vojvodina are Serbs (67%), Hungarians (13%), Slovaks, Croats, Romani, Romanians, Montenegrins, Bunjevci, Bosniaks, Rusyns. The Chinese[208][209] and Arabs, are the only two significant immigrant minorities in Serbia.

Radio Television of Vojvodina broadcasts program in ten local languages. The project by the Government of AP Vojvodina titled "Promotion of Multiculturalism and Tolerance in Vojvodina", whose primary goal is to foster the cultural diversity and develop the atmosphere of interethnic tolerance among the citizens of Vojvodina, has been successfully implemented since 2005.[210] Serbia is continually working on improving its relationship and inclusion of minorities in its effort to gain full accession to the European Union. Serbia has initiated talks through Stabilisation and Association Agreement on 7 November 2007.

United Kingdom

[edit]

Multicultural policies[211] were adopted by local administrations from the 1970s and 1980s onwards. In 1997, the newly elected Labour government committed to a multiculturalist approach at a national level,[212] but after 2001, there was something of a backlash, led by centre-left commentators such as David Goodhart and Trevor Phillips. The Government then embraced a policy of community cohesion instead. In 2011, Conservative Prime Minister David Cameron said in a speech that "state multiculturalism has failed".[213] Critics argue that analyses which view society as 'too diverse' for social democracy and cohesion have "performative" effects regarding legitimate racism towards those classed as immigrants.[214][215] Others, however, like author Ed West, criticize the notion that the United Kingdom is or should be a multicultural society in the first place and that the project of diversity is misguided.[216]

Russian Federation

[edit]

The idea of multiculturalism in Russia is closely linked to the territory and the Soviet concept of "nationality". The Federation is divided into a series of republics where each ethnic group has preponderance in deciding the laws that affect that republic. A distinction is then made between Rossiyane (Russian citizens) and Russkie (ethnic Russians).

Each people within their territories has the right to practice their customs and traditions and even to impose their own laws, as is the case in Chechnya, as long as they do not violate federal and constitutional laws of the Russian Federation.

Asia

[edit]

India

[edit]
The Durga Puja celebrated in Kolkata
Jama Masjid, Delhi, one of the largest mosques in India

According to the 1961 Census of India, there are 1652 indigenous languages in the country.[217] The culture of India has been shaped by its long history, unique geography and diverse demography. India's languages, religions, dance, music, architecture and customs differ from place to place within the country, but nevertheless possess a commonality. The culture of India is an amalgamation of these diverse sub-cultures spread all over the Indian subcontinent and traditions that are several millennia old.[218] The previously prevalent Indian caste system describes the social stratification and social restrictions in the Indian subcontinent, in which social classes are defined by thousands of endogamous hereditary groups, often termed jātis or castes.[219]

Religiously, Hindus form the majority, followed by Muslims. The statistics are: Hindu (79.8%), Muslim (14.2%), Christian (2.3%), Sikh (1.7%), Buddhist (0.7%), Jain (0.4%), Unaffiliated (0.23%), Baháʼís, Jews, Zoroastrians, and others (0.65%).[220] Linguistically, the two main language families in India are Indo-Aryan (a branch of Indo-European) and Dravidian. In India's northeast, people speaking Sino-Tibetan group of languages such as Meitei (Meitei-lon) and Bodo recognized by the Indian constitution and Austroasiatic languages are commonly found. India (officially) follows a three-language policy. Hindi (spoken in the form of Hindustani) is the official federal language, English has the federal status of associate/subsidiary official language and each state has its own state official language (in the Hindi sprachraum, this reduces to bilingualism). Further, India does not have any national language.[221][222] The Republic of India's state boundaries are largely drawn based on linguistic groups; this decision led to the preservation and continuation of local ethno-linguistic sub-cultures, except for the Hindi sprachraum which is itself divided into many states. Thus, most states differ from one another in language, culture, cuisine, clothing, literary style, architecture, music and festivities.

India has encountered religiously motivated violence,[223] such as the Moplah Riots, the Bombay riots, the 1984 Sikh genocide, the 1990 Exodus of Kashmiri Hindus, the 2002 Gujarat riots, the 2008 Mumbai attacks, the 2012 Assam violence, the 2013 Muzaffarnagar riots, and the 2020 Delhi riots. This has resulted from traditionally disadvantaged communities in public employment such as the policing of the same locality, apprehension of owners in giving properties for sale or rent[224] and of society in accepting inter-marriages.[225]

Cultural minorities in India

[edit]

The Indian constitution requires the various state-run institutions to provide quotas for minorities, which give these cultural minorities equal opportunities, as well as a forum through which they can actively participate in the institutions of the dominant culture.[226] Indian polity after the 1990s has been marked by a shift from secular principles to a landscape that is dominated by pro-Hindu propaganda; the Bhartiya Janata Party has used this rhetoric by reconstructing Hinduism and bartering it under the guise of Indian nationalism.[227] However, the rise of pro-Hindu ideology, commonly known as Hindutva, has impinged on the rights of cultural minorities.[228] This can be seen in the large scale violence against cultural minorities, the votebank politics used by the Indian National Congress, and the promotion of issues faced by the larger religious communities over those faced by the backward groups in religious minorities.[229]

Scheduled Castes (SC) and Scheduled Tribes (ST) and Other Backward Castes (OBC)

[edit]

Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes are constitutionally recognized terms in India and constitute approximately 25% of the Indian population. Moreover more than 40 percent of India's population belongs to the Other Backward Castes as per the National Sample Survey Office or the NSSO which is a government organization for conducting surveys in India. So the total size of the lower castes in India is estimated to be around 70 percent of the country's population whereas the upper caste make up around 18 percent of the population. These groups have been provided with reservations that constitutionally guarantee them representation in governmental institutions, a mandate suggested by the Mandal Commission.[230] The Indian constitution also provides SC's and ST's with protective measures that ensure equality, which is the main issue faced by members of both communities. However, while scheduled castes have turned into important political communities that the state concerns itself about, scheduled tribes continue to be politically marginalized.[226]

Indonesia

[edit]

Pluralism, diversity and multiculturalism is a daily fact of life in Indonesia. There are over 600 ethnic groups in Indonesia.[231][232] 95% of those are of Native Indonesian ancestry.[233] The Javanese are the largest ethnic group in Indonesia who make up nearly 42% of the total population.[234] The Sundanese, Malay, and Madurese are the next largest groups in the country.[234] There are also more than 700 living languages spoken in Indonesia[235] and although predominantly Muslim the country also has large Christian and Hindu populations.

Indonesia's national motto, Bhinneka Tunggal Ika ("Unity in Diversity" lit. "many, yet one") enshrined in Pancasila the national ideology, articulates the diversity that shapes the country.[236] The government nurtures and promotes the diversity of Indonesian local culture; adopting a pluralist approach.

Due to migration within Indonesia (as part of government transmigration programs or otherwise), there are significant populations of ethnic groups who reside outside of their traditional regions. The Javanese for example, moved from their traditional homeland in Java to the other parts of the archipelago. The expansion of the Javanese and their influence throughout Indonesia has raised the issue of Javanization, although Minangkabau, Malay, Madurese, Bugis and Makassar people, as a result of their merantau (migrating) culture are also quite widely distributed throughout the Indonesian archipelago, while Chinese Indonesians can be found in most urban areas. Because of urbanization, major Indonesian cities such as Greater Jakarta, Surabaya, Bandung, Palembang, Medan and Makassar have attracted large numbers of Indonesians from various ethnic, cultural and religious backgrounds. Jakarta in particular has almost all Indonesian ethnic groups represented.

However, this transmigration program and close interactions between people of different cultural backgrounds caused socio-cultural problems, as the inter-ethnics interactions have not always been conducted harmoniously. After the fall of Suharto in 1998 into the 2000s, numbers of inter-ethnic and inter-religious clashes erupted in Indonesia. Like the clashes between native Dayak tribes against Madurese transmigrants in Kalimantan during Sambas riots in 1999[237] and the Sampit conflict in 2001.[238] There were also clashes between Muslims and Christians, such as violence erupted in Poso between 1998 and into 2000,[239] and violences in Maluku between 1999 and into 2002.[240] Nevertheless, Indonesia today still struggles and has managed to maintain unity and inter-cultural harmony, through a national adherence of pro-pluralism policy of Pancasila; promoted and enforced by the government and its people.

Chinese Indonesians are the largest foreign-origin minority that has resided in Indonesia for generations. Despite centuries of acculturation with native Indonesians, because of their disproportionate influence on Indonesian economy, and alleged question of national loyalty, Chinese Indonesians have suffered discrimination.[241] The Suharto Orde Baru or New Order adopted a forced assimilation policy; which indicated that Chinese cultural elements were unacceptable.[242] Chinese Indonesians were forced to adopt Indonesian-sounding names, and the use of Chinese culture and language was banned.[241] The violence targeting Chinese Indonesians erupted during riots in 1998. As the looting and destruction took place, a number of Chinese Indonesians, as well as looters, were killed. The Chinese Indonesians were treated as the scapegoat of 1997 Asian financial crisis, a result of ongoing discrimination and segregation policies enforced during Suharto's New Order regime. Soon after the fourth Indonesian President, Abdurrahman Wahid came into power in 1999, he quickly abolished some of the discriminatory laws in efforts to promote acceptance and to improve inter-racial relationships, such as abolishing the ban on Chinese culture; allowing Chinese traditions to be practised freely. Two years later President Megawati Sukarnoputri declared that the Chinese New Year (Imlek) would be marked as a national holiday from 2003.[243] Tense incidents however have included attacks on Chinese temples[244] and Indonesian politician Basuki Tjahaja Purnama being given a two year prison sentence for blasphemy due to comments he made to his supporters in September 2016.[245][246]

Kazakhstan

[edit]

There are sizeable populations of ethnic Kazakhs, Russians, Uzbeks, Ukrainians, Uighurs, Tatars, Germans and more in Kazakhstan.[247][unreliable source?] Kazakhstan was one of a few countries in post-Soviet territories that avoided interethnic clashes and conflicts in the period of USSR's final crisis and its eventual breakup.[248] In 1995, Kazakhstan created the Assembly of People of Kazakhstan, an advisory body designed to represent the country's ethnic minorities.[249] However, recent ethnic clashes and discrimination have been reported for groups such as Christians,[250][251] ultraconservative Muslims,[252] ethnic Dungans,[253][254] Chechens, Tajiks,[255] and LGBT people.[256][257]

Malaysia

[edit]

Malaysia is a multiethnic country, with Malays making up the majority, close to 58% of the population. About 25% of the population are Malaysians of Chinese descent. Malaysians of Indian descent comprise about 7% of the population. The remaining 10% comprises:

The Malaysian New Economic Policy or NEP serves as a form of "racial equalization" in the view of the Malay-controlled government.[258] It promotes structural changes in various aspects of life from education to economic to social integration. Established after the 13 May racial riots of 1969, it sought to address the "significant imbalance" in the economic sphere where the minority especially the Chinese population had substantial control over commercial activity in the country. Critics of this policy has called it synonymous to racial discrimination and synonymous to Apartheid.

The Malay Peninsula has a long history of international trade contacts, influencing its ethnic and religious composition. Predominantly Malays before the 18th century, the ethnic composition changed dramatically when the British introduced new industries, and imported Chinese and Indian labor. Several regions in the then British Malaya such as Penang, Malacca and Singapore became Chinese dominated. Until the riots 1969, co-existence between the three ethnicities (and other minor groups) was largely peaceful, although the three main racial groups for the most part lived in separate communities – the Malays in the villages, the Chinese in the urban areas, and the Indians in the towns and plantation. More Malays however have moved into the cities since the 1970s, and the proportion of the non-Malays have been decreasing continually, especially the Chinese, due in large part to lower birth-rate and emigration as a result of institutionalized discrimination.[259][260]

Preceding independence of the Federation of Malaya, a social contract was negotiated as the basis of a new society. The contract as reflected in the 1957 Malayan Constitution and the 1963 Malaysian Constitution states that the immigrant groups are granted citizenship, and Malays' special rights are guaranteed. This is often referred to the Bumiputra policy.

These pluralist policies have come under pressure from racialist Malay parties, who oppose perceived subversion of Malay rights. The issue is sometimes related to the controversial status of religious freedom in Malaysia.

Singapore

[edit]
High density public housing in Singapore, which are a common sight in the country, consists of different ethnic groups living together.

Due to historical immigration trends, Singapore has a Chinese majority population with significant minority populations of Malays and Indians (predominantly Tamils). Other prominent smaller groups include Peranakans, Arabs, Armenians, Eurasians, Europeans, Americans, and Canadians. Besides English, Singapore recognizes three other languages—Malay, Mandarin Chinese and Tamil. English was established as the medium of instruction in schools during the 1960s and 1970s and is the language of trade and government while the other three languages are taught as second languages ("mother tongues"). Besides being a multilingual country, Singapore also acknowledges festivals celebrated by the three main ethnic communities.

Under the Raffles Plan of Singapore, the city was divided into ethnic enclaves such as Geylang, Chinatown, and Little India. Housing in Singapore is governed by the Ethnic Integration Policy, which ensures an even ethnic distribution throughout Singapore.[261] A similar policy exists in politics as all Group Representation Constituencies are required to field at least one candidate from an ethnic minority.[262]

Today, such ethnic enclaves has mostly been eliminated, due to the contemporary Singapore's government policy to encourage further ethnic integration between the different races of Singapore. A prominent example is its public housing system. Unlike other countries, public housing is not ostracised by a wide majority of the population and its government, and acts as a necessary and vital measure to provide immaculate and safe housing surrounded by public amenities at affordable prices, especially during its rapid development and industrialisation in the early years of independence.[263] It is also meant to foster social cohesion between the social classes and races of Singapore, and prevent neglected areas or districts and ethnic enclaves from developing – known as the Ethnic Integration Policy (EIP).[264] As such, it is considered a unique part of Singaporean culture, being commonly associated with the country.[265]

South Korea

[edit]

South Korea remains a relatively homogenous country ethnically, linguistically, and culturally.[266] Foreigners, expatriates, and immigrants are often rejected by the mainstream South Korean society and face discrimination.[267] This can be seen as a result of World War II where the first noteworthy wave of multiculturalism between American servicemen and Korean women occurred. South Korea has been long regarded as an ethnic homogeneous country, therefore, the rise in mixed-race children was seen as a new phenomenon. Before the 1990s, the term honhyeol was commonly used to identify multiracial individuals in Korea – primarily in relation to the children of Korean women and American servicemen;[268] this common term strengthened the association of multiracial people with a sense of alienation, rather than promoting cultural diversity within Korea. Not only did this term effectively discriminate against mixed-race Koreans but it also made a clear distinction between native Koreans and mixed-race Koreans.

Han Geon-Soo 2007 notes the increased use of the word "multiculturalism" in South Korea: "As the increase of foreign migrants in [South] Korea transforms a single-ethnic homogeneous [South] Korean society into multiethnic and multicultural one, [the South] Korean government and the civil society pay close attention to multiculturalism as an alternative value to their policy and social movement." He argued, however, that "the current discourses and concerns on multiculturalism in [South] Korea" lacked "the constructive and analytical concepts for transforming a society".[269]

The same year, Stephen Castles of the International Migration Institute argued:

"Korea no longer has to decide whether it wants to become a multicultural society. It made that decision years ago – perhaps unconsciously – when it decided to be a full participant in the emerging global economy. It confirmed that decision when it decided to actively recruit foreign migrants to meet the economic and demographic needs of a fast-growing society. Korea is faced by a different decision today: what type of multicultural society does it want to be?"[270]

The Korea Times suggested in 2009 that South Korea was likely to become a multicultural society.[271] In 2010, an opinion editorial written by Peter Underwood for the JoongAng Ilbo stated: "Media in [South] Korea is abuzz with the new era of multiculturalism. With more than one million foreigners in [South] Korea, 2 percent of the population comes from other cultures." He further opined:

"If you stay too long, Koreans become uncomfortable with you. [...] Having a two percent foreign population unquestionably causes ripples, but having one million temporary foreign residents does not make Korea a multicultural society. [...] In many ways, this homogeneity is one of Korea's greatest strengths. Shared values create harmony. Sacrifice for the nation is a given. Difficult and painful political and economic initiatives are endured without discussion or debate. It is easy to anticipate the needs and behavior of others. It is the cornerstone that has helped Korea survive adversity. But there is a downside, too. [...] Koreans are immersed in their culture and are thus blind to its characteristics and quirks. Examples of group think are everywhere. Because Koreans share values and views, they support decisions even when they are obviously bad. Multiculturalism will introduce contrasting views and challenge existing assumptions. While it will undermine the homogeneity, it will enrich Koreans with a better understanding of themselves."[272]

In 2010, results from the Korean Identity Survey suggested that government programs promoting multiculturalism had seen some success with over 60% of Koreans supporting the idea a multicultural society.[273] However, the same poll in 2015 showed that support of a multicultural society had dropped to 49.7% suggesting a possible return to ethnic exclusivism.[274]

Turkey

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Turkey is a country that straddles both Europe and Asia. It is home to several ethnic groups including Turkish, Arab, Armenian, Assyrian, Greek, Kurdish, and Jewish. There are cultural influences dating back to ancient Hellenic, Mediterranean, Semitic and Iranian civilizations which diffused and mingled in myriad ways over a period of centuries.[275]

In recent years there has been an increase of diversity acceptance in Turkey, mainly because there was fear of losing values of the Ottoman past.[276]

Africa

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Cameroon

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Officially known as the Republic of Cameroon, Cameroon is found in central Africa consisting of a diverse geographical and cultural area that makes it one of the most diverse countries known today. Ranging from mountains, deserts, and rainforests, to coast-lands and savanna grasslands, its diverse geography makes a large diverse population possible. This diverse geography resembles Africa as a whole and due to this, many people commonly label Cameroon as "Africa in Miniature".[277][278]

Demographics and official languages

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Before Cameroon's independence, it was under British and French colonial rule from 1916–1961.[278] Upon gaining sovereignty, a major colonial influence was evident, having both English and French become the national language to roughly 25,000,000 Cameroonian residents.[279][280] Apart from these two major languages, a new language consisting of a mixture of French, English, and Pidgin known as Frananglais gained popularity among Cameroonian residents.[281]

Indigenous languages

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Although these three languages are the most common in Cameroon, there are still approximately 273 indigenous languages being spoken throughout the country, making it not only culturally diverse but linguistically as well.[282] Among those who speak these indigenous languages are people from Bantu, Sudanic, Baka, Wodaabe (or Mbororo) and even primitive hunter-gatherer groups known as Pygmies.[283][284]

Indigenous peoples' rights

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Although native to Cameroonian land, they faced constant discrimination much like other indigenous groups around the world. The United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) adopted the United Nations' Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP) in 2007. What this allowed was the protection of land and resource rights and prevented others from exploiting or violating them.[285]: 2  In 2016, a group of indigenous Baka and Bagyeli groups united to form Gbabandi. Gbabandi allowed these indigenous groups to have a form of representation and a declared list of requirements that people of Cameroon had to abide by. Among these requirements were guaranteed land rights, peoples' consent to the usage of their sacred land, traditional chiefs and the ability to participate in "local, regional, and national levels" of political and economic matters. As a result, this established a sense of justice and acknowledgment among indigenous groups in Cameroon and posed for future battles for indigenous peoples' rights.[286]

Mauritius

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Multiculturalism has been a characteristic feature of the island of Mauritius.[287] This is mainly because of colonization that has been present from, the English, the French, and the Dutch.[288] However, the Mauritian society includes people from many different ethnic and religious groups: Hindu, Muslim and Indo-Mauritians, Mauritian Creoles (of African and Malagasy descent), Buddhist and Roman Catholic Sino-Mauritians and Franco-Mauritians (descendants of the original French colonists).[289] Mauritius has embraced intertwining of cultures from the origin of the country, and has coined the term fruit-salad, which is a much more appealing term in comparison to melting-pot showing that they were not forced to these cultures.[290]

South Africa

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South Africa is the fifth-most populous country and one of the most developed countries in Africa.[291] South Africa also officially recognises 11 languages including English, making it third behind Bolivia and India in most official languages.[292] The three most common languages are Zulu, Xhosa, and Afrikaans. Though South Africa's cultural traditions may decline as it becomes more and more Westernised due to its development, it is still known for its diverse culture.

Oceania

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Australia

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The next country to adopt an official policy of multiculturalism after Canada was Australia, a country with similar immigration situations and similar policies - for example, the formation of the Special Broadcasting Service.[293] The Australian Government retains multiculturalism in policy and as a defining aspect of modern Australia.[19][20][22][21]

Sydney's Chinatown

The White Australia Policy was dismantled after World War II by various changes to immigration policy, although the official policy of multiculturalism was not formally introduced until 1972.[294] The election of John Howard's Liberal-National Coalition government in 1996 was a major watershed for Australian multiculturalism. Howard had long been a critic of multiculturalism, releasing his One Australia policy in the late 1980s.[295] A Practical Reference to Religious Diversity for Operational Police and Emergency Services, first published in 1999, was a publication of the Australasian Police Multicultural Advisory Bureau designed to offer guidance to police and emergency services personnel on how religious affiliation can affect their contact with the public.[296][297][298] The first edition covered Buddhist, Hindu, Islamic, Jewish and Sikh faiths, with participation of representatives of the various religions.[299] The second edition, published in 2002, added Christian, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander religions and the Baháʼí Faith to the list of religions.[300]

Contact between people of different cultures in Australia has been characterised by tolerance and engagement, but have also occasionally resulted in conflict and rifts.[301][302] Australia's diverse migrant communities have brought with them food, lifestyle and cultural practices, many of which have been absorbed into mainstream Australian culture.[19][20]

Members of a multicultural community who are not of English-speaking Anglo-Australian, Anglo-Saxon or ‘Anglo-Celtic’ Australian background or not "assimilated" are often referred to in policy discourse as culturally and linguistically diverse (CALD), introduced in 1996 to replace non-English speaking background (NESB).[303][304][305]

New Zealand

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New Zealand is a sovereign Oceanic country that adopted its multicultural policies post World War II. The country used to have immigration policies similar to Australia's White Australia Policy and the United States Immigration Act of 1924,[306] but it would later follow suit with Australia and Canada in the 1970s and adopt similar multicultural policies. The relaxation of migration led to an influx of new migration to New Zealand in the 1980s.[307][308] This led to an increase of Asian and Pacific islander peoples on the island, and ultimately a more diverse European population.[309] In 1985, the Law Commission Act was passed which required the New Zealand Law Commission to review laws while taking into account both the indigenous Māori of New Zealand and New Zealand's multicultural character.[310] In 1987, New Zealand officially recognized the indigenous Māori language as a national language.[311] The revitalization in the Māori language led to its immersion in schools and television broadcast.[312]

In 2001, the New Zealand government opened an Office of Ethnic Affairs to advise its local governments on the advancement of ethnic diversity and affairs of its multicultural communities.[310] Many landmarks on the island have both their Māori and English names officially recognized. Māori makes up 3.7% of the population's speaking language.[313] A 2013 census of New Zealand's population showed that 74% of the population identifies ethnically as European, while the latter 15% majority identify as Māori. The remainder identify as Asian, Arab, African, Pacific Islander and Latin American.

Papua New Guinea

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Papua New Guinea has one of the most heterogeneous indigenous populations in the world: there are several thousand separate communities, most with only a few hundred people.[314]: 205  This Oceanian country is home to over eight million people[315] that are divided into hundreds of different indigenous ethnic groups and cultures with over 820 different indigenous languages.[316] A majority of the indigenous groups are Papuans who have ancestors that lived in New Guinea over ten thousand years ago. The latter majority are Austronesians whose ancestors arrived less than four thousand years ago. The island's population is also made up of many expatriate citizens from China, Australia, Indonesia, Europe and the Philippines. In 1975, the island population was found to be made up of 40,000 of these diverse expatriate citizens.[317] Despite the large amount of culturally diverse locations on the island, the Kuk Early Agricultural Site is the only UNESCO World heritage location.[318]

See also

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References

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Further reading

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
Multiculturalism is a policy framework and ideological stance that promotes the maintenance of distinct cultural, ethnic, religious, and national identities within a unified , often through state recognition of group rights, exemptions from uniform laws, and support for cultural preservation rather than assimilation into a dominant national culture. It gained formal adoption as national policy first in in 1971, in response to pressures from European immigrant communities seeking parity with English and French founding groups, and subsequently in in 1973 as a rejection of earlier assimilationist models. Elements of multiculturalism spread to in the late amid labor migration from non-Western regions, but implementation varied, with policies emphasizing tolerance of differences over enforced integration. Proponents view multiculturalism as enhancing societal vibrancy and equity by countering historical dominance of majority cultures, yet defining characteristics include institutional accommodations like official bilingualism, curricula, and affirmative actions for minorities, which have sparked debates over their compatibility with liberal democratic principles such as individual equality and . Notable achievements claimed include reduced overt in policy spheres and cultural festivals symbolizing diversity, though these are often anecdotal amid broader empirical scrutiny. Controversies dominate, particularly empirical findings linking high diversity under multicultural regimes to eroded social cohesion: Harvard political scientist Robert Putnam's 2007 analysis of over 30,000 U.S. respondents revealed that greater ethnic diversity correlates with substantially lower interpersonal trust, weaker , and residents "hunkering down" in isolation, effects persisting even after controlling for socioeconomic factors. In , causal outcomes of multiculturalism include persistent integration deficits, with leaders like German Chancellor declaring in 2010 that the approach had "utterly failed" due to inadequate absorption of Muslim immigrants, leading to parallel societies resistant to host norms. Studies corroborate heightened challenges, such as elevated welfare reliance and involvement among non-integrated migrant cohorts, underscoring how prioritizing cultural over shared values fosters fragmentation rather than organic unity. These patterns reflect first-principles realities of human sociality—tribal affinities and in-group preferences—amplified in policy environments downplaying assimilation, prompting retreats from multiculturalism in nations like and the toward civic integration mandates.

Conceptual Foundations

Definition and Core Concepts

Multiculturalism describes cultural diversity in societies and advocates accommodating distinct cultural identities—especially ethnic, national, or religious minorities—through institutional recognition and policies, rather than assimilation into a dominant culture. As a political philosophy, it argues that cultural membership forms individual identities and that ignoring differences sustains inequality, requiring targeted protections or legal exemptions for substantive equality. This contrasts with assimilationist models, which expect immigrants or minorities to adopt host norms, language, and values for full participation, potentially eroding group practices for national unity. Central to multiculturalism are cultural pluralism and group-differentiated rights, which promote coexistence of multiple groups in a shared polity without cultural convergence. Pluralism envisions society as a mosaic of retained heritages, not a melting pot of homogenized identities, and supports policies like multilingual education, religious exemptions from dress codes or holidays, and measures to preserve minority languages and traditions. The principle of recognition posits that misrecognizing cultural identities harms dignity, justifying state interventions to affirm diversity as a public good. These extend tolerance to active endorsement, including public funding for cultural institutions and curricula highlighting minority contributions, to foster mutual respect amid immigration-driven demographic shifts. Multiculturalism addresses multi-ethnic challenges empirically, such as integration without cultural erasure, though implementations vary by context—for example, Canada's official 1971 policy emphasizing equity for indigenous and immigrant groups, versus Europe's post-1990s focus on religious accommodations. Core tensions arise in balancing individual rights against group claims, as exemptions for cultural practices (e.g., arbitration under religious law) can conflict with universal liberal standards like gender equality. This distinguishes multiculturalism from color-blind or assimilationist ideals, favoring ideologically driven diversity management.

Philosophical and Ideological Roots

Multiculturalism extended liberal philosophy's pluralism and tolerance, as articulated by John Stuart Mill in On Liberty (1859), which emphasized individual autonomy and the harm principle but later adapted to include collective cultural identities. This shift drew from Johann Gottfried Herder's 18th-century cultural nationalism, which held that human identity arises from specific linguistic and cultural communities, favoring Volksgeist over universalist Enlightenment ideals. Herder's views opposed cultural assimilation, portraying diversity as key to human flourishing. In the 20th century, cultural relativism—pioneered by Franz Boas in The Mind of Primitive Man (1911)—solidified multiculturalism's foundations by rejecting ethnocentric hierarchies and asserting that moral and cultural standards vary by societal context, without objective superiority. This approach critiqued Western universalism and justified policies favoring minority practices over integration. Isaiah Berlin advanced the case in his 1958 essay "Two Concepts of Liberty," promoting value pluralism: irreconcilable goods and values coexist without a rational hierarchy, supporting tolerance for diverse norms in liberal democracies. Contemporary liberal multiculturalism was advanced by Will Kymlicka in Liberalism, Community and Culture (1989), advocating group-specific rights for cultural minorities' autonomy by distinguishing societal cultures from private associations and proposing differentiated citizenship to remedy historical disadvantages. Charles Taylor's Multiculturalism and the "Politics of Recognition" (1992) argued that ignoring cultural authenticity leads to misrecognition, harming self-esteem and necessitating public recognition of diverse identities. Influential academically, these ideas face criticism for elevating group rights above individual liberties and universal principles, risking erosion of shared civic norms; John Searle, for example, viewed such relativism as undermining objective truth standards in Western traditions. Bhikhu Parekh's Rethinking Multiculturalism (2000) proposed a dialogical model of mutual cultural adjustment without dominance, rooted in postcolonial skepticism toward Eurocentric liberalism. These ideologies shift from classical liberalism's assimilation focus to communitarian defenses of difference, often critiqued for lacking empirical support on social cohesion impacts.

Historical Development

Ancient and Pre-Modern Precedents

The (c. 550–330 BCE), founded by , exemplified early multicultural administration over diverse peoples from the Indus Valley to the Mediterranean. Cyrus allowed conquered groups, such as Babylonians and , to retain religious practices and local structures—as shown by his 538 BCE decree permitting Jewish exiles' return to and temple restoration, contrasting prior Mesopotamian assimilation. This tolerance involved administrative decentralization: satraps integrated local customs and languages with Persian oversight, ensuring stability among , Elamites, , and others without demanding cultural uniformity. These pragmatic pluralist policies emphasized imperial cohesion over ideological equality, enabling vast scale through a hierarchical Persian elite. In the (27 BCE–476 CE in the West), multiculturalism emerged via integration of provincial cultures under a unifying legal and civic framework. Citizenship extended progressively to non-Italians, culminating in the Edict of in 212 CE, which granted it to nearly all free inhabitants regardless of origin. Rome tolerated diverse religions—such as Egyptian cults in the capital and Germanic customs in frontier legions—if they respected imperial authority, promoting heterogeneity in urban centers like , where immigrants from , , and coexisted. Yet Romanization managed this diversity by prioritizing adoption of Latin, , and military service over preserving distinct identities—facilitating economic and military growth but fostering tensions during overextension and barbarian migrations. In ancient and pre-modern India, empires such as the Mauryan (c. 321–185 BCE) under Ashoka (r. 268–232 BCE) and the Gupta (c. 320–550 CE) accommodated religious and linguistic diversity through policies of tolerance, promoting coexistence among Hinduism, Buddhism, and Jainism without enforced assimilation. Ashoka's edicts emphasized ethical harmony across faiths, allowing ethnic and regional groups to maintain customs and languages, which supported administrative stability across the subcontinent. Pre-modern precedents culminated in the Ottoman Empire's millet system, formalized in the under . It granted semi-autonomous status to non-Muslim communities—primarily Greek Orthodox, Armenian Apostolic, and Jewish—allowing jurisdiction over internal affairs like marriage, inheritance, and education, while requiring loyalty, taxation, and military exemptions. This structure accommodated ethnic and religious diversity across , the , and the —encompassing Turks, , Slavs, , and others—by subordinating cultural pluralism to Islamic supremacy without enforced conversion. The system sustained imperial longevity for over four centuries through communal self-regulation that averted revolts, though it entrenched inequalities and occasional inter-millet conflicts on a confessional rather than ethnic basis.

20th-Century Emergence

![Mulberry Street in New York City around 1900, illustrating ethnic diversity amid early 20th-century immigration waves]float-right The emergence of multiculturalism in the 20th century traces its intellectual roots to early responses in the United States to mass immigration from Southern and Eastern Europe between 1880 and 1924, which challenged prevailing assimilationist ideals. The "melting pot" metaphor, popularized by Israel Zangwill's 1908 play of the same name, envisioned immigrants blending into a unified Anglo-American culture, but this faced opposition from thinkers advocating preservation of distinct ethnic identities. Jewish-American philosopher Horace Kallen formalized the alternative concept of in his 1915 essay "Democracy Versus the ," arguing that thrives on the coexistence of diverse groups retaining their heritages, akin to an where each "instrument" contributes uniquely without homogenization. Influenced by pragmatists like and , Kallen's framework rejected , positing that cultural persistence fosters individual freedom and societal vitality, particularly amid anti-immigrant sentiments culminating in the 1924 Immigration Act's quotas. Prior to World War II, cultural pluralism remained a marginal intellectual position, overshadowed by hierarchical ethnic relations and policies favoring Anglo-conformity, though it laid groundwork for later multicultural ideologies by emphasizing group rights over individual integration. Kallen's ideas gained limited traction through collaborations, such as with Alain Locke, who extended pluralism to African American contexts, yet empirical dominance of assimilation persisted, as evidenced by declining foreign-language press and rising intermarriage rates among European immigrants.

Post-WWII Policy Institutionalization

Canada led the formal institutionalization of multiculturalism among Western nations, adopting it as official policy on October 8, 1971, when Pierre Elliott Trudeau announced in the an extension of the Royal Commission on Bilingualism and Biculturalism's framework to encompass the cultural rights of all ethnic groups beyond the Anglo-French duality. This policy emphasized preservation of heritage languages and cultures while promoting equality, marking a deliberate shift from assimilation to pluralism amid rising non-European post-1967 point-system reforms. Australia transitioned from its restrictive White Australia policy—progressively dismantled via measures like the 1966 Migration Act amendments under Prime Minister —to multiculturalism in the 1970s, with Immigration Minister Al Grassby's 1973 "Family of the Nation" address framing the nation as culturally diverse and the 1978 Galbally Report recommending government support for ethnic community maintenance, language services, and anti-discrimination efforts. This institutionalization responded to post-World War II population drives that imported over 2 million migrants by 1973, many from non-British backgrounds, prioritizing economic needs over cultural homogeneity. In , multiculturalism was codified in 1975 via government bill Proposition 1975:26, which established guidelines for immigrant and minority policy promoting "" for cultural preservation, equality between immigrants and natives, and state funding for ethnic organizations, building on 1968 reforms granting immigrants cultural rights and reflecting Social Democratic priorities under amid labor migration from , , and later the . The policy rejected assimilation in favor of parallel societal structures, with immigrant populations rising from 1% in 1950 to over 10% by 1990. The Netherlands extended its historical consociational "pillarization" model—segmenting society by religion and ideology—to ethnic minorities in the 1970s and early 1980s, adopting explicit multiculturalism policies by 1983 that subsidized cultural associations and exempted immigrants from full civic assimilation requirements, driven by post-colonial inflows from , , and guest workers from and totaling over 300,000 by 1980. In the , millennia of migration—from prehistoric Neolithic farmers and Bell Beaker people, to Romans, Anglo-Saxons, Vikings, Normans, Huguenots (~50,000 in the 17th century), Irish during the 19th-century famine, and Russian Jews (~120,000 in the late 19th–early 20th centuries)—laid a multi-ethnic foundation. Post-war institutionalization arose de facto via the 1948 British Nationality Act, which granted citizenship to over 800 million subjects and enabled arrivals like the Windrush generation from the in 1948 and ~500,000 from by 1961. The Race Relations Acts of 1965, 1968, and 1976 prohibited discrimination and backed community relations councils that encouraged ethnic rather than assimilation. This crystallized multiculturalism as a pragmatic response to demographic shifts and imperial legacy, without pre-planned national cohesion requirements. These policies generally arose from pragmatic responses to irreversible demographic shifts—Europe's guest worker programs recruited 14 million foreigners by the , often from Muslim-majority nations—coupled with ideological aversion to pre-war ethnonationalism, yet they prioritized group rights over individual integration, setting precedents for state-endorsed cultural despite varying empirical outcomes in social unity.

Theoretical Arguments

Proponents' Claims

Proponents of multiculturalism, particularly liberal theorists such as Will Kymlicka, argue that cultural membership serves as the essential "context for choice," providing individuals with a secure framework of options, meanings, and values necessary for exercising personal autonomy. Without protections for minority cultures against the dominant majority's assimilation pressures, members of these groups face disadvantages that undermine their ability to make meaningful life decisions, akin to navigating an unfamiliar terrain without maps or landmarks. Kymlicka contends that liberal principles of equality demand group-differentiated rights—such as self-government for national minorities or polyethnic rights for immigrants—to rectify these structural inequalities, ensuring that autonomy is not merely formal but substantively accessible to all citizens. Charles Taylor, in his essay "The Politics of Recognition," extends this by asserting that human identity formation is inherently dialogical, requiring affirmation from others, and that non-recognition or misrecognition of one's inflicts harm comparable to denying equal dignity in the politics of . Taylor maintains that multiculturalism necessitates a "presumption of equal worth" among cultures to foster authentic intercultural , rejecting the "difference-blind" that implicitly privileges the majority's norms as neutral. This approach, he argues, avoids the homogenization of identities while promoting a deeper mutual understanding essential for democratic legitimacy. Additional arguments emphasize the intrinsic value of cultural diversity and its compatibility with democratic deliberation. Proponents claim that diverse cultural perspectives enrich public discourse, countering the epistemic limitations of monocultural viewpoints and enhancing policy outcomes through broader representation. Historically grounded appeals highlight that ignoring past injustices, such as or , perpetuates inequality, justifying multicultural policies as reparative measures to integrate minorities on equitable terms rather than subordinating them.

Critics' Objections and Alternatives

Critics argue that multiculturalism undermines social cohesion by promoting fragmentation over unity, as shown by declining interpersonal trust in diverse areas. Harvard political scientist Robert Putnam's 2007 study of 30,000 respondents in 41 U.S. communities revealed that ethnic diversity links to lower neighbor trust and reciprocity expectations, even after adjusting for socioeconomic factors; people in diverse locales "hunker down," participating less in community life and trusting fewer groups. Though initially reluctant to publish amid progressive support for diversity, Putnam theorized that multiculturalism's focus on group differences intensifies this constriction, favoring silos over cross-group bonds. Another critique holds that multiculturalism dilutes a nation's core identity by rejecting assimilation into a dominant culture, risking civilizational erosion. In his 2004 book Who Are We? The Challenges to America's National Identity, political scientist Samuel Huntington portrayed multiculturalism as anti-Western, claiming it drives "the de-Westernization of America" by undermining the Anglo-Protestant foundation—anchored in , , and Western values—that integrated past waves. Without a common civilizational base, he warned, multiculturalism breeds clashes among incompatible values, per his 1996 thesis, where cultural divides, not ideology, fuel conflict; its weakens defenses against illiberal norms like authoritarianism or theocracy. Philosophically, critics such as Brian Barry assert that multiculturalism violates liberal universalism by exempting minorities from uniform individual rights, offering group accommodations that perpetuate inequality and illiberalism. In Culture and Equality (2001), Barry criticized this differential citizenship—such as excusing forced marriages or gender segregation on cultural grounds—for subverting egalitarianism, privileging relativism over justice, and concealing imbalances where host societies absorb assimilation burdens yet minorities gain exemptions. Barry rejected cultural preservation defenses as overlooking how host liberalism cannot sustain subsidies for incompatible subcultures without eroding norms, often minimized by academia's bias toward pluralism. In contrast, assimilation advocates urge immigrants to adopt the host society's , norms, and values fully, building a cohesive unlike multiculturalism's difference preservation. Huntington backed the "" approach, crediting U.S. success to Anglo-conformity and cautioning that the "salad bowl" model invites by stalling convergence. , as outlined by Michael Ignatieff, stresses allegiance to shared institutions, , and constitutional principles over ethnic ties; it allows private diversity but requires public commitment to civic virtues, sidestepping group privileges and cultivating via institutional instead of uniformity. Both prioritize integration tools like joint and rituals to counter fragmentation, citing history where assimilation fostered stable, trusting societies.

Empirical Evidence of Impacts

Social Cohesion and Interpersonal Trust

Empirical research shows that higher ethnic diversity—often tied to multicultural policies favoring cultural preservation over assimilation—correlates with lower interpersonal trust and social cohesion, especially at the neighborhood level. In a study of 30,000 U.S. respondents across 41 communities, Robert Putnam found ethnic diversity linked to reduced trust within and between groups, alongside lower civic engagement, including less participation in community organizations and weaker expectations of neighborly reciprocity. This "hunkering down" persists after controlling for socioeconomic factors, pointing to causes like disrupted norms and unfamiliarity rather than poverty or inequality alone. Putnam, a self-described liberal, highlighted these short-term costs, despite possible long-term gains from integration, questioning multicultural optimism. Global meta-analyses confirm this trend. A 2020 review by Dinesen et al. of 87 studies with over 350,000 participants found a significant negative link between ethnic diversity and social trust (correlation ≈ -0.06), stronger for neighbors than strangers or institutions. The pattern holds in Europe and North America, robust to controls like inequality or crime, though weaker nationally due to shared identities. European micro-level studies echo this, with diversity reducing trust via homophily and cultural barriers to cooperation. Multiculturalism's emphasis on distinct identities may worsen these effects by hindering shared civic ties. In diverse U.S. and European areas without assimilation, trust in public goods declines as groups prioritize in-group benefits over collective welfare. Contact theory posits that intergroup interactions build trust, but empirical evidence often reveals persistent segregation in low-trust settings. Findings from surveys, experiments, and panel data converge to indicate causal strain from unintegrated diversity, with possible recovery through time and policies promoting common values—though current frameworks show limited success.

Economic Productivity and Welfare Costs

Empirical research on ethnic fractionalization—a measure of diversity from multiculturalism policies facilitating from varied cultural backgrounds—shows consistent negative links to and . Cross-country studies link higher fractionalization to slower GDP growth, due to lower incentives for public goods investment and coordination issues impeding . Such fragmentation explains up to 20-30% of growth rate variations, even after adjusting for income inequality and institutions. This challenges diversity's purported productivity benefits, as lower trust and cooperation in diverse settings hinder spread and labor efficiency, especially in low-trust or non-democratic environments. Labor market data highlight multiculturalism's productivity costs. In the , 2021 employment rates for native-born ages 20-64 reached 75%, compared to 15-20 percentage points lower for non-EU immigrants, due to skill gaps, barriers, and mismatched cultural norms. Second-generation immigrants with strong ethnic ties show higher unemployment than natives, worsening human capital underuse. At the firm level, ethnic diversity cuts output per worker amid weak integration, via communication barriers and enclave-based hiring that curbs spillovers. Multiculturalism imposes welfare costs through disproportionate fiscal burdens from certain immigrant groups in high-benefit states. In the , only 20% of immigrants make a positive lifetime net fiscal contribution, with non-Western groups incurring substantial deficits from lower earnings and higher benefit use. Scandinavian countries report non-EU immigrants causing net costs of 1-2% of GDP yearly, due to employment gaps and policies expanding dependents. Across the EU, extra-EU migrants are net recipients in most countries, paying less in taxes than they receive in services such as and healthcare, although high-skilled inflows offset this somewhat. These patterns burden budgets by reducing assimilation incentives and sustaining dependency without strict eligibility reforms.

Crime Rates and Public Security

In countries pursuing multiculturalism through high levels of from culturally dissimilar regions, official statistics show significant overrepresentation of foreign-born individuals and their descendants in suspect data, raising public security concerns. In , a 2021 study by the Swedish National Council for (Brå) found foreign-born individuals 2.5 times more likely to be registered as suspects than those born in Sweden to two native parents (1.8 times after adjusting for age, , , and ); second-generation immigrants showed 3.2 times raw overrepresentation, declining to 1.7 adjusted. Disparities are stark in violent crimes: foreign-born suspects formed 58% of those for , , and , and 73% for (2017 data). Sweden's rate, averaging 111 cases annually from 2014 to 2023, has climbed, largely due to gang-related shootings in immigrant-dense suburbs like Malmö and Stockholm's , including 62 lethal incidents in 2022. Germany shows similar patterns after the 2015-2016 migrant influx. Non-Germans (15% of the population) accounted for 41.3% of total crime suspects in 2023, with elevated shares in violent offenses. Federal Criminal Police Office (BKA) figures for solved cases excluding immigration violations indicated 34.4% non-German suspects, overrepresented in sexual offenses and knife crimes; a peer-reviewed analysis estimated 10-20% increases in property and violent crime in high-influx areas. Convictions reached a record: 39% lacked German citizenship in 2023. Security declined in cities like Berlin and Cologne, highlighted by over 1,200 sexual assaults on New Year's Eve 2015-2016—mostly by North African and Middle Eastern migrants—which eroded trust and spurred asylum policy shifts. In the United Kingdom, ethnic minorities, often linked to post-colonial and recent immigration, show elevated involvement in certain crimes per Ministry of Justice and police data. Black individuals, 4% of the population, accounted for 19.8% of male homicide victims and higher suspect rates in 2021-2022, with arrest rates at 20.4 per 1,000 for black people versus 9.4 for white. Grooming gang scandals in Rotherham and other towns, involving predominantly Pakistani-heritage men, exploited over 1,400 victims from 1997-2013, highlighting failures in integration and cultural clashes over gender norms. Peer-reviewed European studies confirm immigrant youth overrepresentation in registered crime, persisting after socioeconomic controls, with factors like segregation and origin-country conditions cited but not fully explanatory. These patterns strain public security, fostering parallel societies with reduced interpersonal trust and heightened fear of crime in diverse urban enclaves, as evidenced by rising lethal violence in Sweden's immigrant-dense areas.

Cultural Dynamics and Identity Preservation

Multicultural policies prioritize preserving immigrant cultural practices and identities, often discouraging full assimilation into host society norms and values. This contrasts with historical assimilation models, where early 20th-century U.S. immigrants from rapidly adopted host languages, customs, and civic identities—including name changes among Nordic and Southern European groups. In modern contexts, such policies correlate with slower intergenerational assimilation; second-generation immigrants in multicultural retain stronger parental ethnic identities than those in assimilation-oriented settings. Empirical studies show ethnic diversity under multicultural frameworks erodes shared , linking higher diversity to lower public goods provision and political stability via fragmented loyalties. Cross-national analyses reveal that endorsing separate identities fosters "parallel societies"—autonomous minority networks, institutions, and norms insulated from host integration—as seen in Germany's Turkish communities and the UK's sharia councils. These patterns prompted acknowledgments of failure, such as German Chancellor Angela Merkel's 2010 statement that multiculturalism had "utterly failed" to promote cohesive integration due to persistent separatism. Host culture preservation faces challenges from multicultural emphasis on equivalence of all identities, leading to dilution of majority traditions through institutional accommodations like bilingual services and cultural relativism in education. Data from diverse European nations show that spatial clustering of culturally distant immigrants reinforces ethnic enclaves, hindering inclusive national identification and amplifying identity-based conflicts over time. While some research highlights potential for "superdiverse" inclusive identities in mixed Western-non-Western settings, this effect diminishes when segregation prevails, underscoring causal links between policy-driven preservation and reduced societal unity. Academic sources advancing multicultural benefits often originate from institutions with documented ideological biases favoring diversity narratives, yet raw metrics on identity surveys and integration indicators consistently reveal strains on cohesive cultural dynamics.

Policy Implementations and Outcomes

North American Experiences

Canada: Official Policy and Integration Metrics

Canada adopted multiculturalism as official policy on October 8, 1971, when Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau announced it in the House of Commons, positioning it as a response to bilingualism and cultural pluralism amid Quebec separatism concerns. This policy emphasized preserving ethnic identities while promoting equality, marking a shift from assimilation models. In 1988, Parliament passed the Canadian Multiculturalism Act on July 21, enshrining the commitment to enhance multiculturalism through federal initiatives, including heritage preservation, anti-discrimination measures, and intercultural understanding; it was the world's first such legislation. Economic integration metrics reveal persistent gaps for immigrants compared to native-born Canadians. In 2023-24, 62.7% of immigrants achieved middle-income or higher status, but recent cohorts from lower-income countries exhibit lower initial earnings and productivity due to credential recognition issues and skill mismatches. Between 2015 and 2024, temporary workers—comprising a growing share of inflows—were younger, less experienced, and faced employment barriers, contributing to higher unemployment rates among recent immigrants. Language proficiency correlates with better outcomes, yet many newcomers require time for English or French acquisition, delaying full labor market participation. Social cohesion indicators show high but eroding support for multiculturalism amid rapid immigration. A 2024 poll found 65% of Canadians proud of multiculturalism, down 9 points from 2023, reflecting strains from high inflows on housing and services. While 77% view cultural diversity as core to national identity, trust levels—historically strong—are softening, with concerns over parallel communities and integration challenges in urban enclaves like Toronto. Crime statistics indicate immigrants commit offenses at lower rates than natives overall, with no significant property crime impact from new arrivals, though specific subgroups and underreporting in certain categories warrant caution in interpretations from government data. Empirical critiques highlight that unchecked diversity without robust integration can undermine cohesion, as evidenced by rising public skepticism toward policy sustainability.

United States: Diversity vs Assimilation Debates

The lacks a formal multiculturalism policy, historically favoring assimilation into a unified "" culture through immigrants' adoption of English proficiency, civic values, and economic . Early European immigrants—numbering 30 million—assimilated rapidly: second-generation individuals achieved over 90% English fluency, frequent intermarriage, and native-level wages within 20 years, per longitudinal data. The 1965 Immigration Act heightened debates by replacing national-origin quotas with and diversity visas, increasing non-European inflows. Multiculturalism advocates then promoted over assimilation, arguing it enriches society without cultural erasure. Empirical data favors assimilation for superior outcomes. A 2023 Manhattan Institute study of data shows second-generation immigrants earning 10-15% more than natives, with third-generation homeownership matching natives—though slower for low-skilled arrivals from and . Putnam's diversity-trust research applies to U.S. cities, where high ethnic diversity yields 10-20% lower trust, reduced , and weaker neighborly ties, independent of or . Academic pro-multiculturalism claims stress benefits like . Critics counter with evidence of stalled —such as persistent language barriers for 20% of immigrants after 20 years—and surging , risking ; they attribute post-1980s slowdowns to diversity-prioritizing policies. Mainstream and institutions often understate these cohesion costs, favoring diversity affirmation.

Canada: Official Policy and Integration Metrics

Canada adopted multiculturalism as official policy on October 8, 1971, when Prime Minister announced it in the , positioning it as a response to bilingualism and amid Quebec separatism concerns. This policy emphasized preserving ethnic identities while promoting equality, marking a shift from assimilation models. In 1988, passed the Canadian Multiculturalism Act on July 21, enshrining the commitment to enhance multiculturalism through federal initiatives, including heritage preservation, anti-discrimination measures, and intercultural understanding; it was the world's first such legislation. Economic integration metrics reveal persistent gaps for immigrants compared to native-born . In 2023-24, 62.7% of immigrants achieved middle-income or higher status, but recent cohorts from lower-income countries exhibit lower initial earnings and productivity due to credential recognition issues and skill mismatches. Between 2015 and 2024, temporary workers—comprising a growing share of inflows—were younger, less experienced, and faced barriers, contributing to higher unemployment rates among recent immigrants. Language proficiency correlates with better outcomes, yet many newcomers require time for English or French acquisition, delaying full labor market participation. Social cohesion indicators show high but eroding support for multiculturalism amid rapid . A 2024 poll found 65% of proud of multiculturalism, down 9 points from 2023, reflecting strains from high inflows on and services. While 77% view as core to , trust levels—historically strong—are softening, with concerns over parallel communities and integration challenges in urban enclaves like . indicate immigrants commit offenses at lower rates than natives overall, with no significant impact from new arrivals, though specific subgroups and underreporting in certain categories warrant caution in interpretations from data. Empirical critiques highlight that unchecked diversity without robust integration can undermine cohesion, as evidenced by rising public skepticism toward policy sustainability.

United States: Diversity vs Assimilation Debates

The traditionally pursued an assimilation model, often termed the "," wherein immigrants adopted English proficiency, civic , and economic self-reliance to integrate into the national fabric. Historical analyses confirm that 19th- and early 20th-century European immigrants largely succeeded in this process, with second-generation descendants exhibiting near-native language skills, intermarriage rates approaching 50% by the third generation, and socioeconomic convergence with natives within 75 years. This pattern held despite initial ethnic enclaves, as public schools and labor markets enforced cultural , yielding measurable gains in wages and homeownership. The Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965 disrupted this trajectory by eliminating national origins quotas favoring Europeans, shifting to family-based preferences that accelerated inflows from , , and , quintupling the Hispanic and Asian population shares by 2043 projections. Proponents hailed the Act for rectifying racial exclusions and spurring economic vitality through diverse skills, yet critics argue its chain migration mechanics fostered less assimilable cohorts, with foreign-born shares climbing to 14% by 2020 amid slower cultural convergence. This demographic pivot intensified multiculturalism, which prioritizes preserving ancestral identities via bilingual programs and group-rights advocacy, contrasting assimilation's emphasis on individual merit and shared norms. Harvard sociologist Robert Putnam's 2007 analysis of 30,000 U.S. respondents found ethnic diversity erodes short-term social trust, with heterogeneous communities showing 10-20% lower generalized trust and reduced as residents withdraw into isolation—"hunkering down"—a pattern replicated in subsequent meta-reviews. While long-term assimilation could rebuild cohesion, as third-generation immigrants achieve 92% English fluency and 30%+ intermarriage rates boosting earnings by 15-20%, persistent policy support for multiculturalism—evident in expanded curricula post-1990s—has drawn fire for balkanizing society and diluting . Assimilation advocates, citing causal links between language mastery and upward mobility, contend that multiculturalism's impedes these dynamics, whereas diversity enthusiasts invoke gains without addressing cohesion costs.

European Applications

Europe's approach to multiculturalism has primarily emerged from post-World War II labor recruitment, colonial legacies, and mass asylum inflows, particularly during the 2015 migrant crisis when over 1 million arrivals strained integration frameworks. Unlike North America's emphasis on economic selection, European policies often prioritized humanitarian obligations and , resulting in large non-European populations with varying degrees of cultural separation. Empirical studies indicate persistent challenges, including lower interpersonal trust in diverse areas and elevated among certain migrant groups, as multiculturalism policies in the early expanded but failed to foster assimilation in many contexts.

France: Secularism Conflicts

France's republican model of laïcité—strict state secularism enshrined in the 1905 law separating church and state—has clashed with multicultural accommodations, rejecting public religious symbols to preserve national unity. The 2004 ban on conspicuous religious attire in schools and the 2010 full-face veil prohibition targeted Islamist expressions, amid riots in immigrant-heavy banlieues like those in 2005, where over 10,000 vehicles were burned, linked to socioeconomic marginalization and cultural isolation. Islamist terrorism, including the 2015 Charlie Hebdo and Bataclan attacks killing 130, underscored integration failures, with surveys showing many French Muslims prioritizing religious identity over civic loyalty. Critics argue laïcité enforces assimilation but fosters resentment, as multicultural demands for exemptions (e.g., halal meals) erode secular norms, contributing to parallel societies where 70% of prisoners are Muslim despite comprising 8-10% of the population.

Germany: Labor Migration Legacies

Germany's Gastarbeiter program recruited over 1 million Turkish workers from 1961-1973 for economic reconstruction, initially as temporary labor but leading to permanent settlement via , now forming a community of 3 million with high welfare reliance and low intermarriage rates. Integration outcomes remain poor: Turkish-Germans exhibit unemployment rates double the national average (around 12% vs. 5% in 2023), educational underachievement, and cultural enclaves in cities like -Neukölln, where honor killings and forced marriages persist. The 2015-2016 influx of 1.2 million mostly Muslim migrants exacerbated strains, with Merkel's "Wir schaffen das" policy correlating to a 20% rise in violent crime in subsequent years, per federal statistics, and AfD's electoral gains reflecting public disillusionment with failed multiculturalism. Studies confirm generational persistence of separation, with second-generation Turks showing limited German proficiency and loyalty divided between and .

United Kingdom: Post-Colonial Tensions

Under Tony Blair's (1997-2007), the explicitly adopted multiculturalism, relaxing controls and funding ethnic community organizations, which tripled net migration to over 200,000 annually by 2005. This policy, intended to celebrate diversity, fostered segregation: the and 7/7 bombings (52 deaths by British-born Islamists) exposed in isolated enclaves, prompting Blair's 2006 admission of multiculturalism's excesses. Grooming gang scandals in (1,400 victims, 1997-2013) involved predominantly Pakistani men exploiting white girls, with authorities' fear of accusations delaying action, highlighting institutional capture by multicultural . data shows foreign-born overrepresentation in offenses, with 2023 statistics indicating non- nationals at 12% of prisoners despite 7% population share, amid "no-go" zones in Birmingham and where patrols enforce norms. Post-Brexit shifts toward integration reflect outcomes of eroded social cohesion.

Scandinavia: Welfare State Strain

Scandinavian nations, exemplars of generous welfare, absorbed high per-capita —Sweden granted asylum to 163,000 in 2015 alone—under multicultural ideals emphasizing rights over assimilation, leading to fiscal pressures as non-Western immigrants' net welfare costs exceed contributions by 2-3 times native levels over lifetimes. In , immigrant-heavy areas like report gang violence and attacks, with foreign-born committing 58% of violent crimes in 2018 despite 19% population share, per official data, fueling a policy pivot: the 2022 right-wing government's incentives and Denmark's "ghetto laws" mandating . and face similar strains, with 40-50% among Somalis and , eroding trust— surveys show 60% of Swedes viewing negatively—and prompting Denmark's left-led restrictions post-2015, reducing inflows by 80%. Outcomes reveal multiculturalism's incompatibility with universalist welfare, as ethnic enclaves resist labor participation and sustain high dependency.

France: Secularism Conflicts

France's principle of laïcité, enshrined in the 1905 law separating church and state, mandates strict neutrality in public institutions, creating tensions with multicultural policies that accommodate visible religious practices, particularly among Muslim immigrants from and the . These conflicts intensified post-2000 as parallel communities emerged, with demands for religious exemptions challenging the republican model of assimilation over multiculturalism. In 2004, enacted a law prohibiting conspicuous religious symbols—such as Islamic hijabs, Jewish kippahs, Sikh turbans, and large Christian crosses—in public schools to enforce and prevent . The ban affected primarily Muslim girls, who comprised the majority of cases, with enforcement leading to about 600 expulsions in the first year, though most complied or switched to private religious schools. Empirical analysis indicates the policy coincided with improved academic outcomes for Muslim students, including higher test scores and increased interfaith marriages, suggesting reduced rather than exclusion. The 2010 law extended restrictions to public spaces, banning full-face coverings like the or , which affected an estimated 1,900-2,000 women, or 0.04% of France's Muslim population. Violators face fines up to €150 or mandatory citizenship courses, with over 1,500 fines issued by 2016, though enforcement remains inconsistent in high-immigration areas. Proponents argue the measure upholds "living together" by ensuring facial visibility for social interaction and security, a rationale upheld by the in 2014 despite claims of discrimination. High-profile violence underscored enforcement risks, as in the 2020 beheading of teacher Samuel Paty near after he displayed caricatures of during a free speech lesson. Paty, aged 47, was attacked by an 18-year-old Chechen Islamist who had mobilized via based on from a student's parent; the incident prompted nationwide tributes to laïcité and accelerated anti-separatism legislation. In December 2024, eight accomplices were convicted in an anti-terrorism trial, receiving sentences from suspended fines to 13 years for aiding the killer. The 2021 "anti-separatism" law targeted Islamist networks fostering parallel societies, closing unregulated mosques, regulating imams (banning foreign funding), and mandating secular training for educators in private Muslim schools. It addressed documented issues like 400+ "radicalized" institutions identified by 2020, amid surveys showing 29% of French Muslims prioritizing sharia over republic laws. Critics, including Muslim organizations, decry it as stigmatizing, but data post-enactment reveal over 20,000 certifications denied to suspicious groups, correlating with fewer separatism complaints by 2023. Persistent challenges include urban enclaves with low trust in state institutions, where multicultural tolerance yields to demands for halal cafeterias or gender-segregated classes, eroding unified civic identity.

Germany: Labor Migration Legacies

West Germany's program, launched in 1955 amid acute post-World War II labor shortages in reconstruction industries, recruited foreign workers through bilateral agreements with countries including (1955), and (1960), and (1961). Approximately 14 million workers entered between 1955 and 1973, primarily for manual labor in , , and construction, with the explicit intention of temporary employment without rights to or family accompaniment. Turks emerged as the dominant group after 1961, comprising over 10% of recruits by the early 1970s due to their availability and willingness to accept low-wage, undesirable jobs. Recruitment ceased in November 1973 following the global oil crisis and rising unemployment, yet the program's legacies persisted through family reunification policies enacted in the late 1970s and 1980s, which enabled workers to sponsor spouses and children, transforming temporary inflows into settled communities. By 1980, the Turkish-origin population exceeded 1.5 million, growing to over 2.8 million descendants by 2020, concentrated in urban areas like the Ruhr Valley and Berlin, where they formed dense ethnic networks. This shift embedded multiculturalism into Germany's social fabric by default, as return migration incentives failed—only about 10-15% of recruits repatriated permanently—leading to intergenerational continuity of non-citizen status until citizenship reforms in 2000. Economically, the influx filled critical gaps in the 1960s "economic miracle," boosting GDP growth by an estimated 0.5-1% annually through low-cost labor, but long-term outcomes revealed structural vulnerabilities. Turkish-origin households exhibit persistent disparities, with rates 2-3 times higher than natives (around 12-15% vs. 5% in recent data) and overrepresentation in low-skill sectors, partly due to limited and credential recognition during the initial phases. These patterns fostered reliance on social welfare, with second- and third-generation descendants showing slower upward mobility compared to earlier European cohorts like or , attributable to larger family sizes, cultural insularity, and inadequate early integration policies. The unintended permanence of labor migration challenged Germany's self-conception as a non-immigration country until the 1990s, precipitating debates over assimilation versus multiculturalism; official recognition of the latter came haltingly, with policies like the 1978 "guest worker constitution" offering limited protections but reinforcing ethnic silos. Causal factors include the program's design flaws—short-term visas without integration mandates—and host society attitudes prioritizing economic utility over social incorporation, yielding parallel communities with high intra-group marriage rates (over 80% for Turks) and transnational ties to , complicating national cohesion. Recent analyses underscore that while economic contributions endure via remittances and (e.g., industry employing thousands), unresolved legacies manifest in policy inertia, such as resistance to skilled migration reforms until the .

United Kingdom: Post-Colonial Tensions

The British Nationality Act 1948 granted citizenship rights to residents of former colonies and Commonwealth nations, enabling unrestricted migration to the UK to address post-World War II labor shortages in sectors like transport and healthcare. This facilitated the arrival of the Empire Windrush ship on June 22, 1948, carrying 492 passengers primarily from the Caribbean, symbolizing the onset of significant post-colonial inflows that grew to include South Asians from India, Pakistan, and later Bangladesh, as well as Africans. By the 1960s, net migration from these regions exceeded 100,000 annually in peak years, concentrating in urban areas like London, Birmingham, and Bradford, where ethnic enclaves formed amid economic competition and cultural differences. Early warnings of resulting tensions materialized in Enoch Powell's April 20, 1968, speech, which forecasted from unchecked , citing constituent reports of cultural friction such as interracial violence and demands for . A contemporaneous Gallup poll indicated 74% public agreement with Powell's assessment, reflecting widespread unease over integration prospects in a society unaccustomed to mass settlement from disparate cultural backgrounds. Despite subsequent restrictions via the and , and chain migration sustained inflows, exacerbating spatial segregation where post-colonial communities maintained parallel institutions, including mosques and madrasas enforcing traditional norms incompatible with British . Urban disturbances underscored these frictions, as seen in the 1981 Brixton riots, ignited by a police operation involving over 1,000 stops targeting suspected crime hotspots in a predominantly area, leading to three days of arson, looting, and clashes injuring 282 police officers and 45 civilians. Similar unrest erupted in , , where was deployed for the first time in UK mainland policing amid petrol bombings and vehicle destruction, rooted in disproportionate stop-and-search practices—black individuals faced seven times higher rates than whites—compounded by exceeding 20% in affected inner-city wards. The attributed triggers to policing tactics and socioeconomic deprivation but noted underlying ethnic divisions, including youth gang rivalries and resistance to assimilation, rather than solely institutional . Islamist extremism from Pakistani-descended communities amplified security concerns, exemplified by the July 7, 2005, bombings, where four British-born perpetrators of Pakistani heritage detonated devices on systems, killing 52 and injuring over 700. The lead bomber, , justified the attacks in a video as retaliation for Western , highlighting radicalization within segregated enclaves like , where ideological isolation from mainstream society fostered homegrown . Government statistics reveal persistent disparities, with individuals from Pakistani and Bangladeshi backgrounds overrepresented in terrorism-related convictions, comprising 84% of Islamist offenders between 2001 and 2020 despite forming under 4% of the population. Child sexual exploitation scandals further exposed integration deficits, particularly in northern towns where networks of predominantly British-Pakistani men targeted vulnerable white girls. In , between 1997 and 2013, at least 1,400 children suffered grooming, , and trafficking, with the 2014 Jay Report confirming the majority of perpetrators as men of Pakistani heritage who exploited cultural insularity and police hesitancy due to fears of accusations. Analogous cases in and involved over 300 victims, with official inquiries identifying failures in multicultural policies that prioritized community cohesion over law enforcement, allowing offenses rooted in patriarchal attitudes from source cultures to persist unchecked. data indicate Asian (predominantly Pakistani) offenders are disproportionately convicted for group-based sexual crimes against minors, at rates five times higher than their demographic share. These patterns contributed to entrenched parallel societies in districts like and Tower Hamlets, where over 70% Muslim populations in some wards sustain low inter-ethnic mixing, high consanguineous marriage rates (up to 55% in Pakistani communities), and resistance to host norms, as documented in the 2001 Cantle Report following riots in and . reveal Pakistani and Bangladeshi groups face 50% higher and educational underachievement compared to whites, correlating with welfare dependency and spatial isolation that perpetuates cultural separatism rather than convergence. Such outcomes reflect causal mismatches between post-colonial value systems—emphasizing tribal loyalties and religious primacy—and Britain's liberal individualism, yielding sustained tensions despite policy interventions like the 2006 Racial and Religious Hatred Act.

Scandinavia: Welfare State Strain

In Scandinavian countries, characterized by extensive universal welfare systems funded by high progressive taxation, multiculturalism through large-scale non-Western immigration has imposed significant fiscal pressures. Non-Western immigrants exhibit markedly higher rates of welfare dependency and lower labor market participation compared to natives, contributing to net fiscal deficits that challenge the sustainability of these models. For instance, employment rates among immigrants aged 20-66 in Norway stood at 67.7% in 2024, versus 79.7% for the native population, correlating with elevated social assistance use. Similarly, in Sweden, recent migrants (2016-2021 arrivals) achieved only a 41% self-sufficiency rate by 2021, defined as not relying on public transfers or living on a partner's income. These patterns stem from factors including skill mismatches, cultural barriers to employment, and generous benefits that reduce work incentives, as evidenced by dynamic analyses showing immigration's drag on public finances when arrivals occur outside peak earning ages. Sweden exemplifies acute strain, with foreign-born individuals comprising 14% of the population yet accounting for the majority of social assistance payouts. First-generation immigrants from non-rich countries receive social assistance at rates up to 24%, compared to 3% for natives, driven by persistent labor market gaps. The influx of over 160,000 asylum seekers in 2015 alone amplified costs, with refugees imposing net fiscal burdens through low and high benefit uptake, prompting reversals such as tightened asylum rules by 2025 to curb inflows. Empirical forecasts indicate that without integration improvements, such dependency erodes the welfare state's universalism, concentrating in immigrant-heavy suburbs and fueling political demands for . Denmark's experience underscores causal links between non-Western immigration and fiscal drag, with studies estimating negative net contributions from these groups due to weak labor outcomes and early retirement amid universal benefits. Non-Western immigrants generate annual deficits, contrasting with positive impacts from Western counterparts (net +€0.5 billion), as high welfare generosity amplifies costs for low-skilled arrivals. Reforms since the early , including benefit cuts for refugees, aimed to mitigate spillovers like reduced native employment incentives, reflecting recognition that unchecked multiculturalism threatens the high-tax base sustaining the system. By 2025, left-leaning governments had adopted stringent controls, prioritizing welfare preservation over open borders. Norway faces parallel issues, with immigrants comprising 56% of social assistance recipients in 2024 despite being 18% of the population, and 8.2% of immigrants relying on such aid versus 1.6% of natives. Non-Western groups show the starkest disparities, with social assistance rates tied to lower integration and higher family reunification of dependents. This has intensified debates over welfare universality, as sustained deficits from immigration—projected to worsen without policy shifts—undermine the oil-funded model's long-term viability. Across Scandinavia, these dynamics reveal multiculturalism's tension with redistributive welfare, prompting empirical-driven restrictions to align inflows with economic contributions.

Asia-Pacific Models

In the Asia-Pacific region, approaches to multiculturalism diverge from Western paradigms by emphasizing selective , state-orchestrated ethnic balance, and historical pluralism tempered by hierarchical social structures, often prioritizing economic productivity and social order over unrestricted . Countries like and have implemented policies that integrate diversity through merit-based entry and enforced mixing to avert segregation, yielding measurable stability but raising questions about coerced assimilation. India, by contrast, navigates innate ethnic, religious, and caste-based fragmentation without a centralized multicultural framework, relying on constitutional mechanisms that accommodate group identities amid ongoing tensions. These models reflect adaptations to rapid modernization and colonial legacies, with outcomes assessed via metrics like interethnic trust and conflict incidence rather than ideological purity.

Australia: Selective Immigration Shifts

Australia's immigration system evolved from ethnic exclusion under the , formally dismantled by 1973, to a points-tested model favoring skilled migrants, which by 2023 accounted for over 70% of permanent visas granted. Multicultural policies, institutionalized via the 1973 Australian Ethnic Affairs Council report and subsequent frameworks, initially promoted cultural maintenance alongside civic integration, but post-2000 reforms under governments like Howard's shifted emphasis to economic utility and values alignment, introducing citizenship tests in 2007 to screen for "Australian values" such as and . Recent adjustments, including a 2024 cap on net migration at 260,000 amid pressures, reflect a pivot toward demand-driven selection where employers influence inflows, reducing family reunions from 50% of visas in the to under 25% today. This selective paradigm has fostered a where 30% were born overseas as of 2021, predominantly from , correlating with GDP growth from skilled labor but also straining and sparking debates on integration efficacy. reviews, such as the 2017 Multicultural Framework, highlight successes in equity—migrants' rates converging to native levels within five years—but note persistent gaps in social cohesion, with surveys indicating 20-30% of Australians perceiving multiculturalism as divisive due to uneven assimilation. Critics argue the model privileges over cultural compatibility, evidenced by higher welfare dependency among low-skilled cohorts, prompting policy tweaks like the 2023 Migration Strategy to prioritize English proficiency and regional settlement.

Singapore: Authoritarian Harmony

Singapore's multiculturalism operates under the Chinese-Malay-Indian-Others (CMIO) classification system, formalized post-1965 independence to manage a 75% Chinese majority alongside minorities, enforcing ethnic quotas via the 1989 Ethnic Integration Policy (EIP) in public housing estates—home to 80% of residents—to cap group shares at 25% for Malays and Indians, 85% for Chinese, preventing ghettoization. Complementing this, the 1990 Maintenance of Religious Harmony Act criminalizes inflammatory speech, with penalties up to five years imprisonment, while self-help groups like Mendaki (Malay) and CDAC (Chinese) channel state funds for community upliftment, tying aid to national loyalty. These measures, rooted in Lee Kuan Yew's pragmatic authoritarianism, extend to electoral Group Representation Constituencies requiring minority slates since 1988, ensuring parliamentary diversity without proportional representation. Outcomes include exceptionally low , with rates rising to 20% by 2020 and public surveys showing 90% endorsement of , attributed to enforced proximity fostering familiarity. Economic metrics underscore success: GDP surged from $500 in 1965 to $82,000 in 2023, buoyed by meritocratic policies transcending race, though detractors highlight suppression of dissent—e.g., charges for racial critiques—and unintended rigidities, like EIP resale restrictions exacerbating inequality. The model's viability hinges on sustained growth and , as demographic shifts from foreign labor (37% of workforce in 2023) test quotas without native buy-in.

India: Caste and Religious Pluralism

India's handling of diversity stems from its constitutional framework post-1950, which enshrines and group-specific —reservations for Scheduled Castes (15%) and Tribes (7.5%) in and jobs—without adopting Western-style multiculturalism, instead leveraging and personal laws to accommodate Hindu, Muslim (14% of population), and other faiths alongside 2,000+ . The system, originating in ancient varna divisions but rigidified under British census policies from 1871, persists socially despite legal abolition in 1950, with endogamy rates over 90% and (former untouchables) facing violence—1,000+ atrocities reported annually per data through 2022. , embodied in "unity in diversity," navigates 80% Hindu dominance via cross-cutting identities ( spanning religions), averting total fragmentation but fueling periodic clashes, such as the killing 1,000+ mostly . Empirical indicators reveal tolerance alongside segregation: 2021 Pew surveys found 80% of Indians believing respecting other s is essential to , yet 64% report neighborhood homogeneity by faith, correlating with lower intergroup trust. has elevated Scheduled literacy from 10% in 1961 to 66% in 2011, but hierarchies endure, with upper castes overrepresented in sectors and affirmative policies sparking backlash, as in 1990 protests. This organic pluralism sustains functionality in a 1.4 billion but underscores causal limits: without coercive integration, primordial loyalties exacerbate polarization, evident in rising Hindu-Muslim tensions post-2014, challenging state neutrality amid electoral .

Australia: Selective Immigration Shifts

Australia's immigration framework evolved from the , which restricted non-European entry through mechanisms like the dictation test until its abolition via the and formal dismantling in 1973, to a merit-based system prioritizing economic utility over ethnic origins. This shift coincided with the endorsement of multiculturalism as official policy in 1973 under Immigration Minister , yet retained selectivity through criteria favoring employability and skills, diverging from purely volume-driven intakes in other nations. By the 1980s, the introduction of points-tested visas for skilled independent migrants assessed applicants on factors including age, qualifications, work experience, and English proficiency, marking a deliberate pivot toward investment. The 1996 election of the Liberal-National government intensified this selectivity, curtailing visas—which had dominated post-1970s inflows—and elevating the skilled stream to over 60% of the permanent program by the early , a proportion that stabilized around 70-75% in subsequent decades. For the 2023-24 financial year, the Migration Program allocated 195,000 permanent places, with 142,400 (73%) designated for skilled migration, 52,500 for , and 20,000 for humanitarian entrants, reflecting sustained emphasis on net economic contributors amid multiculturalism's framework. Net overseas migration reached 446,000 in 2023-24, down from 536,000 the prior year, driven partly by temporary student and worker inflows but moderated by policy caps to address pressures and public concerns over rapid demographic change. Recent reforms underscore adaptive selectivity: the 2023 Migration Strategy introduced a cap on visas to curb non-permanent migration spikes, while July 2025 updates to the points system for skilled visas (subclass 189 and others) allocate additional points—up to 20 for priority skills in shortage occupations, 15 for Australian study, and increments for extended work experience—to better target labor gaps in sectors like healthcare and . These measures, informed by labor market analyses, prioritize migrants with verifiable integration potential, evidenced by skilled entrants' superior settlement metrics: in 2025 data, 3.2% among recent skilled migrants versus lower among humanitarian cohorts. Government evaluations attribute this to selection criteria embedding English requirements and occupational relevance, yielding higher fiscal contributions and lower compared to family or humanitarian streams. Critics from policy institutes argue that even this selective model has strained , with net migration correlating to shortages and urban congestion, prompting calls for further reductions in non-skilled categories to preserve social cohesion under multiculturalism. Official reviews, however, affirm the system's efficacy in fostering diversity without the parallel society risks observed elsewhere, as points thresholds (minimum , often higher in practice) filter for assimilative traits like adaptability. For 2025-26, planning levels maintain skilled dominance at approximately 140,000-150,000 places, signaling continuity amid electoral pressures for tighter controls.

Singapore: Authoritarian Harmony

Singapore's model of multiculturalism, termed , emerged as a foundational principle following independence from on August 9, 1965, amid racial riots in 1964 that underscored the perils of unmanaged ethnic diversity. Founding Prime Minister prioritized forging a transcending ethnic ties, implementing with English as the to bridge divides while preserving mother tongues, and promoting to counterbalance demographic imbalances where Chinese constitute about 74% of citizens. This approach reflects a causal recognition that and enforced commonality mitigate zero-sum ethnic competitions, as evidenced by Singapore's rapid GDP per capita growth from $516 in 1965 to over $82,000 by 2023, binding groups through shared prosperity. The Chinese-Malay-Indian-Others (CMIO) administrative framework structures integration by categorizing citizens for targeted policies, including public holidays, self-help groups, and housing allocations, ensuring minority representation without prescribing personal identities. The Ethnic Integration Policy, enacted on March 1, 1989, enforces quotas in estates—home to 80% of —limiting any ethnic group to 20-25% per block or neighborhood to avert enclaves and foster routine interethnic contact. Complementary measures include compulsory , mixing ethnicities in two-year military stints for males, and the bilingual policy mandating English proficiency alongside ethnic languages in schools, which data show correlates with higher cross-racial friendships and reduced segregation indices compared to peer cities. Authoritarian enforcement sustains this equilibrium via the Internal Security Act for , the Sedition Act penalizing racial agitation with up to three years imprisonment, and the Maintenance of Religious Harmony Act of , which restrains proselytizing that threatens cohesion, as in the 2017 revision empowering restraining orders against divisive clergy. Outcomes include empirically low ethnic strife: the Institute of Policy Studies' 2024 survey reported rising harmony scores, with 72% viewing interracial relations positively, up from prior benchmarks, and minimal race-related incidents amid a population of 5.92 million including 1.77 million non-citizens. While excluding low-skilled migrants—who comprise 29% of the workforce and reside in dormitories—limits full inclusivity, citizen-focused policies demonstrate that state-directed assimilation, prioritizing functional unity over , yields measurable stability absent in less regimented systems.

India: Caste and Religious Pluralism

India maintains a complex form of pluralism shaped by its hierarchy and religious diversity, where social structures emphasize group identities over individual assimilation. The 2011 recorded at 79.8% of the , at 14.2%, at 2.3%, at 1.7%, Buddhists at 0.7%, and Jains at 0.4%, with projections indicating modest shifts by 2020 to at 79% and at 15%. The system, rooted in Hindu varnas and encompassing over 3,000 jatis or sub-castes, stratifies society hierarchically, with Scheduled Castes (Dalits) at 16.6% and Scheduled Tribes at 8.6% of the per the same , often facing persistent despite legal prohibitions. Constitutional measures since 1950, including Article 17 abolishing and reservation quotas allocating 15% of jobs and seats to Scheduled Castes, 7.5% to Scheduled Tribes, and 27% to Other Backward Classes, aim to mitigate inequalities but have entrenched consciousness through identity-based politics. Religious pluralism operates through a framework of separate personal laws for , , , and others, allowing community-specific governance in matters like and , as enshrined in the constitution's secular provisions. However, inter-group integration remains limited, evidenced by inter-caste marriage rates hovering around 5-6% nationally as of surveys up to 2016, with even lower figures in rural areas and higher in states like (over 11%) and . This reinforces divisions, contributing to social tensions, including caste-based violence; for instance, crimes against Scheduled Castes and Tribes numbered over 50,000 annually in recent data, often linked to economic disparities and honor disputes. Communal harmony is strained by periodic religious violence, with Hindu-Muslim clashes historically peaking during events like the , which resulted in approximately 1,000 deaths predominantly among , and ongoing incidents reported in the hundreds yearly against minorities such as Christians, exceeding 800 verified cases in 2024 alone. responses include anti-conversion laws in several states since the , expanded in the to curb perceived proselytization, reflecting majoritarian pressures amid demographic anxieties over faster (24.6% decadal increase vs. 16.8% for from 2001-2011). While India's democratic institutions facilitate minority representation—such as reserved parliamentary seats for Scheduled Castes and Tribes—critics argue that systemic biases in media and academia underreport majority-group vulnerabilities, yet empirical data underscores that pluralism persists through pragmatic tolerance rather than deep cultural fusion, often prioritizing group over national cohesion.

Other Global Contexts

In , multiculturalism focuses on integrating numbering around 45 million (~8% of the population), with concentrations over 40% in and . Since the 1990s, countries like , , , and Bolivia have reformed to recognize , territorial autonomy, and , spurred by social movements and international pressures. Bolivia's 2009 created a plurinational state, granting official status to indigenous languages and systems alongside Spanish civil law. Yet empirical data show ongoing challenges: indigenous poverty rates reach three times the national average, literacy gaps persist per regional analyses, and Gini coefficients above 0.50 in indigenous areas highlight limited assimilation, as mestizaje narratives conceal marginalization rather than promote integration. In , extreme ethnic diversity—averaging over 70 groups per country—arises from colonial borders merging disparate societies, ignoring cultural lines. Post-colonial states rarely pursued explicit multicultural policies, opting for unitary or federalism like Nigeria's ethnic regions, which could not halt resource conflicts. Colonial indirect rule deepened tribal divides by favoring select groups, embedding identities that drive modern violence, such as Rwanda's 1994 (800,000 deaths) from Belgian-fueled Hutu-Tutsi rivalry. Since 1960, over 200 major ethnic clashes have erupted, including Sudan's crisis (millions displaced) and Nigeria's Biafran War (1967-1970, up to 3 million deaths), demonstrating how unmanaged diversity spurs secession and power contests over pluralism. South Africa's post-apartheid "" promotes diversity, but affirmative policies have sharpened racial tensions without mending tribal rifts in a of weak states enabling parallel ethnic .

Latin America: Indigenous Integration

Latin American states historically promoted mestizaje, a policy emphasizing racial and cultural mixing following Spanish , which marginalized distinct indigenous identities in favor of national homogeneity. From the 1980s onward, influenced by indigenous mobilizations and international norms like ILO Convention 169 ratified by most countries by the 1990s, governments adopted multicultural reforms recognizing to land, language, and . These neoliberal multicultural frameworks granted territorial autonomies in nations such as , , and , aiming to integrate indigenous groups through cultural recognition while incorporating them into market economies. In , the 2009 established a plurinational state acknowledging 36 indigenous nations, enabling direct representation with 7 seats reserved in the , yet implementation has faced challenges from resource conflicts and uneven . Mexico's reforms post-Zapatista uprising incorporated indigenous into municipalities, reshaping local to defend , but socioeconomic integration remains limited. , lacking strong indigenous political organizations, has relied more on groups for advocacy, with multicultural policies focusing on titling under neoliberal models since the . Despite these advances, empirical outcomes reveal persistent disparities: indigenous poverty affects 43% compared to 20% for non-indigenous populations, with rural indigenous completion rates for as low as 5% in areas like Mexico's . Employment remains precarious, with indigenous workers overrepresented in low-skilled jobs amid limited access to quality services, indicating that multicultural recognition has not fully bridged causal gaps from historical exclusion, geographic isolation, and cultural mismatches in and labor markets. Strengthening and culturally adapted public investments are recommended to enhance integration without eroding group-specific autonomies.

Africa: Tribal and Colonial Legacies

Africa's ethnic diversity, often framed as multiculturalism, stems from pre-colonial tribal structures overlaid by colonial borders that ignored indigenous boundaries. Before European colonization, the continent featured hundreds of distinct ethnic groups, languages, and kinship-based societies, with polities—from homogeneous kingdoms to loose confederations—mostly limited to culturally aligned territories. The of 1884–1885 formalized Africa's partition among European powers, splitting over 200 ethnic groups across colonies and merging disparate tribes into units prioritizing resource extraction and administration over cohesion. This reconfiguration disrupted traditional migration, trade, and social networks, fostering tensions that fueled post-colonial instability. Post-independence, many African states inherited these multi-ethnic setups, where tribal loyalties often trumped , weakening unified . Ethno-linguistic fractionalization indices by Fearon (2003) and Alesina et al. (2003) quantify this: (0.93), (0.90), and the of Congo (0.87) rank among the most divided, indicating high odds that two random individuals belong to different groups. Such diversity correlates with diminished public goods, , and economic underperformance, as groups favor intra-ethnic ties over collective welfare—evident in slower GDP growth compared to more homogeneous nations. Colonial policies like exacerbated tribal divisions by empowering select ethnic elites (e.g., favoritism in Belgian-ruled ), sowing seeds for post-colonial violence. The of 1994, claiming approximately 800,000 lives, primarily pitted against amid power competition in a bifurcated society, where colonial classifications rigidified fluid pre-existing distinctions. Similarly, Nigeria's Biafran War (1967–1970) arose from Igbo secessionism in a of over 250 ethnic groups, resulting in 1–3 million deaths and illustrating how arbitrary borders combined rivals like Hausa-Fulani, Yoruba, and Igbo, fueling pogroms and civil strife. In the of Congo, ethnic fragmentation across 200+ groups has perpetuated militia violence since 1960 independence, including the First (1996–1997) and Second (1998–2003) Congo Wars—often termed "Africa's " for involving nine nations and over 5 million deaths. These patterns reveal causal links between colonial-induced ethnic heterogeneity and governance failures: partitioned groups endure prolonged , while multi-ethnic states face manipulation of tribal cleavages for political gain, as in recurring conflicts in (1991–present) and . Empirical studies confirm that such fractionalization hinders policy consensus and investment in , perpetuating without deliberate assimilation or federal mechanisms to mitigate . Unlike voluntary multicultural experiments elsewhere, Africa's imposed version has yielded fragmentation over integration, with stability often depending on authoritarian suppression of ethnic mobilization rather than harmonious pluralism.

Controversies and Recent Backlash

Parallel Societies and Segregation Risks

Multicultural policies prioritizing cultural preservation over assimilation foster parallel societies, where immigrant groups form self-contained communities operating under distinct norms, institutions, and governance, with limited integration into host-society frameworks. Prominent in Western Europe, these ethnic enclaves often evade or replace host laws with community rules, reducing social cohesion and raising segregation risks. High immigration has lowered native shares in these areas, eroding interpersonal trust and societal bonds. Police and government data link enclaves to higher crime rates, welfare dependency, and cultural isolation, as residents favor intra-group ties over wider participation. Proponents highlight cultural enrichment and economic vitality from diversity, but critics contend these gains are overstated, yielding persistent fragmentation at stability's expense. Sweden illustrates these risks: rapid non-Western immigration since the 1990s has produced over 60 "vulnerable areas" by 2023, featuring parallel orders dominated by clan networks and gangs that defy state authority. Police reports describe zones requiring armed escorts for emergency services due to responder threats, with gang violence—often tied to immigrant-heavy demographics—reaching records, including 62 fatal shootings in 2022, a fourfold rise from 2012. Prime Minister Magdalena Andersson in 2022 blamed "failed integration" under permissive multiculturalism, which favored cultural relativism over shared values, intensifying segregation and eroding welfare universality. Similar patterns appear in the , where the 2001 Cantle Report after riots in northern cities like highlighted "parallel lives" among ethnic groups. Self-segregation persists, with 2021 census data showing over 50% non-British ethnicities in certain wards and intermarriage rates below 10% in some communities. This segregation, driven by multiculturalism's allowance of separate educational and religious institutions, correlates with integration failures such as unemployment up to 20% in Pakistani/Bangladeshi enclaves (vs. national 4% averages) and grooming scandals affecting thousands of victims from 1997–2013 in areas lacking cross-cultural ties. Prime Minister Cameron's 2011 declaration that state multiculturalism had failed emphasized how it fostered isolation over unity, with studies confirming lower trust and in diverse, unassimilated neighborhoods. France's banlieues—suburban housing projects for millions, with immigrant or descendant populations over 30% in many—exemplify spatial and socioeconomic segregation, where youth unemployment reached 41% in select areas per 2005 INSEE data amid underinvestment and cultural separatism. These enclaves, often ruled by informal Islamic or clan structures as parallel societies, have faced recurrent unrest, including 2005 riots across over 300 municipalities causing €200 million in damages, linked to alienation from republican norms. A 2023 Paris-area analysis confirmed parallel societies via income and religious segregation, with Muslim-majority neighborhoods trailing native areas by 20-30% in language proficiency and employment, raising extremism risks and straining public services. Across these cases, segregation risks extend to broader societal , including diminished of secular laws (e.g., honor-based persisting in enclaves) and fiscal burdens from concentrated welfare claims, with estimating that unintegrated migrant concentrations cost billions annually in policing and lost . While some academic critiques downplay the scale, attributing issues to socioeconomic factors alone, primary from national authorities consistently link multiculturalism's hands-off approach to these outcomes, prioritizing group rights over individual assimilation and thereby amplifying causal pathways to fragmentation.

Radicalization and Security Threats

In multicultural societies of , policies facilitating large-scale from culturally dissimilar regions, particularly Muslim-majority countries, correlate with heightened risks of Islamist in these communities. Europol's annual Terrorism Situation and Trend Reports identify jihadist as the primary threat, with most completed, failed, and foiled attacks linked to Islamist ideologies; from 2015 to 2023, jihadist plots drove the majority of terrorism arrests in states, often via online propaganda or networks in immigrant enclaves. Failed integration, identity conflicts, and supremacist views of contribute causally, as studies show second- and third-generation immigrants overrepresented among home-grown jihadists. France illustrates these risks, with 53 Islamist attacks from 2013 to April 2024 killing 294 people, including the 2015 Paris Bataclan and stadium attacks (133 deaths) and 2016 Nice truck ramming (86 deaths)—both ISIS-claimed by North African descendants radicalized in Europe. The encounters similar threats, probing over 40 returning fighters from and as of 2020—many Pakistani or Somali—and tied to attacks like the 2017 (22 deaths). Such cases reveal how multiculturalism's focus on preservation over assimilation breeds parallel societies open to radical networks, with inquiries citing reluctance to tackle ideologies amid stigma concerns. Beyond , appears in organized criminality among immigrant subgroups. In the UK, group-based child sexual exploitation networks feature overrepresentation of British-Pakistani men in high-profile cases; a 2013 CEOP analysis of 52 offender groups found 75% of identified perpetrators Asian, exploiting vulnerabilities in insular communities where patriarchal norms conflict with host-society standards. In , gang has surged since 2015, with lethal shootings tripling to over 60 annually by 2023, correlating with foreign-born or second-generation offenders overrepresented among violent crime suspects per prosecution data. Welfare-dependent enclaves, imported structures, and low-trust dynamics exacerbate this, challenging multiculturalism's view of diversity without enforced cohesion. These patterns show unvetted and lax integration policies heightening risks of ideological and communal crime, with peer-reviewed attributing elevated to cultural distance and socioeconomic marginalization, beyond general economic factors. agencies in and the have bolstered and efforts, but independent reviews critique underreporting of ethnic factors in narratives as favoring sensitivity over . Data-driven assessments thus link multiculturalism's permissive approach to rising insecurity, spurring policy shifts.

Political Rejections and Policy Reversals

In October 2010, German Chancellor declared that Germany's attempts to create a multicultural society had "utterly failed," emphasizing that immigrants must learn the and accept cultural norms such as no tolerance for or parallel legal systems. This reflected broader political backlash, including rising support for right-wing populist parties like Germany's (AfD), France's National Rally, and the , driven by concerns over integration failures and demographic changes eroding social cohesion. Similarly, on February 5, 2011, British Prime Minister David Cameron stated in a speech at the Munich Security Conference that "state multiculturalism" had failed, arguing it promoted segregation rather than shared values and contributed to Islamist extremism by tolerating illiberal practices within communities. Cameron advocated a "muscular liberalism" requiring active promotion of British values like democracy and rule of law, marking a rhetorical shift from previous Labour government policies that had emphasized cultural diversity without strong integration mandates. French President Nicolas Sarkozy echoed this in 2011, declaring multiculturalism a failure that undermined national identity. The Netherlands formally abandoned multiculturalism in 2004 under a center-right government, with Immigration Minister announcing in June 2011 that the policy had encouraged parallel societies among Muslim immigrants, leading to a pivot toward mandatory civic integration courses, language requirements, and restrictions on practices deemed incompatible with Dutch norms, such as bans implemented in 2019. This reversal followed high-profile events like the 2004 assassination of filmmaker Theo van Gogh by an Islamist extremist, which highlighted failures in and boosted support for figures like , whose advocated ending non-Western immigration. Denmark shifted from relatively open policies in the to restrictive measures starting in the early , with the 2001 center-right government's integration act imposing language and employment tests, followed by extensions of residency waits from three to seven years by 2018 and "ghetto laws" in 2018 targeting high-immigrant areas with forced dispersal and programs to counter parallel societies. These changes, sustained across governments including Social Democrats by 2019, reduced non-Western immigration by over 80% from 2015 peaks and prioritized skilled labor over . In Sweden, the 2022 center-right coalition government, supported by the , enacted the Migration Policy Agreement tightening rules post-2015 asylum surge of 162,000 arrivals; citizenship residency requirements rose from five to eight years, temporary permits became standard, and family reunifications were curtailed, aiming to reverse prior multiculturalism's emphasis on generous welfare without stringent integration. This marked a departure from Sweden's historical model, which had topped integration indices but faced backlash over rising in migrant-heavy areas, with net migration falling sharply thereafter. France has long rejected multiculturalism in favor of republican assimilation, with policies like the 2004 ban on conspicuous religious symbols in schools and the 2010 prohibition enforcing (laïcité) and cultural uniformity, as articulated by presidents from Chirac to Macron, who in 2020 reiterated that "multiculturalism is a " and prioritized and values over ethnic . These measures stem from a constitutional framework viewing the state as culturally neutral, compelling immigrants to adopt core French identity, though enforcement has intensified amid suburban riots and Islamist attacks since .

References

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