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Antisemitism
Antisemitism
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Antisemitism[a] or Jew-hatred[2] is hostility to, prejudice towards, or discrimination against Jews. A person who harbours it is called an antisemite.[3][4][5] Whether antisemitism is considered a form of racism depends on the school of thought.[b][6][7] Antisemitic tendencies may be motivated primarily by negative sentiment towards Jews as a people or negative sentiment towards Jews with regard to Judaism. In the former case, usually known as racial antisemitism, a person's hostility is driven by the belief that Jews constitute a distinct race with inherent traits or characteristics that are repulsive or inferior to the preferred traits or characteristics within that person's society.[8] In the latter case, known as religious antisemitism, a person's hostility is driven by their religion's perception of Jews and Judaism, typically encompassing doctrines of supersession that expect or demand Jews to turn away from Judaism and submit to the religion presenting itself as Judaism's successor faith—this is a common theme within the other Abrahamic religions.[9][10] The development of racial and religious antisemitism has historically been encouraged by anti-Judaism,[11][12] which is distinct from antisemitism itself.[13]

There are various ways in which antisemitism is manifested, ranging in the level of severity of Jewish persecution. On the more subtle end, it consists of expressions of hatred or discrimination against individual Jews and may or may not be accompanied by violence. On the most extreme end, it consists of pogroms or genocide, which may or may not be state-sponsored. Although the term "antisemitism" did not come into common usage until the 19th century, it is also applied to previous and later anti-Jewish incidents.[c] Historically, most of the world's violent antisemitic events have taken place in Europe, where modern antisemitism began to emerge from antisemitism in Christian communities during the Middle Ages. Since the early 20th century, there has been a sharp rise in antisemitic incidents across the Arab world, largely due to the advent of Arab antisemitic conspiracy theories, which were influenced by European antisemitic conspiracy theories.[14][15]

In recent times, the idea that there is a variation of antisemitism known as "new antisemitism" has emerged on several occasions. According to this view, since Israel is a Jewish state, expressions of anti-Zionist positions could harbour antisemitic sentiments, and criticism of Israel can serve as a vehicle for attacks against Jews in general.[16][17][18]

The compound word antisemitismus was first used in print in Germany in 1879[19] as a "scientific-sounding term" for Judenhass (lit.'Jew-hatred'),[20] and it has since been used to refer to anti-Jewish sentiment alone.[21][22][23]

Origin and usage

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Etymology

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1879 statute of the Antisemitic League

First used in the 1770s by members of the Göttingen school of history, the coining of "Semites" as a biblical terminology for race was derived from Shem (שֵׁם), one of the three sons of Noah in the Book of Genesis,[24] together with the parallel terms Hamites and Japhetites.

The origin of "antisemitic" terminologies is found in the responses of orientalist Moritz Steinschneider to the views of orientalist Ernest Renan. Historian Alex Bein writes: "The compound anti-Semitism appears to have been used first by Steinschneider, who challenged Renan on account of his 'anti-Semitic prejudices' [i.e., his derogation of the Semites as a race]."[25] Psychologist Avner Falk similarly writes: "The German word "antisemitisch" was first used in 1860 by the Austrian Jewish scholar Moritz Steinschneider (1816–1907) in the phrase "antisemitische Vorurteile" (antisemitic prejudices). Steinschneider used this phrase to characterise the French philosopher Ernest Renan's false ideas about how 'Semitic races' were inferior to 'Aryan races'".[26]

Pseudoscientific theories concerning race, civilization, and "progress" had become quite widespread in Europe in the second half of the 19th century, especially as Prussian nationalistic historian Heinrich von Treitschke did much to promote this form of racism. He coined the phrase "the Jews are our misfortune" which would later be widely used by Nazis.[27] According to Falk, Treitschke uses the term "Semitic" almost synonymously with "Jewish", in contrast to Renan's use of it to refer to a whole range of peoples,[28] based generally on linguistic criteria.[29]

According to philologist Jonathan M. Hess, the term was originally used by its authors to "stress the radical difference between their own 'antisemitism' and earlier forms of antagonism toward Jews and Judaism."[30]

Cover page of Marr's The Way to Victory of Germanicism over Judaism, 1880 edition

In 1879, German journalist Wilhelm Marr published a pamphlet, Der Sieg des Judenthums über das Germanenthum. Vom nicht confessionellen Standpunkt aus betrachtet (The Victory of the Jewish Spirit over the Germanic Spirit. Observed from a non-religious perspective) in which he used the word "Semitismus" interchangeably with the word "Judentum" to denote both "Jewry" (the Jews as a collective) and "Jewishness" (the quality of being Jewish, or the Jewish spirit).[31][32][33] He accused the Jews of a worldwide conspiracy against non-Jews, called for resistance against "this foreign power", and claimed that "there will not be a single office in the land, including the highest, which will not have been usurped by the Jews".[34]

This followed his 1862 book "Die Judenspiegel" (A Mirror to the Jews) in which he argued that "Judaism must cease to exist if humanity is to commence", demanding both that Judaism be dissolved as a "religious-denominational sect" but also subject to criticism "as a race, a civil and social entity".[35][36] In the introductions to the first through fourth editions of "Der Judenspiegel", Marr denied that he intended to preach Jew-hatred, but instead to help "the Jews reach their full human potential" which could happen only "through the downfall of Judaism, a phenomenon that negates everything purely human and noble."[35]

This use of Semitismus was followed by a coining of "Antisemitismus" which was used to indicate opposition to the Jews as a people[37][38] and opposition to the Jewish spirit, which Marr interpreted as infiltrating German culture.

The pamphlet became very popular, and in the same year Marr founded the "Antisemiten-Liga" (League of Antisemites),[39][40][33] apparently named to follow the "Anti-Kanzler-Liga" (Anti-Chancellor League).[41] The league was the first German organisation committed specifically to combating the alleged threat to Germany and German culture posed by the Jews and their influence and advocating their forced removal from the country.[citation needed]

So far as can be ascertained, the word was first widely printed in 1881, when Marr published Zwanglose Antisemitische Hefte, and Wilhelm Scherer used the term Antisemiten in the January issue of Neue Freie Presse.[42][33]

The Jewish Encyclopedia reports, "In February 1881, a correspondent of the "Allgemeine Zeitung des Judentums" speaks of 'Anti-Semitism' as a designation which recently came into use ("Allg. Zeit. d. Jud." 1881, p. 138). On 19 July 1882, the editor says, 'This quite recent Anti-Semitism is hardly three years old.'"[43]

The word "antisemitism" was borrowed into English from German in 1881. Oxford English Dictionary editor James Murray wrote that it was not included in the first edition because "Anti-Semite and its family were then probably very new in English use, and not thought likely to be more than passing nonce-words... Would that anti-Semitism had had no more than a fleeting interest!"[44] The related term "philosemitism" was used by 1881.[45]

Usage

[edit]

From the outset the term anti-Semitism bore special racial connotations and meant specifically prejudice against Jews.[46][21][23] The word "Semitic" was coined for use in linguistics by German orientalist August Ludwig von Schlözer in 1781 to designate the Semitic group of languagesAramaic, Arabic, Hebrew and others—allegedly spoken by the descendants of Biblical figure Shem, son of Noah.[47][48]

Definition

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Though the general definition of antisemitism is hostility or prejudice against Jews, and, according to Olaf Blaschke, has become an "umbrella term for negative stereotypes about Jews",[49] a number of authorities have developed more formal definitions.[50]

Writing in 1987, Holocaust scholar and City University of New York professor Helen Fein defined it as "a persisting latent structure of hostile beliefs towards Jews as a collective manifested in individuals as attitudes, and in culture as myth, ideology, folklore and imagery, and in actions—social or legal discrimination, political mobilization against the Jews, and collective or state violence—which results in and/or is designed to distance, displace, or destroy Jews as Jews."[51]

Elaborating on Fein's definition, Dietz Bering of the University of Cologne writes that, to antisemites, "Jews are not only partially but totally bad by nature, that is, their bad traits are incorrigible. Because of this bad nature: (1) Jews have to be seen not as individuals but as a collective. (2) Jews remain essentially alien in the surrounding societies. (3) Jews bring disaster on their 'host societies' or on the whole world, they are doing it secretly, therefore the anti-Semites feel obliged to unmask the conspiratorial, bad Jewish character."[52]

For Swiss historian Sonja Weinberg, as distinct from economic and religious anti-Judaism, antisemitism in its specifically modern form shows conceptual innovation, a resort to "science" to defend itself, new functional forms, and organisational differences. It was anti-liberal, racialist and nationalist. It promoted the myth that Jews conspired to 'judaise' the world; it served to consolidate social identity; it channeled dissatisfactions among victims of the capitalist system; and it was used as a conservative cultural code to fight emancipation and liberalism.[53]

A caricature by Charles Lucien Léandre (France, 1898) showing Rothschild with the world in his hands

In 2003, Israeli politician Natan Sharansky developed what he called the "three D" test to distinguish antisemitism from criticism of Israel, giving delegitimization, demonization, and double standards as a litmus test for the former.[54]

British-American historian and accused Zionist apologist[55] Bernard Lewis, writing in 2006, defined antisemitism as a special case of prejudice, hatred, or persecution directed against people who are in some way different from the rest. According to Lewis, antisemitism is marked by two distinct features: Jews are judged according to a standard different from that applied to others, and they are accused of "cosmic evil".[56] Thus, "it is perfectly possible to hate and even to persecute Jews without necessarily being anti-Semitic" unless this hatred or persecution displays one of the two features specific to antisemitism.[57]

There have been a number of efforts by international and governmental bodies to define antisemitism formally. In 2005, the United States Department of State stated that "while there is no universally accepted definition, there is a generally clear understanding of what the term encompasses." For the purposes of its 2005 Report on Global Anti-Semitism, the term was considered to mean "hatred toward Jews—individually and as a group—that can be attributed to the Jewish religion and/or ethnicity."[50]

In 2005, the European Monitoring Centre on Racism and Xenophobia (EUMC, now the Fundamental Rights Agency), an agency of the European Union, developed a more detailed working definition, which stated: "Antisemitism is a certain perception of Jews, which may be expressed as hatred toward Jews. Rhetorical and physical manifestations of antisemitism are directed toward Jewish or non-Jewish individuals and/or their property, toward Jewish community institutions and religious facilities." It also adds that "such manifestations could also target the state of Israel, conceived as a Jewish collectivity," but that "criticism of Israel similar to that leveled against any other country cannot be regarded as antisemitic."[58] It provided contemporary examples of ways in which antisemitism may manifest itself, including promoting the harming of Jews in the name of an ideology or religion; promoting negative stereotypes of Jews; holding Jews collectively responsible for the actions of an individual Jewish person or group; denying the Holocaust or accusing Jews or Israel of exaggerating it; and accusing Jews of dual loyalty or a greater allegiance to Israel than their own country. It also lists ways in which attacking Israel could be antisemitic, and states that denying the Jewish people their right to self-determination, e.g., by claiming that the existence of a state of Israel is a racist endeavor, can be a manifestation of antisemitism—as can applying double standards by requiring of Israel a behavior not expected or demanded of any other democratic nation, or holding Jews collectively responsible for the actions of the State of Israel.[58]

1889 Paris, France elections poster for self-described "candidat antisémite" Adolphe Willette: "The Jews are a different race, hostile to our own... Judaism, there is the enemy!" (see file for complete translation)

The EUMC working definition was adopted by the European Parliament Working Group on Antisemitism in 2010,[59][60] by the United States Department of State in 2017,[61][62] in the Operational Hate Crime Guidance of the UK College of Policing in 2014[63][non-primary source needed] and by the UK's Campaign Against Antisemitism.[64][non-primary source needed] In 2016, the working definition was adopted by the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance.[65][66][67] IHRA's Working definition of antisemitism is among the most controversial documents related to opposition to antisemitism, and critics argue that it has been used to censor criticism of Israel.[68] In response to the perceived lack of clarity in the IHRA definition, two new definitions of antisemitism were published in 2021, the Nexus Document in February 2021 and the Jerusalem Declaration on Antisemitism in March 2021.[69]

Evolution of usage

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In 1879, Wilhelm Marr founded the Antisemiten-Liga (Anti-Semitic League).[70] Identification with antisemitism and as an antisemite was politically advantageous in Europe during the late 19th century. For example, Karl Lueger, the popular mayor of fin de siècle Vienna, skillfully exploited antisemitism as a way of channeling public discontent to his political advantage.[71][page needed] In its 1910 obituary of Lueger, The New York Times notes that Lueger was "Chairman of the Christian Social Union of the Parliament and of the Anti-Semitic Union of the Diet of Lower Austria.[72] In 1895, A. C. Cuza organized the Alianța Antisemită and the Liga Antisemită Universală in Bucharest.[73] In the period before World War II, when animosity towards Jews was far more commonplace, it was not uncommon for a person, an organization, or a political party to self-identify as an antisemite or antisemitic.[citation needed]

The early Zionist pioneer Leon Pinsker, a professional physician, preferred the clinical-sounding term Judeophobia (also Judaeophobia) to antisemitism, which he regarded as a misnomer. The word Judeophobia first appeared in his pamphlet Auto-Emancipation, published anonymously in German in September 1882, where it was described as an irrational fear or hatred of Jews.[74] According to Pinsker, this irrational fear was an inherited predisposition.[75]

Judeophobia is a form of demonopathy, with the distinction that the Jewish ghost has become known to the whole race of mankind, not merely to certain races... Judeophobia is a psychic disorder. As a psychic disorder, it is hereditary, and as a disease transmitted for two thousand years it is incurable... Thus have Judaism and Jew-hatred passed through history for centuries as inseparable companions... Having analyzed Judeophobia as a hereditary form of demonopathy, peculiar to the human race, and represented Jew-hatred as based upon an inherited aberration of the human mind, we must draw the important conclusion, that we must give up contending against these hostile impulses, just as we give up contending against every other inherited predisposition.[76]

In the aftermath of the Kristallnacht pogrom in 1938, German propaganda minister Goebbels announced: "The German people is anti-Semitic. It has no desire to have its rights restricted or to be provoked in the future by parasites of the Jewish race."[77]

After 1945 victory of the Allies over Nazi Germany, and particularly after the full extent of the Nazi genocide against the Jews became known, the term antisemitism acquired pejorative connotations. This marked a full circle shift in usage, from an era just decades earlier when "Jew" was used as a pejorative term.[78][79] Yehuda Bauer wrote in 1984: "There are no anti-Semites in the world ... Nobody says, 'I am anti-Semitic.' You cannot, after Hitler. The word has gone out of fashion."[80]

The term has been described as confusing, for in modern usage Semitic designates a language group, not a race. In this sense, the term is a misnomer, since there are many speakers of Semitic languages (e.g., Arabs, Ethiopians, and Assyrians) who are not the objects of antisemitic prejudices, while there are many Jews who do not speak Hebrew, a Semitic language. Though antisemitism could be construed as prejudice against people who speak other Semitic languages, this is not how the term is commonly used.[81]

The term may be spelled with or without a hyphen (antisemitism or anti-Semitism). Many scholars and institutions favor the unhyphenated form.[1][82]

Characterizations of "Semite" as having little to no value on the socially constructed racial spectrum[83][84][85] combined with its overuse due to popularization stemming from pro-Caucasian racism, as identification with antisemitism and as an antisemite was politically advantageous in Europe at least during the late 19th century as previously discussed,[71] thereby diluting anti-Judaism, have been made since at least the 1930s.[86][41]

In 1973, Bernard Lewis wrote that "the Semite ... [was] strictly linguistic in origin and use" and the idea that anything could be intuited beyond hatred of Jews through the use of the root word Semite, such as by The Economist and acclaimed biographer Isaac Deutscher, was an effective etymological fallacy, arguing "on the contrary [to the idea that t]he Nazis['], who may be accepted as the most authoritative exponents of anti-Semitism, hostility was limited to Jews only, and did not include the other so-called Semitic peoples[, they] found and still find no difficulty in simultaneously hating Jews and courting Arabs ..."[23]

Without addressing the scientific value of the term "Semite", Shmuel Almog argued, "If you use the hyphenated form, you consider the words 'Semitism', 'Semite', 'Semitic' as meaningful ... [I]n antisemitic parlance, 'Semites' really stands for Jews, just that."[87] Emil Fackenheim supported the unhyphenated spelling, in order to "[dispel] the notion that there is an entity 'Semitism' which 'anti-Semitism' opposes."[88]

Others endorsing an unhyphenated term for the same reason include the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance;[1] historian Deborah Lipstadt;[21] Padraic O'Hare, professor of Religious and Theological Studies and Director of the Center for the Study of Jewish-Christian-Muslim Relations at Merrimack College; and historians Yehuda Bauer and James Carroll. According to Carroll, who first cites O'Hare and Bauer on "the existence of something called 'Semitism'", "the hyphenated word thus reflects the bipolarity that is at the heart of the problem of antisemitism".[89]

The Associated Press and its accompanying AP Stylebook adopted the unhyphenated spelling in 2021.[90] Style guides for other news organizations such as the New York Times and Wall Street Journal later adopted this spelling as well.[91][92] It has also been adopted by many Holocaust museums, such as the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum and Yad Vashem.[93]

Eternalism–contextualism debate

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The study of antisemitism has become politically controversial because of differing interpretations of the Holocaust and the Israeli–Palestinian conflict.[94] There are two competing views of antisemitism, eternalism, and contextualism.[95] The eternalist view sees antisemitism as separate from other forms of racism and prejudice and an exceptionalist, transhistorical force teleologically culminating in the Holocaust.[95][96] Hannah Arendt criticized this approach, writing that it provoked "the uncomfortable question: 'Why the Jews of all people?' ... with the question begging reply: Eternal hostility."[97] Zionist thinkers and antisemites draw different conclusions from what they perceive as the eternal hatred of Jews; according to antisemites, it proves the inferiority of Jews, while for Zionists it means that Jews need their own state as a refuge.[98][99] Most Zionists do not believe that antisemitism can be combatted with education or other means.[98]

The contextual approach treats antisemitism as a type of racism and focuses on the historical context in which hatred of Jews emerges.[100] Some contextualists restrict the use of "antisemitism" to refer exclusively to the era of modern racism, treating anti-Judaism as a separate phenomenon.[101] Historian David Engel has challenged the project to define antisemitism, arguing that it essentializes Jewish history as one of persecution and discrimination.[102] Engel argues that the term "antisemitism" is not useful in historical analysis because it implies that there are links between anti-Jewish prejudices expressed in different contexts, without evidence of such a connection.[97]

Manifestations

[edit]
Jews (identified by the mandatory Jewish badge and Jewish hat) being burned.

Antisemitism manifests itself in a variety of ways. René König mentions social antisemitism, economic antisemitism, religious antisemitism, and political antisemitism as examples. König points out that these different forms demonstrate that the "origins of anti-Semitic prejudices are rooted in different historical periods." König asserts that differences in the chronology of different antisemitic prejudices and the irregular distribution of such prejudices over different segments of the population create "serious difficulties in the definition of the different kinds of anti-Semitism."[103]

These difficulties may contribute to the existence of different taxonomies that have been developed to categorize the forms of antisemitism. The forms identified are substantially the same; it is primarily the number of forms and their definitions that differ. Bernard Lazare, writing in the 1890s, identified three forms of antisemitism: Christian antisemitism, economic antisemitism, and ethnologic antisemitism.[104] William Brustein names four categories: religious, racial, economic, and political.[105] The Roman Catholic historian Edward Flannery distinguished four varieties of antisemitism:[106]

Europe has blamed the Jews for an encyclopedia of sins.
The Church blamed the Jews for killing Jesus; Voltaire blamed the Jews for inventing Christianity. In the febrile minds of anti-Semites, Jews were usurers and well-poisoners and spreaders of disease. Jews were the creators of both communism and capitalism; they were clannish but also cosmopolitan; cowardly and warmongering; self-righteous moralists and defilers of culture.
Ideologues and demagogues of many permutations have understood the Jews to be a singularly malevolent force standing between the world and its perfection.

Louis Harap, writing in the 1980s, separated "economic antisemitism" and merges "political" and "nationalistic" antisemitism into "ideological antisemitism". Harap also adds a category of "social antisemitism".[114]

  • Religious (Jew as Christ-killer),
  • Economic (Jew as banker, usurer, money-obsessed),
  • Social (Jew as social inferior, "pushy", vulgar, therefore excluded from personal contact),
  • Racist (Jews as an inferior "race"),
  • Ideological (Jews regarded as subversive or revolutionary),
  • Cultural (Jews regarded as undermining the moral and structural fiber of civilization).

Religious antisemitism

[edit]
The execution of Mariana de Carabajal (converted Jew), accused of a relapse into Judaism, Mexico City, 1601

Religious antisemitism, also known as anti-Judaism, is antipathy towards Jews because of their perceived religious beliefs. In theory, antisemitism and attacks against individual Jews would stop if Jews stopped practicing Judaism or changed their public faith, especially by conversion to the official or right religion. However, in some cases, discrimination continues after conversion, as in the case of Marranos (Christianized Jews in Spain and Portugal) in the late 15th century and 16th century, who were suspected of secretly practising Judaism or Jewish customs.[115]

Although the origins of antisemitism are rooted in the Judeo-Christian conflict, other forms of antisemitism have developed in modern times. Frederick Schweitzer asserts that "most scholars ignore the Christian foundation on which the modern antisemitic edifice rests and invoke political antisemitism, cultural antisemitism, racism or racial antisemitism, economic antisemitism, and the like."[116] William Nicholls draws a distinction between religious antisemitism and modern antisemitism based on racial or ethnic grounds: "The dividing line was the possibility of effective conversion [...] a Jew ceased to be a Jew upon baptism." From the perspective of racial antisemitism, however, "the assimilated Jew was still a Jew, even after baptism.[...] From the Enlightenment onward, it is no longer possible to draw clear lines of distinction between religious and racial forms of hostility towards Jews[...] Once Jews have been emancipated and secular thinking makes its appearance, without leaving behind the old Christian hostility towards Jews, the new term antisemitism becomes almost unavoidable, even before explicitly racist doctrines appear."[117]

Some Christians such as the Catholic priest Ernest Jouin, who published the first French translation of the Protocols, combined religious and racial antisemitism, as in his statement that "From the triple viewpoint of race, of nationality, and of religion, the Jew has become the enemy of humanity."[118] The virulent antisemitism of Édouard Drumont, one of the most widely read Catholic writers in France during the Dreyfus Affair, likewise combined religious and racial antisemitism.[119][120][121] Drumont founded the Antisemitic League of France.

Economic antisemitism

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Man kissing feet of another man with hooked nose, dropping money on his head
A World War II-era Slovak propaganda poster exhorts readers not to "be a servant to the Jew".

The underlying premise of economic antisemitism is that Jews perform harmful economic activities or that economic activities become harmful when they are performed by Jews.[122]

Linking Jews and money underpins the most damaging and lasting antisemitic canards.[123] Antisemites claim that Jews control the world finances, a theory promoted in the fraudulent The Protocols of the Elders of Zion and later repeated by Henry Ford and his The Dearborn Independent. In the modern era, such myths continue to be spread in books such as The Secret Relationship Between Blacks and Jews published by the Nation of Islam and on the internet.

Derek Penslar writes that there are two components to the financial canards:[124]

a) Jews are savages that "are temperamentally incapable of performing honest labor"
b) Jews are "leaders of a financial cabal seeking world domination"

Abraham Foxman describes six facets of the financial canards:

  1. All Jews are wealthy[125]
  2. Jews are stingy and greedy[126]
  3. Powerful Jews control the business world[127]
  4. Jewish religion emphasizes profit and materialism[128]
  5. It is okay for Jews to cheat non-Jews[129]
  6. Jews use their power to benefit "their own kind"[130]

Gerald Krefetz summarizes the myth as "[Jews] control the banks, the money supply, the economy, and businesses—of the community, of the country, of the world".[131] Krefetz gives, as illustrations, many slurs and proverbs (in several different languages) which suggest that Jews are stingy, or greedy, or miserly, or aggressive bargainers.[132] During the nineteenth century, Jews were described as "scurrilous, stupid, and tight-fisted", but after the Jewish Emancipation and the rise of Jews to the middle- or upper-class in Europe were portrayed as "clever, devious, and manipulative financiers out to dominate [world finances]".[133]

Léon Poliakov asserts that economic antisemitism is not a distinct form of antisemitism, but merely a manifestation of theologic antisemitism (because, without the theological causes of economic antisemitism, there would be no economic antisemitism). In opposition to this view, Derek Penslar contends that in the modern era, economic antisemitism is "distinct and nearly constant" but theological antisemitism is "often subdued".[134]

An academic study by Francesco D'Acunto, Marcel Prokopczuk, and Michael Weber showed that people who live in areas of Germany that contain the most brutal history of antisemitic persecution are more likely to be distrustful of finance in general. Therefore, they tended to invest less money in the stock market and make poor financial decisions. The study concluded, "that the persecution of minorities reduces not only the long-term wealth of the persecuted but of the persecutors as well."[135]

Racial antisemitism

[edit]
A Jewish Soviet soldier taken prisoner by the German Army, August 1941. At least 50,000 Jewish soldiers were shot after selection.[136]

Racial antisemitism is prejudice against Jews as a racial/ethnic group, rather than Judaism as a religion.[137]

Racial antisemitism is the idea that the Jews are a distinct and inferior race compared to their host nations. In the late 19th century and early 20th century, it gained mainstream acceptance as part of the eugenics movement, which categorized non-Europeans as inferior. It more specifically claimed that Northern Europeans, or "Aryans", were superior. Racial antisemites saw the Jews as part of a Semitic race and emphasized their non-European origins and culture. They saw Jews as beyond redemption even if they converted to the majority religion.[138]

Racial antisemitism replaced the hatred of Judaism with the hatred of Jews as a group. In the context of the Industrial Revolution, following the Jewish Emancipation, Jews rapidly urbanized and experienced a period of greater social mobility. With the decreasing role of religion in public life tempering religious antisemitism, a combination of growing nationalism, the rise of eugenics, and resentment at the socio-economic success of the Jews led to the newer, and more virulent, racist antisemitism.[139]

In the early 19th century, a number of laws enabling the emancipation of the Jews were enacted in Western European countries.[140][141] The old laws restricting them to ghettos, as well as the many laws that limited their property rights, rights of worship and occupation, were rescinded. Despite this, traditional discrimination and hostility to Jews on religious grounds persisted and was supplemented by racial antisemitism, encouraged by the work of racial theorists such as Joseph Arthur de Gobineau and particularly his Essay on the Inequality of the Human Race of 1853–1855. Nationalist agendas based on ethnicity, known as ethnonationalism, usually excluded the Jews from the national community as an alien race.[142] Allied to this were theories of Social Darwinism, which stressed a putative conflict between higher and lower races of human beings. Such theories, usually posited by northern Europeans, advocated the superiority of white Aryans to Semitic Jews.[143]

Political antisemitism

[edit]

The whole problem of the Jews exists only in nation states, for here their energy and higher intelligence, their accumulated capital of spirit and will, gathered from generation to generation through a long schooling in suffering, must become so preponderant as to arouse mass envy and hatred. In almost all contemporary nations, therefore – in direct proportion to the degree to which they act up nationalistically – the literary obscenity of leading the Jews to slaughter as scapegoats of every conceivable public and internal misfortune is spreading.

Friedrich Nietzsche, 1886, [MA 1 475][144]

William Brustein defines political antisemitism as hostility toward Jews based on the belief that Jews seek national or world power. Yisrael Gutman characterizes political antisemitism as tending to "lay responsibility on the Jews for defeats and political economic crises" while seeking to "exploit opposition and resistance to Jewish influence as elements in political party platforms."[145] Derek J. Penslar wrote, "Political antisemitism identified the Jews as responsible for all the anxiety-provoking social forces that characterized modernity."[146]

According to Viktor Karády, political antisemitism became widespread after the legal emancipation of the Jews and sought to reverse some of the consequences of that emancipation.[147]

Cultural antisemitism

[edit]

Louis Harap defines cultural antisemitism as "that species of anti-Semitism that charges the Jews with corrupting a given culture and attempting to supplant or succeeding in supplanting the preferred culture with a uniform, crude, "Jewish" culture."[148] Similarly, Eric Kandel characterizes cultural antisemitism as being based on the idea of "Jewishness" as a "religious or cultural tradition that is acquired through learning, through distinctive traditions and education." According to Kandel, this form of antisemitism views Jews as possessing "unattractive psychological and social characteristics that are acquired through acculturation."[149] Niewyk and Nicosia characterize cultural antisemitism as focusing on and condemning "the Jews' aloofness from the societies in which they live."[150] An important feature of cultural antisemitism is that it considers the negative attributes of Judaism to be redeemable by education or by religious conversion.[151]

Conspiracy theories

[edit]

Holocaust denial and Jewish conspiracy theories are also considered forms of antisemitism.[58][152] Zoological conspiracy theories have been propagated by Arab media and Arabic language websites, alleging a "Zionist plot" behind the use of animals to attack civilians or to conduct espionage.[153]

New antisemitism

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A sign held at a protest in Edinburgh, Scotland, January 2009

Starting in the 1990s, some scholars have advanced the concept of new antisemitism, coming simultaneously from the left, the right, and radical Islam, which tends to focus on opposition to the creation of a Jewish homeland in the State of Israel,[154] and they argue that the language of anti-Zionism and criticism of Israel are used to attack Jews more broadly. In this view, the proponents of the new concept believe that criticisms of Israel and Zionism are often disproportionate in degree and unique in kind, and they attribute this to antisemitism.[18]

Jewish scholar Gustavo Perednik posited in 2004 that anti-Zionism in itself represents a form of discrimination against Jews, in that it singles out Jewish national aspirations as an illegitimate and racist endeavor, and "proposes actions that would result in the death of millions of Jews".[18] Proponents of this theory assert that the new antisemitism deploys traditional antisemitic motifs, including older motifs such as the blood libel.[154]

Critics of the concept view it as trivializing the meaning of antisemitism, and as exploiting antisemitism in order to silence debate and to deflect attention from legitimate criticism of the State of Israel, and, by associating anti-Zionism with antisemitism, misusing it to taint anyone opposed to Israeli actions and policies.[155][156]

History

[edit]

Many authors see the roots of modern antisemitism in both pagan antiquity and early Christianity. Jerome Chanes identifies six stages in the historical development of antisemitism:[157]

  1. Pre-Christian anti-Judaism in ancient Greece and Rome which was primarily ethnic in nature
  2. Christian antisemitism in antiquity and the Middle Ages which was religious in nature and has extended into modern times
  3. Traditional Muslim antisemitism which was—at least, in its classical form—nuanced in that Jews were a protected class
  4. Political, social and economic antisemitism of Enlightenment and post-Enlightenment Europe which laid the groundwork for racial antisemitism
  5. Racial antisemitism that arose in the 19th century and culminated in Nazism in the 20th century
  6. Contemporary antisemitism which has been labeled by some as the New Antisemitism

Chanes suggests that these six stages could be merged into three categories: "ancient antisemitism, which was primarily ethnic in nature; Christian antisemitism, which was religious; and the racial antisemitism of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries."[158]

Ancient world

[edit]

The first clear examples of anti-Jewish sentiment can be traced to the 3rd century BCE to Alexandria,[159] the home to the largest Jewish diaspora community in the world at the time and where the Septuagint, a Greek translation of the Hebrew Bible, was produced. Manetho, an Egyptian priest and historian of that era, wrote scathingly of the Jews. His themes are repeated in the works of Chaeremon, Lysimachus, Poseidonius, Apollonius Molon, and in Apion and Tacitus.[160] Agatharchides of Cnidus ridiculed the practices of the Jews and the "absurdity of their Law", making a mocking reference to how Ptolemy Lagus was able to invade Jerusalem in 320 BCE because its inhabitants were observing the Shabbat.[160] One of the earliest anti-Jewish edicts, promulgated by Antiochus IV Epiphanes in about 170–167 BCE, sparked a revolt of the Maccabees in Judea.[161]

In view of Manetho's anti-Jewish writings, antisemitism may have originated in Egypt and been spread by "the Greek retelling of Ancient Egyptian prejudices".[162] The ancient Jewish philosopher Philo of Alexandria describes an attack on Jews in Alexandria in 38 CE in which thousands of Jews died.[163][164] The violence in Alexandria may have been caused by the Jews being portrayed as misanthropes.[165] Tcherikover argues that the reason for hatred of Jews in the Hellenistic period was their separateness in the Greek cities, the poleis.[166][page needed] Bohak has argued, however, that early animosity against the Jews cannot be regarded as being anti-Judaic or antisemitic unless it arose from attitudes that were held against the Jews alone, and that many Greeks showed animosity toward any group they regarded as barbarians.[167]

Statements exhibiting prejudice against Jews and their religion can be found in the works of many pagan Greek and Roman writers.[168] Edward Flannery writes that it was the Jews' refusal to accept Greek religious and social standards that marked them out. Hecataetus of Abdera, a Greek historian of the early third century BCE, wrote that Moses "in remembrance of the exile of his people, instituted for them a misanthropic and inhospitable way of life." Manetho wrote that the Jews were expelled Egyptian lepers who had been taught by Moses "not to adore the gods."[169] Edward Flannery describes antisemitism in ancient times as essentially "cultural, taking the shape of a national xenophobia played out in political settings."[170]

There are examples of Hellenistic rulers desecrating the Temple and banning Jewish religious practices, such as circumcision, Shabbat observance, the study of Jewish religious books, etc. Examples may also be found in anti-Jewish riots in Alexandria in the 3rd century BCE.

The Jewish diaspora on the Nile island Elephantine, which was founded by mercenaries, experienced the destruction of its temple in 410 BCE.[171]

Relationships between the Jewish people and the occupying Roman Empire were at times antagonistic and resulted in several rebellions. According to Suetonius, the emperor Tiberius expelled from Rome Jews who had gone to live there. The 18th-century English historian Edward Gibbon identified a more tolerant period in Roman–Jewish relations beginning in about 160 CE.[citation needed] However, when Christianity became the state religion of the Roman Empire, the state's attitude towards the Jews gradually worsened.[citation needed]

James Carroll asserted: "Jews accounted for 10% of the total population of the Roman Empire. By that ratio, if other factors such as pogroms and conversions had not intervened, there would be 200 million Jews in the world today, instead of something like 13 million."[172]

Persecutions during the Middle Ages

[edit]
The massacre of the Banu Qurayza, a Jewish tribe in Medina, 627

In the late 6th century CE, the newly Catholicised Visigothic kingdom in Hispania issued a series of anti-Jewish edicts which forbade Jews from marrying Christians, practicing circumcision, and observing Jewish holy days.[173] Continuing throughout the 7th century, both Visigothic kings and the Church were active in creating social aggression and towards Jews with "civic and ecclesiastic punishments",[174] ranging between forced conversion, slavery, exile and death.[175]

From the 9th century, the medieval Islamic world classified Jews and Christians as dhimmis and allowed Jews to practice their religion more freely than they could do in medieval Christian Europe. Under Islamic rule, there was a Golden age of Jewish culture in Spain that lasted until at least the 11th century.[176] It ended when several Muslim pogroms against Jews took place on the Iberian Peninsula, including those that occurred in Córdoba in 1011 and in Granada in 1066.[177][178][179] Several decrees ordering the destruction of synagogues were also enacted in Egypt, Syria, Iraq and Yemen from the 11th century. In addition, Jews were forced to convert to Islam or face death in some parts of Yemen, Morocco and Baghdad several times between the 12th and 18th centuries.[180]

The Almohads, who had taken control of the Almoravids' Maghribi and Andalusian territories by 1147,[181] were far more fundamentalist in outlook compared to their predecessors, and they treated the dhimmis harshly. Faced with the choice of either death or conversion, many Jews and Christians emigrated.[182][183][184] Some, such as the family of Maimonides, fled east to more tolerant Muslim lands,[182] while some others went northward to settle in the growing Christian kingdoms.[182]

Expulsions of Jews in Europe from 1100 to 1600

In medieval Europe, Jews were persecuted with blood libels, expulsions, forced conversions and massacres. These persecutions were often justified on religious grounds and reached a first peak during the Crusades. In 1096, hundreds or thousands of Jews were killed during the First Crusade.[185] This was the first major outbreak of anti-Jewish violence in Christian Europe outside Spain and was cited by Zionists in the 19th century as indicating the need for a state of Israel.[186]

In 1147, there were several massacres of Jews during the Second Crusade. The Shepherds' Crusades of 1251 and 1320 both involved attacks, as did the Rintfleisch massacres in 1298. Expulsions followed, such as the 1290 banishment of Jews from England, the expulsion of 100,000 Jews from France in 1394,[187] and the 1421 expulsion of thousands of Jews from Austria. Many of the expelled Jews fled to Poland.[188]

In medieval and Renaissance Europe, a major contributor to the deepening of antisemitic sentiment and legal action among the Christian populations was the popular preaching of the zealous reform religious orders, the Franciscans (especially Bernardino of Feltre) and Dominicans (especially Vincent Ferrer), who combed Europe and promoted antisemitism through their often fiery, emotional appeals.[189]

As the Black Death epidemics devastated Europe in the mid-14th century, causing the death of a large part of the population, Jews were used as scapegoats. Rumors spread that they caused the disease by deliberately poisoning wells. Hundreds of Jewish communities were destroyed in numerous persecutions. Although Pope Clement VI tried to protect them by issuing two papal bulls in 1348, the first on 6 July and an additional one several months later, 900 Jews were burned alive in Strasbourg, where the plague had not yet affected the city.[190]

Reformation

[edit]

Martin Luther, an ecclesiastical reformer whose teachings inspired the Reformation, wrote antagonistically about Jews in his pamphlet On the Jews and their Lies, written in 1543. He portrays the Jews in extremely harsh terms, excoriates them and provides detailed recommendations for a pogrom against them, calling for their permanent oppression and expulsion. At one point he writes: "...we are at fault in not slaying them...", a passage that, according to historian Paul Johnson, "may be termed the first work of modern antisemitism, and a giant step forward on the road to the Holocaust."[191]

17th century

[edit]
Etching of the expulsion of the Jews from Frankfurt in 1614

During the mid-to-late 17th century the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth was devastated by several conflicts, in which the Commonwealth lost over a third of its population (over 3 million people), and Jewish losses were counted in the hundreds of thousands. The first of these conflicts was the Khmelnytsky Uprising, when Bohdan Khmelnytsky's supporters massacred tens of thousands of Jews in the eastern and southern areas he controlled (today's Ukraine). The precise number of dead may never be known, but the decrease of the Jewish population during that period is estimated at 100,000 to 200,000, which also includes emigration, deaths from diseases, and captivity in the Ottoman Empire, called jasyr.[192][193]

European immigrants to the United States brought antisemitism to the country as early as the 17th century. Peter Stuyvesant, the Dutch governor of New Amsterdam, implemented plans to prevent Jews from settling in the city. During the Colonial Era, the American government limited the political and economic rights of Jews. It was not until the American Revolutionary War that Jews gained legal rights, including the right to vote. However, even at their peak, the restrictions on Jews in the United States were never as stringent as they had been in Europe.[194]

In the Zaydi imamate of Yemen, Jews were also singled out for discrimination in the 17th century, which culminated in the general expulsion of all Jews from places in Yemen to the arid coastal plain of Tihamah and which became known as the Mawza Exile.[195]

Enlightenment

[edit]

In 1744, Archduchess of Austria Maria Theresa ordered Jews out of Bohemia but soon reversed her position, on the condition that Jews pay for their readmission every ten years. This extortion was known among the Jews as malke-geld ("queen's money" in Yiddish).[196] In 1752, she introduced the law limiting each Jewish family to one son.

In 1782, Joseph II abolished most of these persecution practices in his Toleranzpatent,[197][198] on the condition that Yiddish and Hebrew were eliminated from public records and that judicial autonomy was annulled.[199] Moses Mendelssohn wrote that "Such a tolerance... is even more dangerous play in tolerance than open persecution."

Voltaire

[edit]

According to Arnold Ages, Voltaire's "Lettres philosophiques, Dictionnaire philosophique, and Candide, to name but a few of his better known works, are saturated with comments on Jews and Judaism and the vast majority are negative".[200] Paul H. Meyer adds: "There is no question but that Voltaire, particularly in his latter years, nursed a violent hatred of the Jews and it is equally certain that his animosity...did have a considerable impact on public opinion in France."[201] Thirty of the 118 articles in Voltaire's Dictionnaire Philosophique concerned Jews and described them in consistently negative ways.[202]

Louis de Bonald and the Catholic Counter-Revolution

[edit]

The counter-revolutionary Catholic royalist Louis de Bonald stands out among the earliest figures to explicitly call for the reversal of Jewish emancipation in the wake of the French Revolution.[203][204] Bonald's attacks on the Jews are likely to have influenced Napoleon's decision to limit the civil rights of Alsatian Jews.[205][206] Bonald's article Sur les juifs (1806) was one of the most venomous screeds of its era and furnished a paradigm which combined anti-liberalism, a defense of a rural society, traditional Christian antisemitism, and the identification of Jews with bankers and finance capital, which would in turn influence many subsequent right-wing reactionaries such as Roger Gougenot des Mousseaux, Charles Maurras, and Édouard Drumont, nationalists such as Maurice Barrès and Paolo Orano, and antisemitic socialists such as Alphonse Toussenel.[203][207][208] Bonald furthermore declared that the Jews were an "alien" people, a "state within a state", and should be forced to wear a distinctive mark to more easily identify and discriminate against them.[203][209]

Under the French Second Empire, the popular counter-revolutionary Catholic journalist Louis Veuillot propagated Bonald's arguments against the Jewish "financial aristocracy" along with vicious attacks against the Talmud and the Jews as a "deicidal people" driven by hatred to "enslave" Christians.[209][210] Between 1882 and 1886 alone, French priests published twenty antisemitic books blaming France's ills on the Jews and urging the government to consign them back to the ghettos, expel them, or hang them from the gallows.[209] Gougenot des Mousseaux's Le Juif, le judaïsme et la judaïsation des peuples chrétiens (1869) has been called a "Bible of modern antisemitism" and was translated into German by Nazi ideologue Alfred Rosenberg.[209]

Imperial Russia

[edit]
The victims of a 1905 pogrom in Yekaterinoslav, Russian Empire (modern-day Ukraine)

Thousands of Jews were slaughtered by Cossack Haidamaks in the 1768 massacre of Uman in the Kingdom of Poland. In 1772, the empress of Russia Catherine II forced the Jews into the Pale of Settlement – which was located primarily in present-day Poland, Ukraine, and Belarus – and to stay in their shtetls and forbade them from returning to the towns that they occupied before the partition of Poland. From 1804, Jews were banned from their villages and began to stream into the towns.[211] A decree by emperor Nicholas I of Russia in 1827 conscripted Jews under 18 years of age into the cantonist schools for a 25-year military service in order to promote baptism.[212]

Policy towards Jews was liberalised somewhat under Czar Alexander II (r. 1855–1881).[213] However, his assassination in 1881 served as a pretext for further repression such as the May Laws of 1882. Konstantin Pobedonostsev, nicknamed the "black czar" and tutor to the czarevitch, later crowned Czar Nicholas II, declared that "One-third of the Jews must die, one-third must emigrate, and one third be converted to Christianity".[214]

Islamic antisemitism in the 19th century

[edit]

Historian Martin Gilbert writes that it was in the 19th century that the position of Jews worsened in Muslim countries. Benny Morris writes that one symbol of Jewish degradation was the phenomenon of stone-throwing at Jews by Muslim children. Morris quotes a 19th-century traveler: "I have seen a little fellow of six years old, with a troop of fat toddlers of only three and four, teaching [them] to throw stones at a Jew, and one little urchin would, with the greatest coolness, waddle up to the man and literally spit upon his Jewish gaberdine. To all this the Jew is obliged to submit; it would be more than his life was worth to offer to strike a Mahommedan."[215]

In the middle of the 19th century, J. J. Benjamin wrote about the life of Persian Jews, describing conditions and beliefs that went back to the 16th century: "…they are obliged to live in a separate part of town… Under the pretext of their being unclean, they are treated with the greatest severity and should they enter a street, inhabited by Mussulmans, they are pelted by the boys and mobs with stones and dirt…."[216]

In Jerusalem at least, conditions for some Jews improved. Moses Montefiore, on his seventh visit in 1875, noted that fine new buildings had sprung up and, "surely we're approaching the time to witness God's hallowed promise unto Zion." Muslim and Christian Arabs participated in Purim and Passover; Arabs called the Sephardis 'Jews, sons of Arabs'; the Ulema and the Rabbis offered joint prayers for rain in time of drought.[217]

At the time of the Dreyfus trial in France, "Muslim comments usually favoured the persecuted Jew against his Christian persecutors".[218]

Secular or racial antisemitism

[edit]
Title page of the second edition of Das Judenthum in der Musik, published in 1869
Antisemitic agitators in Paris burn an effigy of Mathieu Dreyfus during the Dreyfus affair

In 1850, the German composer Richard Wagner – who has been called "the inventor of modern antisemitism"[219] – published Das Judenthum in der Musik (roughly "Jewishness in Music")[219] under a pseudonym in the Neue Zeitschrift für Musik. The essay began as an attack on Jewish composers, particularly Wagner's contemporaries, and rivals, Felix Mendelssohn and Giacomo Meyerbeer, but expanded to accuse Jews of being a harmful and alien element in German culture, who corrupted morals and were, in fact, parasites incapable of creating truly "German" art. The crux was the manipulation and control by the Jews of the money economy:[219]

According to the present constitution of this world, the Jew in truth is already more than emancipated: he rules, and will rule, so long as Money remains the power before which all our doings and our dealings lose their force.[219]

Although originally published anonymously, when the essay was republished 19 years later, in 1869, the concept of the corrupting Jew had become so widely held that Wagner's name was affixed to it.[219]

Antisemitism can also be found in many of the Grimms' Fairy Tales by Jacob and Wilhelm Grimm, published from 1812 to 1857. It is mainly characterized by Jews being the villain of a story, such as in "The Good Bargain" ("Der gute Handel") and "The Jew Among Thorns" ("Der Jude im Dorn").

The middle 19th century saw continued official harassment of the Jews, especially in Eastern Europe under Czarist influence. For example, in 1846, 80 Jews approached the governor in Warsaw to retain the right to wear their traditional dress but were immediately rebuffed by having their hair and beards forcefully cut, at their own expense.[220]

Even such influential figures as Walt Whitman tolerated bigotry toward the Jews in America. During his time as editor of the Brooklyn Eagle (1846–1848), the newspaper published historical sketches casting Jews in a bad light.[221]

The Dreyfus Affair was an infamous antisemitic event of the late 19th century and early 20th century. Alfred Dreyfus, a Jewish artillery captain in the French Army, was accused in 1894 of passing secrets to the Germans. As a result of these charges, Dreyfus was convicted and sentenced to life imprisonment on Devil's Island. The actual spy, Marie Charles Esterhazy, was acquitted. The event caused great uproar among the French, with the public choosing sides on the issue of whether Dreyfus was actually guilty or not. Émile Zola accused the army of corrupting the French justice system. However, general consensus held that Dreyfus was guilty: 80% of the press in France condemned him. This attitude among the majority of the French population reveals the underlying antisemitism of the time period.[222]

Adolf Stoecker (1835–1909), the Lutheran court chaplain to Kaiser Wilhelm I, founded in 1878 an antisemitic, anti-liberal political party called the Christian Social Party.[223][224] This party always remained small, and its support dwindled after Stoecker's death, with most of its members eventually joining larger conservative groups such as the German National People's Party.

Some scholars view Karl Marx's essay "On The Jewish Question" as antisemitic, and argue that he often used antisemitic epithets in his published and private writings.[225][226][227] These scholars argue that Marx equated Judaism with capitalism in his essay, helping to spread that idea. Some further argue that the essay influenced National Socialist, as well as Soviet and Arab antisemites.[228][229][230] Marx himself had Jewish ancestry, and Albert Lindemann and Hyam Maccoby have suggested that he was embarrassed by it.[231][232]

Others argue that Marx consistently supported Prussian Jewish communities' struggles to achieve equal political rights. These scholars argue that "On the Jewish Question" is a critique of Bruno Bauer's arguments that Jews must convert to Christianity before being emancipated, and is more generally a critique of liberal rights discourses and capitalism.[233][234] Iain Hampsher-Monk wrote that "This work [On The Jewish Question] has been cited as evidence for Marx's supposed anti-Semitism, but only the most superficial reading of it could sustain such an interpretation."[235]

David McLellan and Francis Wheen argue that readers should interpret On the Jewish Question in the deeper context of Marx's debates with Bruno Bauer, author of The Jewish Question, about Jewish emancipation in Germany. Wheen says that "Those critics, who see this as a foretaste of 'Mein Kampf', overlook one, essential point: in spite of the clumsy phraseology and crude stereotyping, the essay was actually written as a defense of the Jews. It was a retort to Bruno Bauer, who had argued that Jews should not be granted full civic rights and freedoms unless they were baptised as Christians".[236] According to McLellan, Marx used the word Judentum colloquially, as meaning commerce, arguing that Germans must be emancipated from the capitalist mode of production not Judaism or Jews in particular. McLellan concludes that readers should interpret the essay's second half as "an extended pun at Bauer's expense".[237]

20th century

[edit]
Public reading of the antisemitic newspaper Der Stürmer, Worms, Germany, 1935

Between 1900 and 1924, approximately 1.75 million Jews migrated to America, the bulk from Eastern Europe escaping the pogroms. This increase, combined with the upward social mobility of some Jews, contributed to a resurgence of antisemitism. In the first half of the 20th century, in the US, Jews were discriminated against in employment, access to residential and resort areas, membership in clubs and organizations, and in tightened quotas on Jewish enrolment and teaching positions in colleges and universities. The lynching of Leo Frank by a mob of prominent citizens in Marietta, Georgia, in 1915 turned the spotlight on antisemitism in the United States.[238] The case was also used to build support for the renewal of the Ku Klux Klan which had been inactive since 1870.[239]

At the beginning of the 20th century, the Beilis Trial in Russia represented modern incidents of blood-libels in Europe. During the Russian Civil War, close to 50,000 Jews were killed in pogroms.[240]

Antisemitism in America reached its peak during the interwar period. The pioneer automobile manufacturer Henry Ford propagated antisemitic ideas in his newspaper The Dearborn Independent (published by Ford from 1919 to 1927). The radio speeches of Father Coughlin in the late 1930s attacked Franklin D. Roosevelt's New Deal and promoted the notion of a Jewish financial conspiracy. Some prominent politicians shared such views: Louis T. McFadden, Chairman of the United States House Committee on Banking and Currency, blamed Jews for Roosevelt's decision to abandon the gold standard, and claimed that "in the United States today, the Gentiles have the slips of paper while the Jews have the lawful money".[241]

A wagon piled high with corpses outside the crematorium at the recently liberated Buchenwald concentration camp, 1945

In Germany, shortly after Adolf Hitler and the Nazi Party came to power in 1933, the government instituted repressive legislation which denied Jews basic civil rights.[242][243]

In September 1935, the Nuremberg Laws prohibited sexual relations and marriages between "Aryans" and Jews as Rassenschande ("race disgrace") and stripped all German Jews, even quarter- and half-Jews, of their citizenship (their official title became "subjects of the state").[244] It instituted a pogrom on the night of 9–10 November 1938, dubbed Kristallnacht, in which Jews were killed, their property destroyed and their synagogues torched.[245][full citation needed] Antisemitic laws, agitation and propaganda were extended to German-occupied Europe in the wake of conquest, often building on local antisemitic traditions.[citation needed]

In 1940, the famous aviator Charles Lindbergh and many prominent Americans led the America First Committee in opposing any involvement in a European war. Lindbergh alleged that Jews were pushing America to go to war against Germany.[246][247][248] Lindbergh adamantly denied being antisemitic, and yet he refers numerous times in his private writings – his letters and diary – to Jewish control of the media being used to pressure the U.S. to get involved in the European war. In one diary entry in November 1938, he responded to Kristallnacht by writing "I do not understand these riots on the part of the Germans. ... They have undoubtedly had a difficult Jewish problem, but why is it necessary to handle it so unreasonably?", acknowledgement on Lindbergh's part that he agreed with the Nazis that Germany had a "Jewish problem".[249] An article by Jonathan Marwil in Antisemitism, A Historical Encyclopedia of Prejudice and Persecution claims that "no one who ever knew Lindbergh thought him antisemitic" and that claims of his antisemitism were solely tied to the remarks he made in that one speech.[250]

In the east the Third Reich forced Jews into ghettos in Warsaw, in Kraków, in Lvov, in Lublin and in Radom.[251] After the beginning of the war between Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union in 1941, a campaign of mass murder, conducted by the Einsatzgruppen, culminated from 1942 to 1945 in systematic genocide: the Holocaust.[252] Eleven million Jews were targeted for extermination by the Nazis, and some six million were eventually killed.[252][253][254][page needed]

Contemporary antisemitism

[edit]

Holocaust denial

[edit]

Holocaust denial, the claim that the Nazi genocide of European Jews during the Second World War either never happened or is substantially exaggerated by historical accounts, is a form of antisemitism and conspiracy theory.[255][256] Political movements seeking to revive the ideologies of the Nazis and other states that participated in the Holocaust, like neo-Nazism and neofascism, practice Holocaust denial.[257][258]

There is significant debate about whether analogies between Israel's treatment of Palestinians and the Nazis' treatment of Jews or comparisons to Anti-Palestinianism are antisemitic.[259][260][261][262] Those who say they are antisemitic have termed such analogies "Holocaust inversion"—a form of Holocaust trivialisation, in which the Holocaust is compared with other events in a way that downplays its severity.[263] Deborah Lipstadt describes Holocaust inversion as a type of Holocaust denial.[264]

Soviet antisemitism

[edit]

There have continued to be antisemitic incidents since WWII, some of which had been state-sponsored. In the Soviet Union, antisemitism was even used as an instrument for settling personal conflicts, starting with the conflict between Joseph Stalin and Leon Trotsky and continuing through numerous conspiracy theories spread by official propaganda. Antisemitism in the USSR reached new heights after 1948 during the campaign against the "rootless cosmopolitan" (euphemism for "Jew") in which numerous Yiddish-language poets, writers, painters, and sculptors were killed or arrested.[265][266] This culminated in the antisemitic conspiracy theory of the 'Doctors' Plot' in 1952.[citation needed]

In the 20th century, Soviet and Russian antisemitism underwent significant transformations, shaped by political, social, and ideological shifts. During the early Soviet period, the Bolsheviks initially condemned antisemitism, seeing it as incompatible with Marxist ideology. However, under Joseph Stalin's regime, antisemitism reemerged, often cloaked in 'anti-Zionist' rhetoric. As early as 1943, Stalin and his propagandists intensified attacks against Jews as "rootless cosmopolitans".[267] The Party issued confidential directives to fire Jews from positions of power, but state-controlled media did not openly attack Jews until the late 1940s.[267] The Doctors' plot of 1952, a fabricated conspiracy accusing predominantly Jewish doctors of attempting to assassinate Soviet leaders, exemplified this resurgence. This campaign fostered widespread antisemitic sentiments and resulted in the arrest and execution of numerous Jewish professionals.

In that same year, the antisemitic Slánský show trial alleged the existence of an 'international Zionist conspiracy' to destroy Socialism. Izabella Tabarovsky, a scholar of the history of antisemitism, argues that, "Manufactured by the Soviet secret services, the trial tied together Zionism, Israel, Jewish leaders, and American imperialism, turning 'Zionism' and 'Zionist' into dangerous labels that could be used against one's political enemies."[268] In the post-Stalin era, state-sanctioned antisemitism persisted and intensified. In February 1953, the Soviet Union severed diplomatic relations with the State of Israel and "soon the state media was saturated with anti-Zionist propaganda, depicting bloated, hook-nosed Jewish bankers and all-consuming serpents embossed with the Star of David."[269] The 1963 publication of the antisemitic book Judaism Without Embellishment, written under orders from the central Soviet government, echoed Nazi propaganda, alleging a global Jewish conspiracy to subvert the Soviet Union.[268] It was the beginning of a new wave of government-sponsored anti-Semitism.[citation needed]

The Six-Day War in 1967 led to an intensification in Soviet anti-Zionist propaganda as the Soviets had backed the defeated Arab states.[268] This propaganda often blurred the lines with antisemitism, leading to discriminatory policies against Jews and restricting their emigration. By the end of the war, "the "corporate Jew", whether "cosmopolitan" or "Zionist", became identified as the enemy. Popular anti-Semitic stereotyping had been absorbed into official channels, generated by chauvinist needs and totalitarian requirements."[270] The Anti-Zionist Committee of the Soviet Public shut down and expropriated synagogues, yeshivas, and Jewish civil organisations and prohibited the learning of Hebrew.[citation needed] It also engaged in a wide-scale propaganda campaign between 1967 and 1988 overseen by the KGB and published pamphlets featuring antisemitic conspiracy theories, for example falsely claiming that Zionist Jews collaborated with the Nazi regime in the Holocaust and of inflating the significance and scale of anti-Jewish persecution.[268]

Their propaganda frequently borrowed directly from the forged Protocols of the Elders of Zion and sometimes relied upon Adolf Hitler's Mein Kampf as a source of information about Zionism.[268] Antizionism helped Moscow "bond both with its Arab allies and the Western hard left of all shades. Having appointed Zionism as a scapegoat for humanity's greatest evils, Soviet propaganda could score points by equating it with racism in African radio broadcasts and with Ukrainian nationalism on Kyiv TV."[271] The still-extant Novosti Press Agency, a key element in the Soviet propaganda machine, also participated in the spreading of antisemitic anti-Zionism. Its chairman, Ivan Udaltsov, published a memorandum on 27 January 1971, to the CPSU in which he claimed that "Zionists, by provoking antisemitism, recruit volunteers for the Israeli army", blaming Jews for antisemitism, and falsely alleged that Zionists were responsible for "subversive activities" during the 1968 Prague Spring.[271] According to historian William Korey, "Judaism was singled out for condemnation as prescribing 'racial exclusivism' and as justifying 'crimes against 'Gentiles.'"[270]

Similar antisemitic propaganda in Poland resulted in the flight of Polish Jewish survivors from the country.[266] After the war, the Kielce pogrom and the "March 1968 events" in communist Poland represented further incidents of antisemitism in Europe. The anti-Jewish violence in postwar Poland had a common theme of blood libel rumours.[272][273]

21st-century European antisemitism

[edit]

Physical assaults against Jews in Europe have included beatings, stabbings, and other violence, which increased markedly, sometimes resulting in serious injury and death.[274][275] A 2015 report by the US State Department on religious freedom declared that "European anti-Israel sentiment crossed the line into anti-Semitism."[276]

This rise in antisemitic attacks is associated with both Muslim antisemitism and the rise of far-right political parties as a result of the economic crisis of 2008.[277] This rise in the support for far-right ideas in western and eastern Europe has resulted in the increase of antisemitic acts, mostly attacks on Jewish memorials, synagogues and cemeteries but also a number of physical attacks against Jews.[278]

In Eastern Europe the dissolution of the Soviet Union and the instability of the new states brought the rise of nationalist movements and the accusation against Jews for the economic crisis, taking over the local economy and bribing the government, along with traditional and religious motives for antisemitism such as blood libels. Writing on the rhetoric surrounding the 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine, Jason Stanley relates these perceptions to broader historical narratives: "the dominant version of antisemitism alive in parts of eastern Europe today is that Jews employ the Holocaust to seize the victimhood narrative from the 'real' victims of the Nazis, who are Russian Christians (or other non-Jewish eastern Europeans)".[279] He calls out the "myths of contemporary eastern European antisemitism – that a global cabal of Jews were (and are) the real agents of violence against Russian Christians and the real victims of the Nazis were not the Jews, but rather this group."[279]

Most of the antisemitic incidents in Eastern Europe are against Jewish cemeteries and buildings (community centers and synagogues). Nevertheless, there were several violent attacks against Jews in Moscow in 2006 when a neo-Nazi stabbed 9 people at the Bolshaya Bronnaya Synagogue,[280] the failed bomb attack on the same synagogue in 1999,[281] the threats against Jewish pilgrims in Uman, Ukraine[282] and the attack against a menorah by extremist Christian organization in Moldova in 2009.[283]

According to Paul Johnson, antisemitic policies are a sign of a state which is poorly governed.[284] While no European state currently has such policies, the Economist Intelligence Unit notes the rise in political uncertainty, notably populism and nationalism, as something that is particularly alarming for Jews.[285]

21st-century Arab antisemitism

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Graffiti of a swastika on a building in the Palestinian city of Nablus, 2022
A boy holding a paper stating "we are the killers of the Jews" in the mourning ceremony for Qasem Soleimani at Mosalla of Tehran, 6 January 2020

Robert Bernstein, founder of Human Rights Watch, says that antisemitism is "deeply ingrained and institutionalized" in "Arab nations in modern times".[286]

In a 2011 survey by the Pew Research Center, all of the Muslim-majority Middle Eastern countries polled held significantly negative opinions of Jews. In the questionnaire, only 2% of Egyptians, 3% of Lebanese Muslims, and 2% of Jordanians reported having a positive view of Jews. Muslim-majority countries outside the Middle East similarly held markedly negative views of Jews, with 4% of Turks and 9% of Indonesians viewing Jews favorably.[287]

According to a 2011 exhibition at the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum in Washington, United States, some of the dialogue from Middle East media and commentators about Jews bear a striking resemblance to Nazi propaganda.[288] According to Josef Joffe of Newsweek, "anti-Semitism—the real stuff, not just bad-mouthing particular Israeli policies—is as much part of Arab life today as the hijab or the hookah. Whereas this darkest of creeds is no longer tolerated in polite society in the West, in the Arab world, Jew hatred remains culturally endemic."[289]

Muslim clerics in the Middle East have frequently referred to Jews as descendants of apes and pigs, which are conventional epithets for Jews and Christians.[290][291][292]

According to professor Robert Wistrich, director of the Vidal Sassoon International Center for the Study of Antisemitism (SICSA), the calls for the destruction of Israel by Iran or by Hamas, Hezbollah, Islamic Jihad, or the Muslim Brotherhood, represent a contemporary mode of genocidal antisemitism.[293]

21st-century antisemitism at universities

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After the 2023 Hamas-led attack on Israel on 7 October, antisemitism and anti-Jewish hate crimes around the world increased significantly.[294][295][296] Multiple universities and university officials have been accused of systemic antisemitism.[297][298][299] On 1 May 2024, the United States House of Representatives voted 320–91 in favour of adopting a bill enshrining the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance definition of antisemitism into law.[300] The bill was opposed by some who claimed it conflated criticism of Israel with antisemitism, while Jewish advocacy groups like the American Jewish Committee and World Jewish Congress generally supported it in response to the increase in antisemitic incidents on university campuses.[301][302] An open letter by 1,200 Jewish professors opposed the proposal.[303]

Black Hebrew Israelite antisemitism

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4% of African-Americans self-identified as Black Hebrew Israelites in 2019.[304] Between 2019 and 2022, individuals motivated by Black Hebrew Israelitism committed five religiously motivated murders.[305]

Extremist groups of Black Hebrew Israelites believe that Jewish people are "imposters", who have "stolen" Black Americans' true racial and religious identity.[305][306] Some of these groups also promote the unsupported Khazar hypothesis of Ashkenazi ancestry.[305] In 2022, the American Jewish Committee stated that the Black Hebrew Israelite claim that "we are the real Jews" is a "troubling anti-Semitic trope with dangerous potential".[307]

The perpetrators of several antisemitic attacks in the United States have expressed interest in the Black Hebrew Israelites.[308][309][310] Between 2019 and 2022, individuals motivated by Black Hebrew Israelitism committed five religiously motivated murders.[305] In September 2022, the Program on Extremism at George Washington University published a report which said the largest threat came from "individuals loosely affiliated with or inspired by the movement", rather than from formal members of Black Hebrew Israelite organizations.[304][306]

Antisemitism on the internet

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Antisemitism on the internet involves a complex interplay between social media dynamics, conspiracy theories, and the broader socio-political context. Social media platforms have proved fertile for breeding antisemitic rhetoric, particularly during crises such as the COVID-19 pandemic, during which a notable rise in antisemitic conspiracy theories emerged.[311][312][313] The role of social media in amplifying these sentiments is underscored by analyses of comment sections on major media outlets, which reveal a significant presence of antisemitic discourse, often framed within the context of political events and international relations.[314][page needed][315] Furthermore, the emergence of TikTok as a new platform has raised concerns about the proliferation of antisemitic content, with studies highlighting the challenges of moderating such material effectively.[316][verification needed][317][verification needed] The intersection of antisemitism with broader themes of populism and right-wing extremism is also evident, as these ideologies often utilize antisemitic narratives to galvanize support and create a sense of otherness.[315][318] Additionally, the phenomenon of subtle hate speech has been identified, where antisemitic sentiments are recontextualized in ways that may evade direct detection yet still perpetuate harmful stereotypes.[319] Antisemitic bias appears even in ostensibly neutral sources; one paper has asserted that there was an incident of it on the Wikipedia platform,[320] though this is disputed.[321] Overall, the digital landscape presents both challenges and opportunities for combating antisemitism, necessitating a multifaceted approach that includes community engagement and technological solutions to monitor and counteract hate speech effectively.[322][323]

Causes

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Antisemitism has been explained in terms of racism, xenophobia, projected guilt, displaced aggression, conspiracy theory, and the search for a scapegoat.[324]

Antisemitism scholar Lars Fischer writes that "scholars distinguish between theories that assume an actual causal (rather than merely coincidental) correlation between what (some) Jews do and antisemitic perceptions (correspondence theories), on the one hand, and those predicated on the notion that no such causal correlation exists and that 'the Jews' serve as a foil for the projection of antisemitic assumptions, on the other."[325] The latter position is exemplified by Theodor W. Adorno, who wrote that "Anti-Semitism is the rumour about the Jews"; in other words, "a conspiratorial mentality that sees Jewish people as invisible and yet ubiquitous, as capable of pulling the strings of power from behind the scenes."[326][327]

As an example of the correspondence theory, an 1894 book by Bernard Lazare questions whether Jews themselves were to blame for some antisemitic stereotypes, for instance arguing that Jews traditionally keeping strictly to their own communities, with their own practices and laws, led to a perception of Jews as anti-social; he later abandoned this belief and the book is considered antisemitic today.[328][329][330] As another example, Walter Laqueur suggested that the antisemitic perception of Jewish people as greedy (as often used in stereotypes of Jews) probably evolved in Europe during medieval times where a large portion of money lending was operated by Jews.[331] Among factors thought to contribute to this situation include that Jews were restricted from other professions,[331] while the Christian Church declared for their followers that money lending constituted immoral "usury",[332] although recent scholarship, such as that of historian Julie Mell shows that Jews were not overrepresented in the sector and that the stereotype was founded in Christian projection of taboo behaviour on to the minority.[325][333][334]

In Anti-Judaism: The Western Tradition (2013), historian David Nirenberg traces the history of antisemitism, arguing that antisemitism should be understood not as a product of isolated historical events or cultural biases but is instead embedded within the very fabric of Western thought and society.[335][page needed] Its foundation lies in the early claim of Jewish deicide and depictions of Jews as 'Christ-killers'. Throughout Western history, Jews have since been used as a symbolic 'other' to define and articulate the values and boundaries of various cultures and intellectual traditions. In philosophy, literature, and politics, Jewishness has often been constructed as a counterpoint to what is considered normative or ideal. One of the key insights from Nirenberg's work is that antisemitism has proven to be remarkably adaptable.[citation needed] It changes form and adapts to different contexts and times, whether in medieval religious disputes, Enlightenment critiques, or modern racial theories. Philosophers and intellectuals have often used 'Jewishness' as a foil to explore and define their ideas. For instance, in the Enlightenment, figures like Voltaire critiqued Judaism as backward and superstitious to promote their visions of reason and progress. Similarly, the Soviet Union frequently portrayed Judaism as linked with capitalism and mercantilism, standing in opposition to the ideals of proletarian solidarity and communism. In each case, Judaism or the Jews are portrayed as standing in tension with prevailing moral norms.[335]

Author and scholar Dara Horn published an article in The Atlantic reflecting on her previous published doubts about the effectiveness of Holocaust education pedagogy and the rising antisemitism in the wake of the October 7th Massacre in Israel by Palestinians.[336] In it, Horn argues that antisemitism functions by appropriating what has happened to Jews and recasting their experience as part of a broader, universal struggle, which always ends in ultimately redefining Jewish identity as incompatible with these ideals. She concludes that the attacks on Jews, often under the guise of anti-Zionism, follow the same ancient pattern of marginalization and vilification.

This is the permission structure for anti-Semitism: claim whatever has happened to the Jews as one's own experience, announce a "universal" ideal that all good people must accept, and then redefine Jewish collective identity as lying beyond it. Hating Jews thus becomes a demonstration of righteousness. The key is to define, and redefine, and redefine again, the shiny new moral reasoning for why the Jews have failed the universal test of humanity.[336]

Prevention through education

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Education plays an important role in addressing and overcoming prejudice and countering social discrimination.[337] However, education is not only about challenging the conditions of intolerance and ignorance in which antisemitism manifests itself; it is also about building a sense of global citizenship and solidarity, respect for, and enjoyment of diversity and the ability to live peacefully together as active, democratic citizens. Education equips learners with the knowledge to identify antisemitism and biased or prejudiced messages and raises awareness about the forms, manifestations, and impact of antisemitism faced by Jews and Jewish communities.[337]

Some Jewish writers have argued that public education about antisemitism through the prism of the Holocaust is unhelpful at best or actively deepening antisemitism at worst. Dara Horn wrote in The Atlantic that "Auschwitz is not a metaphor", arguing "That the Holocaust drives home the importance of love is an idea, like the idea that Holocaust education prevents anti-Semitism, that seems entirely unobjectionable. It is entirely objectionable. The Holocaust didn't happen because of a lack of love. It happened because entire societies abdicated responsibility for their own problems, and instead blamed them on the people who represented—have always represented, since they first introduced the idea of commandedness to the world—the thing they were most afraid of: responsibility."[338]

Instead, she argues that perhaps "a more effective way to address anti-Semitism might lie in cultivating a completely different quality, one that happens to be the key to education itself: curiosity. Why use Jews as a means to teach people that we're all the same, when the demand that Jews be just like their neighbors is exactly what embedded the mental virus of anti-Semitism in the Western mind in the first place? Why not instead encourage inquiry about the diversity, to borrow a de rigueur word, of the human experience?"[339]

Geographical variation

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A March 2008 report by the U.S. State Department found that there was an increase in antisemitism across the world, and that both old and new expressions of antisemitism persist.[340] A 2012 report by the U.S. Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights and Labor also noted a continued global increase in antisemitism, and found that Holocaust denial and opposition to Israeli policy at times was used to promote or justify blatant antisemitism.[341] In 2014, the Anti-Defamation League conducted a study titled ADL Global 100: An Index of Anti-Semitism,[342] which also reported high antisemitism figures around the world and, among other findings, that as many as "27% of people who have never met a Jew nevertheless harbor strong prejudices against him".[343]

In August 2024, the Israeli Ministry of Diaspora Affairs announced a new antisemitism monitoring project.[344][345] The goal of the project is to measure levels of antisemitism in various countries, as well as identify instigators and trends.[344] In the event that antisemitism in a given country becomes severe, the Diaspora Minister may contact that country's government in an official capacity.[344]

Antisemitica collections

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There have been attempts to collect material deemed antisemitic, such as the Felix Posen Bibliographic Project on Antisemitism, an electronic version of the Antisemitism – An Annotated Bibliography published by De Gruyter Saur from 1984 to 2013 and which lists some 50,000 items including books, dissertations, and articles from periodicals and collections from a diverse range of disciplines as well items from visuals arts such as films and caricatures. Apart from antisemitic material, including those pertaining to "Jewish self-hate", the project also contains Jewish responses to such polemical works and also philosemitic works.[346]

See also

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Notes

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References

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Further reading

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
Antisemitism is prejudice against or hatred of Jews, expressed as hostility toward Jews individually or collectively, often rooted in perceptions of them as a distinct religious, ethnic, or racial group. The term "antisemitism" was coined in 1879 by German agitator Wilhelm Marr to frame anti-Jewish sentiments in pseudoscientific racial terms, though the underlying animosity predates this by millennia, originating in ancient religious conflicts such as early Christian accusations of deicide against Jews. Throughout history, it has evolved through phases including ancient religious conflicts and Greco-Roman hostilities, medieval religious expulsions and pogroms, economic stereotypes of Jews as moneylenders excluded from other trades, and 19th-20th century racial theories that culminated in the Nazi Holocaust, where six million Jews were systematically murdered. In contemporary times, antisemitic incidents have surged globally, particularly following the October 7, 2023, Hamas attacks on Israel—the deadliest day for Jews since the Holocaust—with the United States recording 9,354 verified cases in 2024 alone—a record high driven partly by online propagation and political extremism from both far-left and far-right sources—while surveys indicate that 46% of the world's adults harbor antisemitic attitudes. This persistence reflects antisemitism's adaptability, often serving as a scapegoat mechanism amid social upheavals, despite empirical patterns showing Jewish overrepresentation in intellectual and economic achievements that defy victimhood narratives prevalent in biased academic discourse.

Definition and Terminology

Etymology and Evolution of the Term

The term Antisemitismus gained popularity in 1879. German journalist Wilhelm Marr introduced it to describe a modern racial hostility toward Jews. This differed from earlier religious anti-Judaism. In his March 1879 pamphlet Der Sieg des Judenthums über das Germanenthum (The Victory of Judaism over Germanism), Marr depicted Jews as a racially foreign group weakening German society. He framed resistance as a defense based on pseudoscientific racial ideas, not Christian beliefs. In September 1879, Marr founded the Antisemiten-Liga. This was the first group to promote "antisemitism" as a political goal of barring Jews from German society on ethnic grounds. The adjective antisemitisch appeared first in 1860. Austrian-Jewish scholar Moritz Steinschneider coined it to critique French orientalist Ernest Renan's negative views on Semitic peoples and languages, mainly Arabs. It did not refer to Jews. Marr adapted the term about 15 years later. He limited it to prejudice against Jews, even though "Semitic" linguistically includes Arabs and others. This focus on Jews made the term imprecise but standard for anti-Jewish hatred. By the 1880s, Antisemitismus spread in European nationalist groups. It entered English as "anti-Semitism" around 1881. The term replaced older German words like Judenhass (Jew-hatred) by posing anti-Jewish views as modern, secular analysis. Scholars sometimes use alternatives like Judeophobia, meaning fear or hatred of Jews, for ancient or pre-modern cases. In the late 19th and 20th centuries, the term grew to include various anti-Jewish ideas, such as economic plots and cultural attacks. It kept racial roots in groups like Nazism, which reused Marr's language. The term spread worldwide. Debates emerged on its meaning—limited to racial bias or all anti-Jewish prejudice—and on spelling. From the 1980s, "antisemitism" without a hyphen became common. This avoids suggesting opposition to an undefined "Semitism." Groups like the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance and Anti-Defamation League support it. The adjective "antisemitic" comes from "Semitic" (spelled S-e-m-i-t-i-c). A frequent error is "antisemetic," missing the "i" after "m." Style guides differ: Merriam-Webster uses "anti-Semitic" with hyphen and capital. The AP Stylebook favors "antisemitic" without hyphen or capital. These changes highlight the term's focus on Jews, despite broader Semitic groups. It shifted from 19th-century false science to today's study of bias.

Core Conceptual Definitions

Antisemitism is fundamentally a prejudice against or hatred of Jews, targeting them as individuals, a religious group, or an ethnic collective due to their Jewish identity. This hostility manifests in rhetorical forms, such as stereotypes portraying Jews as inherently deceitful or conspiratorial, and physical actions, including violence against Jewish persons, property, or institutions. Unlike general xenophobia, antisemitism specifically attributes to Jews a collective malevolence or undue influence, often blaming them for societal ills without empirical basis. Conceptually, antisemitism distinguishes itself through the construction of Jews as an immutable "other," perceived as alien to the host culture regardless of assimilation efforts. Historian Gavin Langmuir characterizes it as involving "chimerical" beliefs—irrational fabrications detached from reality, such as blood libel myths or notions of ritual murder—evolving from theological critiques of Judaism into existential threats posed by Jews themselves. This core element persists across eras, adapting to secular ideologies while retaining the premise of Jewish otherness as a causal force for disorder. The definition emphasizes discrimination or marginalization rooted in myths about Jewish power, loyalty, or moral inferiority, rather than verifiable actions by individuals. For instance, attributions of global control or economic exploitation to Jews as a group exemplify this conceptual framework, which underpins both historical pogroms and modern conspiracy narratives. Scholarly analyses underscore its adaptability, noting how it integrates into diverse prejudices, yet remains anchored in the denial of Jewish legitimacy within society.

Debates Over Defining Antisemitism

Debates on defining antisemitism focus on the scope of hostility toward Jews. A key issue is whether criticism of Israel or opposition to Zionism counts as antisemitism. Supporters of broad definitions point to historical patterns. They argue that antisemitism now targets Jewish self-determination. For example, incidents rose after the October 7, 2023, Hamas attacks. Anti-Israel rhetoric there often used old tropes like dual loyalty claims. Critics, mainly from academic and human rights groups, say broad definitions mix valid political views with prejudice. They warn this could limit free speech on campuses and in global talks. These disputes divide Jewish communities and society at large. Data from incident trackers show narrow definitions may miss hidden bias. Broad ones, though, can become politicized. The International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA) offers a common broad definition. Adopted in 2016 by 31 member states, including the United States and EU nations, it states: "Antisemitism is a certain perception of Jews, which may be expressed as hatred toward Jews." This can target Jewish people, groups, or places. It lists 11 examples. Seven relate to Israel. These include denying Jewish self-determination, such as calling Israel's existence racist. Or using classic antisemitic images, like blood libel, against Israel. Over 1,000 groups worldwide back the IHRA definition. This includes 40 governments. The U.S. Congress passed a 2024 bill to use it in federal anti-discrimination law. Backers say it spots modern threats without banning fair criticism of Israel, like that aimed at other countries. Groups like Amnesty International and some progressive Jewish organizations oppose it. They call it vague and say it treats anti-Zionism as antisemitism. This, they claim, protects Israel from blame for actions like settlement building. Kenneth Stern drafted an early version for a 2004 U.S. bill. In 2019, he said non-legal uses on campuses monitor and curb speech instead of educating. Other options arose as alternatives. The 2020 Nexus Document, from Jewish leaders, defines antisemitism as anti-Jewish beliefs, attitudes, actions, or systems. It separates anti-Zionism from antisemitism unless it denies Jewish self-rule while allowing it for others. Or unless it blames all Jews for Israel's acts. The 2021 Jerusalem Declaration on Antisemitism (JDA), signed by over 300 scholars including Jewish studies experts, says opposition to Zionism—a 19th-century movement—is not antisemitic. It allows calling Israel a settler-colonial state if no antisemitic tropes are used. Supporters praise these for nuance. But critics argue they let old antisemitism hide as anti-Zionism. They say this downplays the problem. German scholars like Lars Rensmann and Matthias Küntzel note this in BDS campaigns, which single out Israel for boycotts. Clear definitions link to better responses. Places using IHRA see fewer unchecked incidents via policies. Narrower ones tie to more tolerance of speech that leads to violence, like synagogue attacks in post-2023 protests. IHRA draws support from governments and Jewish groups with incident data. Alternatives often come from academia, where surveys show underreporting due to ideology. No definition has full agreement. But IHRA's use in U.S. orders since 2019 and EU rules makes it the main standard for laws and institutions as of 2025.

Historical Development

Antiquity and Greco-Roman Period

Hostility toward Jews in antiquity predated Christianity. It arose from their monotheism, dietary laws, and refusal to join polytheistic civic rituals. Surrounding cultures saw these practices as antisocial and atheistic. In Ptolemaic Egypt, a large Jewish community lived since the 3rd century BCE. Egyptian writers like the priest Manetho spread reversed Exodus stories. They claimed Jews were diseased lepers expelled from Egypt for polluting the land. These tales portrayed Jewish origins as tied to impurity, not divine freedom. Later historians like Josephus preserved them. The stories aimed to undermine Jewish claims and stir resentment against Alexandria's thriving Jewish population. Jews there competed with native Egyptians in economy and culture. Under Seleucid rule in the Hellenistic period, tensions grew in Judea. Rulers tried to impose Greek culture. Antiochus IV Epiphanes (r. 175–164 BCE) banned Jewish practices like circumcision and Sabbath observance. In 167 BCE, he desecrated the Temple in Jerusalem by setting up an altar to Zeus. He forced sacrifices to Greek gods. This sparked the Maccabean Revolt (167–160 BCE) to protect Jewish independence. The policy sought cultural unity and temple revenue. It led to propaganda against Jews for misanthropy and separatism. Stereotypes arose of Jews as enemies of humanity for rejecting common rituals. Some Greek thinkers praised Jewish philosophy. Others, like Hecataeus of Abdera (late 4th century BCE), blended admiration with critiques of Jewish exclusivity. This set the stage for wider Hellenistic anger at Jewish non-assimilation and proselytism. In the Roman Republic and Empire, Jews had official tolerance as a licit religion. But they faced periodic expulsions and verbal attacks. Reasons included exemptions from emperor worship and perceived clannishness. In 59 BCE, Cicero defended Flaccus and mocked Jewish sway in Rome as manipulative. He said they used crowds and pooled funds to influence trials. Tacitus, in Histories (ca. 109 CE), called Jewish customs perverse—from leper exiles or Cretan origins. He noted their mutual aid bred hatred of non-Jews, praised their toughness, but condemned proselytism as harmful to Roman values. Tiberius expelled Jews from Rome in 19 CE over fears of conversion groups. Around 49 CE, Claudius ordered Jews to stop disturbances, perhaps due to clashes with early Christians. In 38 CE, Alexandrian riots killed many Jews. Prefect Aulus Avilius Flaccus incited them. Synagogues were destroyed, and Jews confined to ghettos. Agitators like Apion accused Jews of ritual murder and cannibalism in public forums. These events stemmed from Jewish population growth, trade roles, and resistance to ruler deification—not racial ideas.

Medieval Period and Christian Persecutions

In medieval Christian Europe, antisemitism arose from religious beliefs that held Jews collectively guilty for Jesus's death, known as deicide. This charge began in early Christian writings and grew stronger over time. New Testament passages, such as Matthew 27:20, blamed Jewish leaders for demanding crucifixion. These views cast Jews as stubborn rejectors of Christian truth, justifying their lower social status. Church leaders like John Chrysostom spread these ideas in sermons, portraying Jews as enemies of Christianity. Jews faced segregation. They could not join guilds, own land, or marry Christians. The Church banned usury—lending money at interest—for Christians in the 12th century, pushing Jews into moneylending. The First Crusade sparked mass violence. In 1096, Rhineland massacres killed thousands of Jews in cities like Mainz, Worms, Speyer, and Trier. In Mainz, over 1,000 died, many by murder or suicide to avoid forced conversion. Total victims reached 5,000 to 10,000. Leaders like Count Emicho drove these attacks, fueled by crusading zeal and resentment over debts to Jewish lenders. Attackers often erased debts after killings. Popes like Urban II called for Jewish protection, but mobs ignored them. Blood libel accusations started in 1144 with William of Norwich. People falsely claimed Jews crucified the boy to mock Christ and use his blood in Passover rituals. Monk Thomas of Monmouth spread this tale. Similar libels arose in Gloucester in 1168 and other places, leading to trials, torture, and executions. These myths built on deicide ideas, turning local crimes into threats against communities. No evidence supported them, despite papal bans like Innocent IV's 1247 bull. The Fourth Lateran Council in 1215, under Pope Innocent III, required Jews and Muslims to wear distinguishing badges, like the yellow rouelle in France or a circular patch elsewhere. This aimed to prevent mixing with Christians and bar Jews from public office. Canon 68 cited fears of Jewish influence over Christians. Badges made Jews visible targets for harassment. England enforced them after 1215, marking Jews as outsiders. Kings expelled Jews for economic gain. In England, Edward I's 1290 edict banished 2,000-3,000 Jews by November 1, after seizing their assets to fund wars and ease tax pressures. France had expulsions in 1182, 1306, and 1394; Philip IV's 1306 action grabbed Jewish wealth during money shortages. These moves canceled debts and raised funds, rooted in religious prejudice. Jews got little warning and left poor. The Black Death from 1347 to 1351 triggered pogroms. People accused Jews of poisoning wells, leading to mass killings like 2,000 burned in Strasbourg in 1349, plus deaths in Basel and Freiburg. Thousands died across the Holy Roman Empire. Tortured confessions spread the panic. Pope Clement VI's 1348 bull blamed natural causes and noted Jewish plague victims, but attacks destroyed 200-500 Jewish communities, forcing survivors east. Jews suffered from the plague too, but crises fueled old biases. These events shrank Jewish numbers in Western Europe. Survivors faced ghettos and ongoing myths of ritual murder.

Early Modern and Enlightenment Era

In Europe's early modern period, from the 16th to 18th centuries, antisemitism appeared in institutional limits, religious attacks, and bursts of violence. These built on medieval patterns but shifted with the Protestant Reformation. Venice created the first ghetto in 1516, a walled Jewish quarter that spread to Frankfurt and Rome. Ghettos forced Jews into separate areas, restricted their jobs and contacts, and fueled views of them as economic drains and outsiders. Authorities often cited fears of usury—lending money at interest—and blood libel, false claims of ritual murder. Jews had to wear badges or pay extra taxes. The Reformation sharpened religious tensions. Martin Luther first sought Jewish converts and wrote That Jesus Christ Was Born a Jew in 1523, blaming Catholic harshness for blocking them. By 1543, frustrated, he wrote On the Jews and Their Lies, calling for synagogue burnings, property seizures, and forced labor. This shaped Protestant views and rules in German states. Blood libel cases continued, like those in 16th-century Poland-Lithuania, where accusations of killing Christian children for Passover matzah led to trials and deaths. Expulsions happened too, such as Frankfurt's 1614 Fettmilch uprising, where mobs ousted Jews until the emperor intervened and restored some rights. The Enlightenment brought secular attacks on Jews. Thinkers like Voltaire saw them as symbols of fanaticism, superstition, and greed, unfit for reason-based society. In his Philosophical Dictionary, he ridiculed Jewish texts and ways, blaming clannishness and moneylending for social problems—dropping old charges like deicide but keeping ideas of moral flaws. Others, like Kant and Hume, viewed Judaism as a barrier to ethics and progress. Some, like Lessing, pushed for tolerance. This prepared the way for later racial and political antisemitism. Still, Jews gained some rights in places like the Dutch Republic by the late 18th century, despite ongoing biases. Reason's ideals did not end pogroms or expulsions in Eastern Europe; philosophes often justified exclusion. Jewish communities kept traditions and aided the Enlightenment, as with Spinoza, and later civil rights, like in the NAACP's founding.

19th Century Nationalism and Secular Variants

The 19th century shifted antisemitism from religious prejudice to secular, nationalist, and pseudoscientific forms. This change arose with modern nation-states and Jewish emancipation in Europe. Emancipation granted civil rights, starting in France in 1791 and spreading across Western Europe by mid-century. It allowed greater Jewish participation in society but sparked views of Jews as alien threats to national unity. Political movements responded by portraying Jews as racially distinct and disloyal, not just theological foes. German journalist Wilhelm Marr coined "antisemitism" in 1879 to present anti-Jewish views as a rational racial fight against Jewish dominance in Germany. In his pamphlet The Victory of Judaism over Germandom, Marr claimed Jews formed a separate race unable to assimilate. He saw emancipation as Jewish conquest, not integration. That year, Marr started the Antisemiten-Liga, the first group focused solely on fighting Jewish influence on secular terms. It drew thousands of members and shaped later German political antisemitism. Composer Richard Wagner advanced secular antisemitism in his 1850 essay Das Judentum in der Musik (Judaism in Music), republished in 1869. He argued Jews could not create true German art and corrupted music through commercialism. Wagner mixed aesthetic criticism with racial ideas, influencing nationalists who saw Jewish culture as a danger to Germanic purity—despite his ties to Jewish supporters. Antisemitism entered politics through parties in Germany and Austria. Adolf Stoecker founded Germany's Christian Social Workers' Party in 1878. It mixed social reform with anti-Jewish rhetoric and won support in the 1880s during economic slumps. In Austria, Karl Lueger's Christian Social Party formed in 1891. It targeted urban anger at Jewish merchants and thinkers, securing Vienna's mayoralty in 1897 with policies like boycotts. These groups stressed national exclusion over religious conversion. Their platforms called for limits on Jewish immigration and jobs. France's Dreyfus Affair showed nationalist antisemitism blending with military honor and republican fears. In 1894, Captain Alfred Dreyfus faced treason charges on fake evidence. Figures like Édouard Drumont led protests and media attacks, blaming Jews as internal enemies. Riots hit over 20 cities, with violence in Algeria. Dreyfus was cleared in 1906, exposing deep biases, but secular antisemitism continued to view Jews as outsiders. In Eastern Europe, especially Russia, secular forms mixed with nationalism after Tsar Alexander II's 1881 assassination—falsely blamed on Jewish radicals. This sparked pogroms killing dozens and displacing thousands by 1882. Officials framed them as protecting Russian ethnicity from Jewish exploitation. Without emancipation, nationalist exclusion grew stronger. Outside Europe, religious persecution continued in the Islamic world. In 1839, Persia's Mashhad Jews faced forced conversion in the Allāhdād ("God's Justice"). A mob attacked the Jewish quarter, looted homes, destroyed Torah scrolls, abducted girls, and killed dozens. About 2,400 residents outwardly converted to Islam as Jadīd al-Islām ("New Converts"). They secretly kept Jewish practices—underground synagogues, hidden rituals, Shabbat, kosher laws, and private education—for over a century. Overall, 19th-century secular antisemitism built foundations for racial theories by valuing ethnic unity over religious tolerance.

20th Century Totalitarianism and the Holocaust

The Nazi Party's ascent to power in Germany on January 30, 1933, marked the institutionalization of racial antisemitism within a totalitarian framework, where Adolf Hitler's worldview, articulated in Mein Kampf (1925), portrayed Jews as a biological threat to Aryan purity and national survival. This ideology underpinned the regime's centralized control, enabling rapid enactment of discriminatory policies through propaganda, the Gestapo, and party apparatus. Initial measures included a nationwide boycott of Jewish businesses on April 1, 1933, and exclusion from civil service via the Law for the Restoration of the Professional Civil Service. The Nuremberg Laws, promulgated on September 15, 1935, formalized racial classification, revoking German citizenship from Jews—defined as those with three or four Jewish grandparents—and prohibiting marriages or sexual relations between Jews and non-Jews to prevent "racial defilement." These statutes, announced at the Nazi Party Congress in Nuremberg, stripped approximately 500,000 German Jews of legal equality and served as a foundation for escalating persecution, reflecting the totalitarian state's fusion of pseudoscientific racism with absolute authority. Violence intensified with Kristallnacht, the state-orchestrated pogrom of November 9–10, 1938, triggered by the assassination of a German diplomat by a Jewish teenager. SA paramilitaries and civilians destroyed over 7,500 Jewish businesses, burned 267 synagogues, and vandalized Jewish cemeteries, resulting in at least 91 deaths and the arrest of 30,000 Jewish men sent to concentration camps like Dachau. The regime imposed a 1 billion Reichsmark fine on the Jewish community, signaling totalitarianism's use of orchestrated chaos to justify further expropriation and isolation. World War II accelerated genocide. Following the invasion of Poland on September 1, 1939, Nazis established ghettos confining over 400,000 Jews in Warsaw alone by 1941, subjecting them to starvation and disease. Mobile killing units, Einsatzgruppen, executed over 1 million Jews in Eastern Europe through mass shootings, such as at Babi Yar where 33,771 were murdered in two days in September 1941. The Wannsee Conference on January 20, 1942, coordinated by Reinhard Heydrich, outlined the "Final Solution" for the systematic deportation and extermination of 11 million European Jews, leveraging the regime's bureaucratic efficiency and rail network. Extermination camps like Auschwitz-Birkenau, operational from 1942, industrialized murder using Zyklon B gas, killing over 1 million at that site alone. By war's end in 1945, totalitarian Nazi machinery had murdered approximately 6 million Jews—two-thirds of Europe's Jewish population—through gassings, shootings, starvation, and forced labor, verified via Nazi records, survivor testimonies, and demographic studies. In parallel totalitarian contexts, Joseph Stalin's Soviet Union exhibited antisemitism despite official atheism, evident in the execution of Jewish Bolsheviks during the 1930s Great Purge and the 1953 Doctors' Plot accusing Jewish physicians of conspiracy against Soviet leaders, leading to arrests and plans for mass deportations thwarted by Stalin's death. These episodes, rooted in xenophobic purges rather than racial ideology, lacked the Nazis' genocidal intent but highlighted totalitarianism's propensity to scapegoat Jews amid internal power consolidation.

Forms and Manifestations

Religious and Theological Forms

Religious antisemitism includes theological doctrines in Christianity and Islam that portray Jews as opponents of divine truth. These views often rely on scriptures to justify discrimination or violence. In Christianity, they arise from New Testament readings that hold Jews collectively responsible for Jesus's death and replace them with the Church as God's chosen people. In Islam, they stem from Quranic verses on Jewish disbelief and hadiths foretelling conflict, positioning Jews as perpetual foes of Muhammad's message. Christian theological antisemitism focuses on the deicide charge. This accuses Jews of murdering God, drawing from Gospel texts like Matthew 27:24-25, where the crowd declares, "His blood be on us and on our children," seen as enduring guilt. Church Fathers such as John Chrysostom advanced this in his 387 CE Adversus Judaeos sermons, depicting Jews as God-rejected wanderers. Augustine's "witness people" doctrine permitted Jewish survival but in degraded status. Supersessionism—the idea that the New Covenant supersedes the Mosaic one—reinforced Judaism's obsolescence; Justin Martyr (c. 150 CE) claimed Christians inherited Israel's blessings while Jews suffered disinheritance. These concepts shaped medieval canon law, including the Fourth Lateran Council's 1215 requirements for Jewish badges and segregation as penalties for theological stubbornness. Islamic theological antisemitism features in over 40 Quranic verses condemning Jews for corrupting scriptures, practicing usury, and rejecting Muhammad—such as Surah 5:13, which deems them "those who incurred the curse of Allah," and Surah 2:65, which describes some as transformed into apes. These reflect Muhammad's 7th-century clashes with Medina's Jewish tribes, including the 627 CE mass execution of Banu Qurayza for treason, marking Jews as archetypal unbelievers. Hadiths heighten this; Sahih Muslim 2922 prophesies: "The Hour will not be established until you fight with the Jews, and the stone behind which a Jew will be hiding will say, 'O Muslim! There is a Jew hiding behind me, so kill him.'" Compiled in the 9th century, these guided jurists like al-Mawardi to treat Jews as dhimmis—protected non-Muslims taxed and restricted as religious subordinates. ![Execution of Banu Qurayza tribe members][center] These doctrines endure despite reforms. The Catholic Church's 1965 Nostra Aetate disavowed deicide guilt, though supersessionist elements persist in some readings. In Islam, modernists like Muhammad Abduh (d. 1905) stressed tolerance, but fundamentalists cite these texts to view Jewish presence as a faith-based offense, as in certain 20th-century fatwas. Pew Research data from 2013 indicates 74% of Middle Eastern Muslims hold unfavorable Jewish views, tied more to scriptural literalism than solely to socioeconomic issues.

Racial and Pseudoscientific Forms

Racial antisemitism arose in the late 19th century as a pseudoscientific view. It claimed Jews formed a separate biological race with fixed traits that made them incompatible with and harmful to host societies, especially Aryan or Germanic ones. Unlike religious antisemitism, which permitted assimilation via conversion, this form treated traits as inherited and unchangeable. Solutions focused on segregation or elimination, not reform. Proponents misused Darwin's evolutionary ideas to depict conflicts between groups as racial fights for survival. German agitator Wilhelm Marr coined the term "antisemitism" in 1879. He shifted away from religious arguments against Jews toward racial ones. Marr described Jews as a parasitic race that weakened German strength through economic control and cultural influence. His pamphlet Der Sieg des Judenthums über das Germanenthum (The Victory of Judaism over Germanism, 1879) presented this as an existential racial struggle. It inspired the Antisemiten-Liga, the first group opposing Jews on non-religious, racial terms. Marr drew on early anthropological ideas of Semites as a distinct ethnic group to support claims of Jewish racial uniqueness. Influential racial theories came from figures like Arthur de Gobineau. His Essai sur l'inégalité des races humaines (Essay on the Inequality of the Human Races, 1853–1855) argued for Aryan superiority and warned that racial mixing caused decline. Later thinkers adapted this to portray Jews as a mixed Semitic race opposing European purity. Houston Stewart Chamberlain expanded these ideas in Die Grundlagen des neunzehnten Jahrhunderts (The Foundations of the Nineteenth Century, 1899). He combined history, linguistics, and biology to claim Jews represented a materialistic, destructive force against Teutonic spiritual values. Chamberlain cited selective ancient texts and skull measurements (craniometry) to argue racial incompatibility. These views invoked social Darwinism—misapplying evolution to society—and eugenics, the selective breeding of humans. They asserted Jews had innate genetic tendencies for deceit and usury, presented as observable racial features. By the early 20th century, these concepts entered politics and reached their height in Nazi Germany. The Nuremberg Laws of 1935 classified Jews by ancestry—anyone with three or more Jewish grandparents counted as Jewish. The laws banned intermarriage and stripped citizenship to protect "racial hygiene." Nazi pseudoscience, advanced by groups like the Kaiser Wilhelm Institute, used body measurements (anthropometry), blood analysis (serology), and family records to "demonstrate" Jewish inferiority. This portrayed Jews as a racial threat, justifying sterilization, euthanasia, and extermination. Lacking real evidence, the ideas relied on invented hierarchies. They directly fueled the Holocaust, the systematic killing of six million Jews.

Economic and Scapegoating Forms

Economic antisemitism blames Jews for financial hardships, often depicting them as greedy moneylenders or market manipulators. In medieval Europe, Christian bans on usury pushed many Jews into moneylending and trade. This created stereotypes of Jews as exploitative financiers, even though most lent modestly to nobles and clergy. The Fourth Lateran Council of 1215 restricted Jewish professions and required identifying badges, building resentment. Debtors who defaulted often sparked violence. Rulers canceled debts by expelling or killing Jews, such as England's 1290 Edict of Expulsion under Edward I, which wiped out royal debts. Jews also faced blame for profiting from essentials like grain during famines. The 1348-1351 Black Death triggered pogroms, with Jews accused of poisoning wells amid crop failures. Thousands died, including in Strasbourg on February 14, 1349. Scapegoating grew during 19th-century industrialization, as Jews were faulted for capitalist ills. Wilhelm Marr's 1879 pamphlet The Victory of Judaism over Germanism called Jews economic manipulators in banking, helping form Germany's Antisemitic League that year. The Rothschild family's ascent from 1760s Frankfurt to funding governments—like Britain's 1815 Waterloo bonds—sparked images of hidden Jewish control. A 1898 French cartoon in Le Rire showed a caricatured Rothschild holding the globe. In tsarist Russia, poor harvests fueled pogroms. After the 1881 assassination of Tsar Alexander II on March 13, riots hit over 200 towns amid grain shortages, killing dozens, displacing tens of thousands, and looting Jewish shops. The 1905 Revolution brought more violence in Odessa and Kiev during strikes and rural woes, with over 2,000 Jewish deaths as mobs attacked economic middlemen. After World War I, Weimar Germany's hyperinflation—peaking at 29,500% in 1923—targeted Jews, who were less than 1% of the population. Nazi outlets like Der Stürmer cartoons blamed Jewish bankers for sabotage amid 1918-1923 unemployment. The 1931 banking crisis, with 20% unemployment, saw Hitler link failures like Danatbank's collapse—falsely tied to Jewish director Jakob Goldschmidt—to his rise, from 2.6% votes in 1928 to 37.3% in July 1932. These patterns echoed in the 2008 crisis, where online theories revived Rothschild plots and blamed "Jewish greed" for subprime defaults impacting 10 million U.S. homeowners. Studies connect such attacks to Jews' roles as middlemen in farming economies, where harvest failures raised pogrom risks by directing anger at lenders and traders.

Political and Ideological Forms

Political antisemitism integrates anti-Jewish hostility into political ideologies and movements. It portrays Jews as threats to national sovereignty, class unity, or revolutionary goals. This form rose in the 19th century during Jewish emancipation in Europe. Emancipation let Jews join society more fully. Yet it sparked resentment. Nationalists saw Jews as rootless cosmopolitans—people loyal to no nation—who eroded ethnic unity. In Germany, nationalism from 1800 to 1918 brought organized anti-Jewish campaigns. These included boycotts and exclusion policies to defend the German people (Volk). Fascist ideologies made antisemitism a core element. It mixed nationalism with racial exclusion to rally support. Nazi Germany showed this clearly. The National Socialist German Workers' Party added anti-Jewish rules to its 1920 platform. By 1933, this led to state persecution. Interwar France and Italy followed suit. Fascists there tied antisemitism to opposition to parliament and cultural renewal. Italian fascism stressed race less until 1938, when it aligned with Nazi Germany. Left-wing political antisemitism hides in critiques of capitalism or imperialism. It has roots in early socialism. Karl Marx used stereotypes of Jews as symbols of bourgeois greed in his 1843 essay "On the Jewish Question." Late 19th-century German socialist August Bebel called anti-Jewish views in labor movements the "socialism of fools." Workers blamed economic woes on Jewish financiers and merchants. In the Soviet Union, Stalin used antisemitism for control. The 1953 Doctors' Plot accused Jewish doctors of plotting against the state. This mirrored fascist conspiracies. It also closed Yiddish schools and purged Jewish Bolsheviks. Antisemitism continued in communist states to strengthen regimes. Under Brezhnev after Stalin, state media showed Jews as disloyal Zionists. This led to emigration blocks, like the 1970s refusenik crisis for over 250,000 applicants. Today, left-wing forms often link to anti-Zionism. In European socialist parties, rejecting Israel's legitimacy turns into denying Jewish self-rule. Surveys in the UK and France show more antisemitic views among far-left groups. 20th-century Arab nationalism blended European antisemitism with anti-colonialism. It depicted Jews as colonial tools blocking Arab unity. Haj Amin al-Husseini allied with Nazis in World War II. From Berlin in 1942, he spread anti-Jewish broadcasts. After 1948, Ba'athist regimes like Iraq under Saddam Hussein acted harshly. In 1969, Iraq publicly hanged Jews accused of spying for Israel. Islamist movements built on this. Hamas charters quote the forged Protocols of the Elders of Zion. They justify attacks on Jews worldwide, not just in Israel.

Conspiracy Theories and Cultural Stereotypes

![Antisemitic caricature depicting the Rothschild family][float-right] Antisemitic conspiracy theories claim that Jews secretly control global events, such as wars, economic crises, and political changes, to gain power. These ideas lack evidence. They began with medieval doubts about Jews but grew in the 19th and 20th centuries during industrialization and nationalism. The theories often link to economic complaints. They portray Jews as hidden controllers of banks and media. One key example is The Protocols of the Elders of Zion. This fake document appeared in Russia in 1903. It pretended to show secret plans by Jewish leaders to rule the world. The plans involved debt, propaganda, and weakening Christian societies. Experts found it copied from Maurice Joly's 1864 satire Dialogue in Hell Between Machiavelli and Montesquieu. Russian secret police agents adapted it to fuel hatred against Jews. A 1921 investigation by The Times of London exposed the fraud. It showed over 50% overlap with Joly's text and parts from Hermann Goedsche's 1868 novel Biarritz. Even after debunking, the Protocols shaped Henry Ford's The International Jew series from 1920 to 1922. Millions of copies spread. Nazi leaders like Joseph Goebbels used it to warn of a "Jewish peril." After 1945, it appeared in Arab media and far-right groups. It played a role in events like the 2018 Pittsburgh synagogue shooting. The attacker spoke of Jewish "infestation." The Rothschild family features in many financial conspiracy claims since the 19th century. People accuse them of rigging markets, funding both sides in wars like the Napoleonic Wars from 1799 to 1815, and hiding wealth to undermine countries. The family started with Mayer Amschel Rothschild, a Frankfurt banker born in 1744 and died in 1812. His sons built banking houses across Europe. These accusations overstate their power. They ignore non-Jewish competitors and government rules. In 1840s France, during money troubles, antisemites spread images of the Rothschilds as octopus-like traps on economies. This idea lives on in claims tying them to the Federal Reserve's founding in 1913 or globalism. Online, these stories mix with "New World Order" theories. Yet the family's influence shrank by the 20th century. Cultural stereotypes support these conspiracies. They depict Jews as naturally sneaky, greedy, or with odd physical traits. In medieval times, church rules like those from the Fourth Lateran Council in 1215 banned Christians from usury, or lending money at interest. This pushed Jews into moneylending. It bred anger and images of greedy exploiters. Shakespeare's The Merchant of Venice, written around 1596 to 1599, shows this with Shylock seeking a "pound of flesh." Blood libels accuse Jews of killing Christian children for rituals, like using their blood in matzah, a flat bread for Passover. These started in 1144 with William of Norwich in England. A monk wrote that Jews reenacted Christ's crucifixion. By 1500, over 100 cases led to trials and attacks across Europe. The 1475 Trent case killed 15 Jews. No evidence backs these stories. They echo old Greek and Roman slanders but grew through Christian views. Visual stereotypes include hooked noses, black clothes, and money bags. These show up in 13th-century art and posters. They mark Jews as outsiders full of malice. The images lasted in 19th-century ads and Nazi films like Jud Süß in 1940. In Muslim areas, medieval writings and modern media use similar ideas of Jewish betrayal. These stereotypes ignore real facts about Jewish lives and variety. They turn Jews into one-dimensional bad guys. Crises like the Black Death from 1347 to 1351 blamed Jews for poisoning wells, despite pope orders clearing them.

Causes and Explanations

Theological and Supersessionist Roots

Supersessionism, or replacement theology, holds that the New Covenant through Jesus Christ replaced the Mosaic Covenant with the Jews. It shifts God's favor from Israel to the Christian Church, seen as the "new Israel." This idea arose in early Christian texts. It responded to Jews' rejection of Jesus as Messiah. This rejection was accompanied by instances of persecution against Jesus' followers by some Jewish authorities, as documented in New Testament accounts, including the stoning of Stephen (Acts 7), floggings and expulsions from synagogues (e.g., John 9:22; Acts 22:19), and Saul's (later Paul's) pre-conversion efforts to arrest believers (Acts 9:1-2; Galatians 1:13-14). Around 80–100 CE, the rabbinic academy at Yavneh formalized the Birkat ha-Minim (“Blessing on the Heretics”), inserted into the daily Amidah prayer under Rabban Gamaliel II. This liturgical curse targeted minim (sectarians), including Jewish Christians (Nazarenes). Early Church Fathers Epiphanius and Jerome explicitly state that Jews recited it three times daily to anathematize Christians, effectively barring them from synagogue participation. These reflect first-century intra-Jewish disputes over claims of blasphemy and heresy. It views Old Testament promises of restoration as fulfilled spiritually in the Church, not literally for ethnic Jews. Supersessionism is not inherently genocidal. Yet it fueled antisemitism by depicting Jews as outdated in God's plan and divinely rejected. This view justified their exclusion in Christian societies. Theological roots lie in New Testament passages seen as proof of Jewish blame for Jesus' death. This includes the deicide charge, which accuses "the Jews" as a group of killing God in human form. Matthew 27:25 quotes the crowd saying, "His blood be on us and on our children." Later, this supported claims of ongoing Jewish guilt. Church Fathers built on this. Justin Martyr (c. 100–165 AD) wrote in Dialogue with Trypho that Jews deserved expulsion from their land for rejecting Christ. He saw their scattering as God's punishment. Augustine of Hippo (354–430 AD) promoted the "witness people" idea. It kept Jews alive but humiliated, as proof of Christianity's victory. Jews could exist only under Christian rule. In the fourth century, Christianity became Rome's state religion under Constantine (reigned 306–337 AD). Supersessionist ideas shaped councils like Nicaea (325 AD). It split Easter from Passover to separate Christian from Jewish practices, marking a break. John Chrysostom's homilies Adversus Judaeos (387 AD) show rising hostility. He called synagogues brothels and Jews Christ-killers unfit for society. This mixed supersessionism with demands for isolation. These concepts continued in medieval church law. The Fourth Lateran Council (1215) required Jews to wear badges and live in ghettos. These marked their replaced status. Post-Vatican II Catholic thinkers criticize supersessionism for sparking expulsions and pogroms. It undermined Jews' standing. Some defenders separate "soft" views of fulfillment from "hard" ones that provoked violence. History shows links: areas with intense supersessionist teaching, like the medieval Rhineland, saw repeated killings during the Crusades (from 1096). Sermons there cast Jews as eternal foes. Still, other factors mattered, such as economic rivalry. Theology alone did not block pro-Jewish cases, like certain Byzantine rules. The idea faded after the Holocaust. Documents like Nostra Aetate (1965) denied collective Jewish guilt.

Socioeconomic Envy and Jewish Overrepresentation

Jews make up about 0.2% of the world's population but have won roughly 22% of Nobel Prizes since 1901, including 26% in science categories after 2000. In the United States, Jews form 2% of the population yet represent 25% of the 400 richest people as of 2011. They also hold outsized roles in finance, with many top executives and billionaires. In Hollywood, Jews have long led studios and production, though without full control. These patterns arise from history and culture. In medieval Europe, laws blocked Jews from owning land or joining craft guilds. This pushed them into city-based work like trade, finance, and medicine, which demanded reading and math skills. Jewish faith stressed Torah study for boys, leading to high male literacy by the 1700s—much higher than in Christian groups nearby. This built skills suited to modern jobs. After 1800s emancipation, Jews used this edge in careers. Strong family focus on schooling and late marriage for savings added to it. This success sparks envy, a key driver of antisemitism. Outsiders often blame Jewish wealth on cheating, not skill or history. In Weimar Germany from 1919 to 1933, Jews—under 1% of people—filled 10-20% of banking, law, and medical jobs during inflation and slump. Struggling Germans saw this as theft. Nazis fanned the flames, calling Jews parasites who ruled money and arts. Hitler warned of Jewish control harming German jobs. Studies tie antisemitism to views of Jewish economic sway. A 2019 German poll found over 25% agreed Jews hold too much economic power, linked to envy. Envy grows from feeling left behind in limited chances, worse in tough times. This leads to blaming high performers. Mark Twain's 1899 essay "Concerning the Jews" pinned antisemitism on jealousy of Jewish business wins, calling envy a basic human flaw since Jews rarely fail. Scholars sometimes downplay culture over environment, but data shows antisemitism spikes in slumps and with Jewish elite roles, beyond wild theories. Unlike faith-based hate, this targets real gains but pushes for bans, like past expulsions to erase debts.

Psychological Scapegoating and Group Dynamics

Scapegoating is a psychological process where people or groups blame a vulnerable minority for their own frustrations and aggression. This restores group harmony without self-examination. In antisemitism, Jews often become targets because of their minority status, distinct culture, and success, which make them stand out during crises. Frustration-aggression theory explains this: economic slumps or political unrest lead to blaming outsiders instead of fixing root problems. For example, in the 1894 Dreyfus Affair in France, after military losses, Jewish officer Alfred Dreyfus faced false treason charges. This focused public anger on Jews without evidence. Group dynamics worsen scapegoating. Social identity theory shows how people strengthen their in-group by attacking outsiders, especially under competition or uncertainty. Studies link antisemitic views to fears of losing status. After World War I in Europe, economic woes like inflation and job loss fueled blame on Jews, uniting the majority. This builds short-term solidarity but fuels lasting prejudice. Recent surveys using the Generalised Antisemitism scale find antisemitism rises with resentment toward elites, separate from authoritarianism, pointing to envy and group splits. René Girard's mimetic theory adds depth. It claims human desires mimic others, sparking rivalry that societies ease by scapegoating a victim. The victim's "guilt" then seems to justify the attack. Jews, with their monotheism challenging old myths of sacrifice, resist this. In Western culture, they appear as both powerful plotters and weak outsiders, ideal for projection. Their biblical stand against mob violence stirs hidden anger. Critics note scapegoating alone ignores real Jewish economic roles that spark grievances, but psychological blame-shifting still drives extreme prejudice.

Ideological Exploitation in Modern Contexts

Modern ideologies exploit antisemitism as a flexible tool for mobilization. Different groups reuse old stereotypes to support their views, from anti-imperialist arguments to supremacist claims. Left-wing groups, especially in Western progressive circles, use it through anti-Zionism. They portray Israel's Jewish self-rule as part of worldwide oppression. They also apply stereotypes of Jewish overinfluence in finance, media, and politics. This appears in calls denying Israel's right to exist, like protest chants of "from the river to the sea," which suggest ending the Jewish state. After the October 7, 2023, Hamas attacks on Israel that killed over 1,200 people, U.S. antisemitic incidents rose 140% in 2023 to 8,873 cases. Many linked to anti-Israel protests harassing Jews and Jewish sites. Tracking groups show far-left actions drove over 100% global increase in 2024 incidents. These often use intersectional frameworks that exclude Jews from protected groups, despite their high rate of targeted attacks. Islamist groups make antisemitism a key part of their beliefs. They mix religious replacement ideas with modern conspiracy theories to justify attacks on Jews as a duty. Hamas, started in 1987 from the Muslim Brotherhood, includes this in its founding documents. The 1988 Covenant cites false texts like The Protocols of the Elders of Zion and Quran verses predicting Muslim victory over Jews. It states "the Day of Judgment will not come about until Muslims fight the Jews and kill them." A 2017 update tried to separate Zionism from Judaism but kept demands to destroy Israel and antisemitic hints. Leaders like Yahya Sinwar repeat calls for genocide based on pure ideology. This aids recruitment and ongoing fights. Jihadist materials from al-Qaeda and Islamic State show Jews as endless foes blocking an Islamic state. This led to more attacks in Europe and the Middle East after 2023. Far-right and white supremacist groups stick to racial antisemitism. They blame Jews for cultural decline and population changes. They push ideas of Jewish control over immigration and multiculturalism. In 2023, U.S. white supremacist propaganda hit a record high. Groups like the Goyim Defense League spread materials accusing Jews of "replacement" theories and social problems. After October 7, they blended this with anti-Zionism, claiming Jewish power causes Middle East wars and Western weakness. Examples include online writings and the 2018 Pittsburgh synagogue attack, where the shooter blamed the Hebrew Immigrant Aid Society for refugee help. This continues despite limited political wins by nationalists, leading to rare but deadly attacks amid split ideologies. Across ideologies, online platforms speed up this spread. Algorithms boost hidden language like left-wing "Zionist control" or right-wing "globalist cabals." This leads to real harm. FBI data shows Jews face nearly 70% of U.S. religion-based hate crimes, though they are 2% of the population. Reports note undercounting of non-right-wing types due to biases in academia and media. These favor progressive views over full cause studies.

Contemporary Antisemitism

In the Islamic World and Middle East

Surveys indicate pervasive antisemitic attitudes in the Middle East, with the ADL Global 100 Index reporting that 74% of adults in the region harbor antisemitic views, based on agreement with classical stereotypes such as Jews having too much power in business or being responsible for most wars. In the West Bank and Gaza, this figure reaches 93%, the highest globally, reflecting entrenched beliefs including that Jews cannot be trusted and talk too much about the Holocaust. In Iran, the Islamic Republic has institutionalized antisemitism through state propaganda and official rhetoric since the 1979 revolution, with Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei and other officials depicting Jews and Zionists using dehumanizing tropes like portraying them as "rats" or practitioners of witchcraft. The regime has hosted international Holocaust denial conferences, such as the 2006 event in Tehran, and continues to promote denial via state media, while institutional policies have reduced Iran's Jewish population to about one-third of its pre-1979 level through discrimination and emigration pressures. Palestinian media outlets, including those affiliated with the Palestinian Authority and Hamas, frequently disseminate antisemitic content, invoking blood libels, conspiracy theories of Jewish world control, and Holocaust minimization, as documented in MEMRI analyses of broadcasts and publications from the 2000s onward. Educational materials exacerbate this, with Palestinian Authority textbooks reviewed in EU-funded studies portraying Jews negatively through historical distortions and calls for violence, while similar content appears in Jordanian and Kuwaiti curricula, teaching stereotypes of Jewish treachery and dominance. Antisemitic incidents in the region spike during Israel-related conflicts, including synagogue attacks, vandalism with swastikas in Palestinian cities like Nablus, and public displays endorsing violence against Jews, such as children holding signs declaring "we are the killers of the Jews" in Gaza contexts. State and non-state actors in countries like Syria, Lebanon, and Yemen also propagate antisemitism via militias and media aligned with Iran, blending theological hostility with modern conspiracism to justify aggression toward Jewish communities and Israel.

In Europe Post-WWII

Antisemitic violence continued in Europe right after World War II, despite the Holocaust. In Eastern Europe, surviving Jewish communities faced pogroms driven by blood libel accusations and economic resentments. The Kielce pogrom in Poland on July 4, 1946, shows this clearly. Rumors claimed Jews held kidnapped Christian children for ritual murder. A mob attacked a Jewish orphanage and homes, killing 42 Jews—including Holocaust survivors and children—and injuring over 80. Nine attackers were executed later, but the event sped up Jewish emigration from Poland. Similar events in Hungary and Czechoslovakia drove over 100,000 Jews to leave Poland by 1947. During the Cold War, communist regimes in Eastern Europe backed antisemitism, often masking it as anti-Zionism or anti-cosmopolitanism. Purges hit Jewish intellectuals and officials in the Soviet Union and its allies. The USSR's 1948-1953 "rootless cosmopolitans" campaign brought arrests, executions, and the end of Yiddish culture. It peaked with the 1953 Doctors' Plot, which accused Jews of plotting against Stalin. In Poland, the 1968 anti-Zionist campaign removed thousands of Jews from universities and jobs, causing mass emigration. These actions used ideology, but existing societal antisemitism aided them. Western Europe had less open violence at first, thanks to Holocaust memory and laws. Yet stereotypes remained. A 2018 CNN poll in nine countries found 18% blamed Jewish behavior for antisemitism, and up to 35% believed Jews held too much power. From the 1970s, antisemitism rose in Western Europe due to Middle East conflicts. It mixed left-wing anti-Zionism with Islamist ideas brought by immigrants. Attacks increased after the 1973 Yom Kippur War and Palestinian militancy, including the 1979 Paris synagogue bombing. Neo-Nazi groups lingered on the far right. But EU Agency for Fundamental Rights (FRA) data stresses Islamist-linked incidents, like the 2015 Hypercacher kosher supermarket attack in France (four Jews killed) and Copenhagen synagogue shooting (one Jew killed). Migration waves from Muslim-majority countries after 2014 worsened trends. A 2015 study connected imported biases to more violence. France hit over 1,000 incidents yearly by 2018. This caused a tenfold rise in Jewish moves to Israel (aliyah) from Western Europe, peaking at 9,320 in 2015. Recent surveys confirm a wave of antisemitism. In a 2024 FRA report, 80% of European Jews noted more antisemitism in the past five years. 63% faced online harassment, and 34% hid Jewish symbols out of fear. France, Germany, and Belgium saw the highest levels. The October 7, 2023, Hamas attack on Israel sparked a 400% increase in incidents across Europe. Examples include synagogue arsons in Berlin and assaults in London, based on monitoring groups and ADL data. Germany's antisemitic crimes jumped 320% in late 2023 from 2022. EU sources like FRA track incidents empirically but highlight varied perpetrators. Police reports show stronger Islamist roles in demographics, though underreporting persists from assimilation and fear.

In North America and the Anglosphere

In the United States, antisemitic incidents reached record levels in 2024, with the FBI reporting that anti-Jewish hate crimes constituted nearly 70% of all religion-based hate crimes, marking the worst year since data collection began in 1991. The Anti-Defamation League documented 9,354 incidents of harassment, vandalism, and assault in 2024, including a 140% increase over 2022, with over 10,000 incidents recorded since the October 7, 2023, Hamas attack on Israel. These included synagogue vandalism, physical assaults, and threats, concentrated in urban areas with large Jewish populations such as New York and California, where incidents surged by hundreds of percent post-October 7. In Canada, antisemitic incidents hit a historic high of 6,219 in 2024 according to B'nai Brith Canada, encompassing violence, threats, and vandalism, with Jews comprising the most targeted religious group in police-reported hate crimes. Statistics Canada data confirmed a sharp escalation following October 7, 2023, with incidents nearly doubling from 2022 levels amid protests and targeted attacks on Jewish institutions in cities like Toronto and Montreal. Across the United Kingdom, the Community Security Trust recorded 3,528 antisemitic incidents in 2024, a decline from the post-October 7 peak but still the second-highest annual total, including assaults, property damage, and online abuse primarily in London and Manchester. In Australia, the Executive Council of Australian Jewry reported a quadrupling of incidents to over 2,000 in 2024, with a 316% surge from October 2023 to September 2024, featuring arson attempts on synagogues and graffiti in Sydney and Melbourne. These patterns reflect a broader post-2023 intensification linked to geopolitical tensions, though official statistics underscore underreporting and the disproportionate impact on small Jewish communities relative to their population size.

On University Campuses and Intellectual Circles

After the Hamas attacks on Israel on October 7, 2023, antisemitic incidents on U.S. university campuses rose sharply. Reports documented harassment, vandalism, and assaults against Jewish students and symbols. The Anti-Defamation League (ADL) recorded 2,334 incidents in the 2024-2025 academic year. This marked a record high, though violent attacks fell compared to prior years. A Hillel International survey showed that 83% of Jewish college students experienced or witnessed antisemitism since the attacks. This included verbal abuse, exclusion from events, and physical intimidation. The American Jewish Committee (AJC) reported that 35% of American Jewish college students faced antisemitism at least once on campus. Many altered their behavior, such as avoiding Jewish symbols or skipping classes, due to safety concerns. Protests against Israel often opposed its military response in Gaza. These events frequently included antisemitic rhetoric and actions. Examples include chants of "From the river to the sea." Critics see this as a call to eliminate Israel. Pro-Palestinian activists view it as a demand for equality and freedom for all people between the Jordan River and the Mediterranean Sea. Other elements involved glorifying the October 7 attacks and targeting Jewish students as complicit in Israeli policies. At Columbia University, April 2024 encampments blocked Jewish students from classes. Protesters showed signs equating Zionism with genocide. This led to over 100 arrests and federal investigations. Similar issues arose at Harvard. In 2023, 30 student groups issued a letter blaming Israel alone for the Hamas attacks. This sparked donor backlash and administrative changes. At the University of Pennsylvania, events featured speakers endorsing violence against Jews. In December 2023 congressional hearings, presidents from Harvard, Penn, and MIT faced questions. They did not clearly condemn calls for Jewish genocide as code violations. They said such statements depend on context, like targeting individuals or inciting imminent violence. They focused on legal and policy issues rather than moral condemnation. This led to resignations: Harvard's Claudine Gay on January 2, 2024, and Penn's Liz Magill soon after. In faculty and intellectual circles, antisemitism appears in anti-Zionist views that link Jewish identity to Israeli actions. These often hide behind academic freedom or critiques of power. An ADL survey of faculty found broad views of antisemitism in higher education. Respondents noted career risks for pro-Israel stances. Groups pushed boycotts of Israeli scholars through the Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS) movement. BDS supporters call it a non-violent human rights effort, like the campaign against South African apartheid. Critics see it as antisemitic, aimed at delegitimizing Israel's existence as the world's only Jewish state. Nearly one-third of Jewish students reported faculty promoting antisemitism. This included syllabus changes showing Jews as oppressors or downplaying Holocaust education in favor of Palestinian narratives. A 2024 Stanford task force report found anti-Israel bias in discussions. It cited imam-led events using tropes of Jewish control, creating a hostile environment. Pre-October 7 incidents were lower, but surges after showed tolerance for antisemitic rhetoric, per AMCHA Initiative data. Jewish students feel more alienated. Brandeis University studies show post-October 7 campus climates caused disengagement from Jewish activities and emotional distress. Many hid their identities to avoid exclusion. Universities responded unevenly. Some condemned incidents but faced claims of uneven enforcement. Federal probes under Title VI of the Civil Rights Act continue. They check if universities ignored severe, pervasive, offensive harassment, denying Jewish students equal education access. Offensive speech often gets First Amendment protection, but actions like blocking doors or direct harassment do not. In Europe, similar patterns appeared, like harassment of Jewish societies at UK universities during pro-Palestine marches. U.S. campuses saw the most documented rises due to their size and visibility.

Online Platforms and Digital Propagation

Antisemitic content spreads widely on mainstream social media through user posts, memes, and videos. These often use tropes like Jewish control of finance or media, sometimes disguised as criticism of Israel. In gaming communities, the term "Jew goal" or hashtag #JewGoal started in FIFA games. It refers to a tactical pass across the goal for an easy tap-in. This evokes stereotypes of cunning or betrayal. Studies have tracked over 1,300 instances on platforms like X. There, it mixes gaming fun with antisemitic hints. It sometimes appears in mainstream sports talk. Algorithms on Instagram, Facebook, and TikTok boost engagement. This amplifies inflammatory material, whether by design or accident. A 2023 study by the Center for Countering Digital Hate showed antisemitic posts gaining millions of views. Recommendation systems favor content that sparks outrage. After the October 7, 2023, Hamas attack on Israel, online antisemitism surged. The Anti-Defamation League (ADL) reported a 919% rise in incidents on X. TikTok saw similar jumps, with videos using blood libels gaining billions of views before removal. This online growth links to offline events. Global reports note a 340% increase in total antisemitic incidents from 2022 to 2024. Much of it began or echoed online. On X, formerly Twitter, antisemitic posts more than doubled after Elon Musk's October 2022 acquisition. The Institute for Strategic Dialogue linked this to looser moderation favoring free speech over quick removals. Musk endorsed posts claiming Jewish overinfluence in activism. This led to advertiser boycotts in November 2023. It exposed conflicts between platform rules and content risks. Verified accounts pushing Nazi views or downplaying the Holocaust continue. NBC News found dozens in 2024. X says it bans direct incitement. Before Musk, Twitter focused on left-leaning issues. Some researchers say this limited hate tracking. Post-acquisition data shows spikes tied to events like the Israel-Hamas war, beyond just policy shifts. Fringe sites like Gab, 4chan, and Telegram channels allow free spread of conspiracies. They act as breeding grounds for ideas that later reach mainstream platforms. The Institute for Strategic Dialogue noted more antisemitic activity after October 7, 2023. This included campaigns mixing anti-Zionism with tropes like dual loyalty. Telegram's encrypted groups see surges in Arabic content. George Washington University's extremism program found religious framing dominant six months post-attack. Jews appear as eternal enemies. These platforms dodge algorithms via loose structures. They create echo chambers for Holocaust denial and calls to harm Jews, with few reporting tools. Arabic and other non-English content boosts global spread. Studies spot themes like "Jews as the enemy" across sites. Moderation tools often miss them due to language limits. ADL data from 2023-2025 shows over 10,000 U.S. incidents since October 7. Many started online and led to real harassment of Jews on social media. Platforms use AI to flag hate, but ADL notes ongoing issues with auto-generated content. This shows links between unchecked spread and everyday prejudice. Tracking data stresses the need for strong, fair enforcement. Without it—free of biases in labeling—digital spaces may make antisemitism a common online habit.

Left-Wing Variants Masquerading as Anti-Zionism

The International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA) working definition, adopted by over 40 countries and many institutions, labels anti-Zionism as antisemitism when it denies Jews the right to self-determination in their ancestral homeland. In left-wing groups, this appears as rhetoric that singles out Israel for harsh moral blame. It applies double standards not used against other countries. It also equates Zionism—a movement for Jewish national self-rule—with racism or colonialism. At the same time, it often overlooks similar actions by Israel's foes. These views appear in progressive activism, academia, and labor groups. They often slip into antisemitic stereotypes by depicting Jews as group oppressors or suggesting divided Jewish loyalty. The Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS) movement shows this pattern. Palestinian activist Omar Barghouti started BDS in 2005. It seeks to end Israel as a Jewish state. BDS calls Israel an illegitimate "settler-colonial" project like apartheid South Africa. BDS uses antisemitic images and words. Examples include likening Israeli policies to Nazi acts or claiming Jewish control of media and finance. Organizers deny this officially. Groups like Jewish Voice for Peace (JVP) back BDS. JVP pushes "anti-Zionist" Judaism. BDS has caused harm, such as harassing Jewish students and faculty who back Israel's existence. It also boycotts Jewish-owned businesses as "anti-occupation" action. Data ties BDS to rises in campus antisemitism. Anti-Israel events often exclude Jewish views or vandalize Jewish sites. After Hamas's October 7, 2023, attack on Israel—which killed 1,200 and took over 250 hostages—Western left-leaning protests grew. Many flew anti-Zionist flags but included clear antisemitism. In the US, the Anti-Defamation League (ADL) saw a 140% jump in antisemitic acts in the two months after. By year's end, over 3,000 cases linked to pro-Palestinian university camps like those at Columbia and Harvard. Chants there included "from the river to the sea"—seen as a call to erase Israel—and "globalize the intifada," pushing violence against Jews worldwide. These events involved attacks on Jewish students, praise for Hamas, and calls to cut university ties with Israel. They labeled Jewish self-defense "genocide." Surveys showed 84% of Jewish students felt unsafe and hid their identity. In Europe, left-wing anti-Zionism drove similar increases from 2023-2025. Antisemitic acts quadrupled in places like France and Germany, tied to far-left anti-Israel protests. In the UK, the Community Security Trust noted 210 uses of "Zionist" as a slur for "Jew" in incidents from January to June 2025. This came amid protests comparing Israel to Nazis. Groups like the Palestine Solidarity Campaign, tied to socialist parties, spread ideas denying Jewish ties to the land. This led to synagogue attacks and harassment of visible Jews. Critics note that disagreements on policies like settlements or Gaza do not always mean antisemitism. But efforts to delegitimize Israel's existence—especially with Jewish power tropes—do cross that line. Left-leaning media and academia sometimes downplay these ties, calling incidents "anti-war" speech. This ignores links to anti-Jewish violence.

Right-Wing and Nationalist Variants

Right-wing and nationalist antisemitism sees Jews as threats to ethnic unity, national control, and traditional culture. It often blames Jews for pushing multiculturalism, immigration, or global policies that weaken the majority group's identity. These views build on old ideas of Jewish clannishness, divided loyalties, and strong roles in finance, media, and politics. They frame this influence as a planned attack on the nation, not just success or history. Unlike religious or economic types, this form stresses racial or ethnic purity. It views Jews as outsiders who cannot fit in due to supposed genetic or cultural differences. In the United States, far-right groups like neo-Nazis and white nationalists spread these ideas via online writings and events. The 2017 Unite the Right rally in Charlottesville, Virginia, featured chants of "Jews will not replace us." This tied Jewish influence to the "Great Replacement" theory, which claims immigration displaces white populations. Such talk led to violence. On October 27, 2018, Robert Bowers killed 11 people at a Pittsburgh synagogue. He had posted on Gab about Jews aiding "invaders" like Hispanic migrants to harm white America. On April 27, 2019, John Earnest attacked a Poway synagogue. He referenced the Christchurch shooter's manifesto and accused Jews of white genocide through media and open borders. FBI data from the Uniform Crime Reporting Program showed 1,122 antisemitic hate crimes in 2022. Some linked to white supremacists driven by nationalist views. Yet far-right violence trails other sources after 2023. In Europe, nationalist antisemitism lingers in fringe parties and networks. It often mixes with anti-immigrant views. In Germany, the Federal Office for the Protection of the Constitution tracks far-right antisemitism as central. On October 9, 2019, Stephan Balliet tried to attack a Halle synagogue. He livestreamed it and called Jewish influence "parasitic" for promoting multiculturalism. In Greece, Golden Dawn pushed antisemitic conspiracies with xenophobia. Courts convicted it as a criminal group in 2020. Leader Ilias Kasidiaris claimed Jewish control of global finance. In Eastern Europe, groups like Poland's National Movement or Hungary's past Jobbik accused Jews of betrayals and economic harm. Some parties now show support for Jews to back Israel against Islamists. The EU's Radicalisation Awareness Network reports antisemitism in far-right stories. But incidents cluster in neo-Nazi groups, not mainstream ones like Italy's Brothers of Italy or Hungary's Fidesz, which reject such ideas. These ideas grow in online spaces like 4chan or Telegram. They share old texts and hidden symbols. This builds beliefs in Jewish causes for national decline, without proof of plots. The Anti-Defamation League noted over 400 U.S. far-right antisemitic incidents in 2020. Critics say this counts too much non-violent talk. Still, real attacks show the danger in extreme cases. Mainstream conservatives and nationalists often pull away. They focus on ties with Israel against radical Islam. This splits them from fringe groups.

Responses and Counter-Efforts

The International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA), a group of nations focused on Holocaust memory, adopted a non-binding working definition of antisemitism in 2016. It states: "Antisemitism is a certain perception of Jews, which may be expressed as hatred toward Jews. Rhetorical and physical manifestations of antisemitism are directed toward Jewish or non-Jewish individuals and/or their property, toward Jewish community institutions and religious facilities." This definition includes examples like denying the Jewish people's right to self-determination or applying double standards to Israel. As of 2024, 46 governments have adopted or endorsed it, including 26 of 27 EU member states, the United States through executive action, Canada, Australia, Argentina, and Brazil. It helps identify antisemitic acts in laws and policies but remains non-binding unless added to national laws. In the European Union, a 2008 framework decision requires member states to criminalize public incitement to violence or hatred against groups based on religion, race, or ethnicity. This covers antisemitic acts, such as Holocaust denial, which statutes explicitly ban in countries like Germany and Austria. The EU's 2021-2030 strategy against antisemitism promotes the IHRA definition in institutions. It also monitors online hate speech, trains law enforcement, and coordinates national action plans. Penalties differ by country. France's 1972 Pleven Law bans incitement to racial hatred, with up to five years in prison for antisemitic offenses. The UK's 1986 Public Order Act covers hatred on religious grounds and has led to convictions for antisemitic materials. The United States lacks a single federal law banning antisemitism. Instead, civil rights laws address it through anti-discrimination and hate crime rules. The 2009 Matthew Shepard and James Byrd Jr. Hate Crimes Prevention Act raises penalties for violence motivated by religious bias. Executive Order 13899 (2019) and Order 14188 (2025) require federal agencies to treat antisemitism as discrimination under Title VI of the 1964 Civil Rights Act, especially in federally funded schools. They use the IHRA definition for enforcement. The House-passed Antisemitism Awareness Act of 2023 aimed to make this permanent for Education Department probes but stalled in the Senate by October 2025. By 2024, 35 states had adopted the IHRA definition for hate crime laws and school rules. Universities and workplaces increasingly use the IHRA definition in policies to fight antisemitism. By March 2025, the U.S. Department of Education's Office for Civil Rights probed over 60 universities for mishandling antisemitic harassment under Title VI. This led schools like Columbia University to update conduct codes against discrimination while protecting free speech. The University of California system added 2024 reforms, including required training and IHRA-based guidelines against harassment. A federal task force visited 10 campuses with rising incidents after October 2023. Companies, through groups like the Anti-Defamation League, adopt zero-tolerance rules for antisemitic behavior in hiring and events, though these depend on voluntary action.

Educational and Cultural Initiatives

Educational initiatives fight antisemitism through school curricula on Jewish history, the Holocaust, and recognizing bias. These programs operate in schools, universities, and communities around the world. In the United States, 39 states plus the District of Columbia required Holocaust education by 2022. These lessons often cover antisemitic stereotypes and their effects to build empathy and critical thinking. The Anti-Defamation League (ADL) runs "Awareness to Action: Challenging Antisemitism," an online course for middle and high school students. It teaches how to spot antisemitic rhetoric and advocate against it. The program reaches thousands each year via partnerships with over 2,000 schools in its No Place for Hate initiative. In 2024, the U.S. Department of Justice's Community Relations Service released a toolkit. It offers modules on Jewish identity, beliefs, and values for law enforcement and community leaders to prevent bias incidents. Global efforts include the United Nations Outreach Programme on the Holocaust, started in 2005. It trains teachers and engages youth to fight denialism and hatred. The program leads to International Holocaust Remembrance Day on January 27, marking Auschwitz-Birkenau's liberation with worldwide events. UNESCO pushes curricula framed by human rights to address antisemitism. Its 2023 guidelines suggest policies and resources for higher education to include anti-prejudice teaching. In Germany, the Bundeszentrale für politische Bildung (BpB) creates resources for civic education against antisemitism. The Lernen aus der Geschichte portal supplies materials on history, including against antisemitism and Holocaust denial. France's Ligue internationale contre le racisme et l'antisémitisme (Licra) focuses on school and community programs against racism and antisemitism. In the United Kingdom, the Antisemitism Policy Trust informs policymakers via publications and events. The Campaign Against Antisemitism uses education, campaigns, and law enforcement to fight it. The International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA), with 35 member states in 2025, funds projects to protect Holocaust records and counter distortions. Its non-binding definition of antisemitism, adopted by over 1,100 entities, helps education separate Israel criticism from harmful stereotypes. Studies show mixed results for these programs. ADL surveys link Holocaust education to lower antisemitic views, with exposed people 20% less likely to accept stereotypes. Yet wider research notes uneven rollout and weak long-term effects on anti-racism. Some critics say isolated Holocaust lessons might stress victimhood without tackling modern forms. This could explain rising school incidents, up 135% from 2023 to 2024 per ADL. Cultural efforts support education via museums, media, and campaigns that highlight Jewish contributions and strength. The United States Holocaust Memorial Museum provides online materials connecting past antisemitism to today's prejudice. Educators use them to show how hate speech can lead to violence. The Simon Wiesenthal Center's Museum of Tolerance and programs promote tolerance through stories, advocacy, and workshops on Holocaust effects and hate origins. The Combat Antisemitism Movement (CAM), with over 700 partners and three million people in 2025, organizes events, media, and art to counter hate narratives. Artists Against Antisemitism uses creative works to teach Jewish history and spark interfaith talks via exhibits and shows that challenge stereotypes while keeping historical facts. These initiatives boost awareness, like IHRA-backed Roma genocide events, but face limits in reach. Surveys reveal ongoing knowledge gaps among participants.

Critiques of Anti-Antisemitism Measures and Free Speech Concerns

Critics argue that anti-antisemitism measures, such as the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA) working definition of antisemitism, can blur the line between legitimate criticism of Israel and actual antisemitism. Adopted by over 40 countries and many institutions since 2016, the IHRA definition lists examples like denying Jewish self-determination or applying double standards to Israel. Groups such as the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) say these examples might limit pro-Palestinian activism or campus discussions without targeting real discrimination. Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International have advised the United Nations against adopting it, warning that it could protect Israel from review and discourage free expression in schools. In the United States, the Antisemitism Awareness Act of 2023 requires the Department of Education to use the IHRA definition when enforcing Title VI of the Civil Rights Act against antisemitic bias in schools that receive federal funds. The House passed it on May 1, 2024, by a 320-91 vote. Free speech groups like the Foundation for Individual Rights and Expression (FIRE) and the ACLU opposed the bill. They warned it could let regulators punish Israel criticism, such as comparisons to past wrongs, even if it does not involve harassment or threats. Senator Rand Paul called it a way to treat anti-Zionism as discrimination, which might violate First Amendment rights to hold political views. In Europe, laws against hate speech have caused arrests at pro-Palestinian protests. In the United Kingdom, antisemitic incidents rose after October 7, 2023, with police logging over 4,103 cases in 2023-2024. Officials broadened Public Order Act powers to curb "repeated" disruptive protests. This led to over 500 arrests at a November 2023 vigil and the terrorist designation of Palestine Action in July 2025. The UN High Commissioner for Human Rights labeled the group ban a "disturbing" overreach of anti-terror laws that weakens protest rights, as it links activism to extremism without proof of violence. Academics and rights groups claim these steps mainly hit Gaza-related dissent. Adopting IHRA in schools has also caused faculty to avoid the topic to evade probes. On university campuses, IHRA-style rules have created a chilling effect. Surveys show faculty avoid Israel-Palestine talks due to fears of Title VI complaints. After 2023 protests, the Department of Education launched over 100 probes into claimed antisemitism, including cases of protected speech like boycott support. The American Association of University Professors (AAUP) says redefining antisemitism this way harms academic freedom by treating policy critiques as prejudice. It may favor certain views over open debate. Critics stress that while antisemitic harassment needs action, broad rules mix hate with discussion. This can block fair review of issues like lobbying or foreign policy before they start.

References

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