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Colonialism
Colonialism
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A 1665 illustration of a Dutch East India Company factory in Hugli-Chuchura, depicting various elements of colonialism, including its hierarchies and impact on the colonized and their lands

Colonialism is the practice of extending and maintaining political, social, economic, and cultural domination over a territory and its people by another people in pursuit of interests defined in an often distant metropole, who also claim superiority.[1][2][3][4] While frequently an imperialist project, colonialism functions through differentiating between the targeted land and people, and that of the colonizers (a critical component of colonization). Rather than annexation,[5] this typically culminates in organizing the colonized into colonies separate to the colonizers' metropole.[6][2] Colonialism sometimes deepens by developing settler colonialism, whereby settlers from one or multiple colonizing metropoles occupy a territory with the intention of partially or completely supplanting the existing indigenous peoples, possibly amounting to genocide.[6][7]: 2 [8]

Colonialism monopolizes power by understanding conquered land and people to be inferior, based on beliefs of entitlement and superiority, justified with beliefs of having a civilizing mission to cultivate land and life, historically often rooted in the belief of a Christian mission. These beliefs and the actual colonization establish a so-called coloniality,[9][10][11] which keeps the colonized socio-economically othered and subaltern through modern biopolitics of sexuality, gender, race, disability and class, among others, resulting in intersectional violence and discrimination.[12][13]

While different forms of colonialism have existed around the world, the concept has been developed as a description of European colonial empires of the modern era. These spread globally from the 15th century to the mid-20th century, spanning 35% of Earth's land by 1800 and peaking at 84% by the beginning of World War I.[14] European colonialism employed mercantilism and chartered companies, and established complex colonialities.

Decolonization, which started in the 18th century, gradually led to the independence of colonies in waves, with a particular large wave of decolonizations happening in the aftermath of World War II between 1945 and 1975.[15][16] Colonialism has a persistent impact on a wide range of modern outcomes, as scholars have shown that variations in colonial institutions can account for variations in economic development,[17][18][19] regime types,[20][21] and state capacity.[22][23] Some academics have used the term neocolonialism to describe the continuation or imposition of elements of colonial rule through indirect means in the contemporary period.[24][25]

Etymology

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Colonialism is etymologically derived from the Latin term colonia, originally a designation for a type of city or outpost that was founded and populated by newly settled Roman citizens at the direction of the Roman government. The word colonia is then in turn derived from the Latin word colonus ("farmer") and its root word colere ("to cultivate, to till").[3][26]

Definitions

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The East Offering its Riches to Britannia, painted by Spiridione Roma for the boardroom of the British East India Company

The earliest uses of colonialism referred to plantations that men emigrated to and settled. The term expanded its meaning in the early 20th century to act as a historical reference for European imperial expansion and the imperialist subjection of Asian and African peoples, while also serving as a paradigm for analysing the form of rule. Defining colonialism became necessary for the international anti-colonial movement, and it was discussed in the 1955 Bandung Conference and the contexts it applied to disputed. The concept entered the forefront of academia in the late 20th century, followed by the development of postcolonialism.[27]

Collins English Dictionary defines colonialism as "the practice by which a powerful country directly controls less powerful countries and uses their resources to increase its own power and wealth".[28] Webster's Encyclopedic Dictionary defined colonialism as "the policy of a nation seeking to extend or retain its authority over other people or territories".[29] The online Merriam-Webster Dictionary offers several definitions: "domination of a people or area by a foreign state or nation", "the practice of extending and maintaining a nation's political and economic control over another people or area" and "the policy of or belief in acquiring and retaining colonies".[30]

The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy defines it as "a practice of domination, which involves the subjugation of one people to another" and uses the term "to describe the process of European settlement and political control over the rest of the world, including the Americas, Australia, and parts of Africa and Asia". It discusses the distinction between colonialism, imperialism, and conquest and states that "[t]he difficulty of defining colonialism stems from the fact that the term is often used as a synonym for imperialism. Both colonialism and imperialism were forms of conquest that were expected to benefit Europe economically and strategically".[3]

In his preface to Jürgen Osterhammel's Colonialism: A Theoretical Overview, Roger Tignor says "For Osterhammel, the essence of colonialism is the existence of colonies, which are by definition governed differently from other territories such as protectorates or informal spheres of influence."[31] In the book, Osterhammel asks, "How can 'colonialism' be defined independently from 'colony?'"[32] He settles on a three-sentence definition:

Colonialism is a relationship between an indigenous (or forcibly imported) majority and a minority of foreign invaders. The fundamental decisions affecting the lives of the colonised people are made and implemented by the colonial rulers in pursuit of interests that are often defined in a distant metropolis. Rejecting cultural compromises with the colonised population, the colonisers are convinced of their own superiority and their ordained mandate to rule.[2]

According to Julian Go, "Colonialism refers to the direct political control of a society and its people by a foreign ruling state... The ruling state monopolizes political power and keeps the subordinated society and its people in a legally inferior position."[9] He also writes, "colonialism depends first and foremost upon the declaration of sovereignty and/or territorial seizure by a core state over another territory and its inhabitants who are classified as inferior subjects rather than equal citizens."[10]

Australian historian Lorenzo Veracini defines colonialism as the establishment and maintenance of an unequal relationship between a colonial metropole and a colonized territory through violence and argues that colonialism is sustained as an unequal relationship through the essential forces of displacement and violence.[7]: 1–4  The imbalance of power that results from a colonial relationship allows a colonial metropole to exploit unequal trading terms between it and its colonies.

Wendell Bell in The Encyclopedic Dictionary of Sociology describes colonialism (incl. internal colonialism) as a "a process by which [...] dominance is acquired and held by a foreign power over another people and land".[1] This definition is cited and complemented by the International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences, clarifying that the rule of colonialism is different to annexation as it does not involve actual incorporation.[5]

In A Dictionary of Human Geography colonialism is described as control over another people accompanied by an ideology of superiority and racism.[4]

Colonial studies have been criticized for eurocentrism in determining the threshold between colonialism versus conquest.[33]

Types of colonialism

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Dutch family in Java, 1927

The Times once quipped that there were three types of colonial empire: "The English, which consists in making colonies with colonists; the German, which collects colonists without colonies; the French, which sets up colonies without colonists."[34] Modern studies of colonialism have often distinguished between various overlapping categories of colonialism, broadly classified into four types: settler colonialism, exploitation colonialism, surrogate colonialism, and internal colonialism. Some historians have identified other forms of colonialism, including national and trade forms.[35]

Harbour Street, Kingston, Jamaica, c. 1820
  • National colonialism is a process involving elements of both settler and internal colonialism, in which nation-building and colonization are symbiotically connected, with the colonial regime seeking to remake the colonized peoples into their own cultural and political image. The goal is to integrate them into the state, but only as reflections of the state's preferred culture. The Taiwan under the KMT's military dictatorship is the archetypal example of a national-colonialist society.[47]
  • Trade colonialism involves the undertaking of colonialist ventures in support of trade opportunities for merchants. This form of colonialism was most prominent in 19th-century Asia, where previously isolationist states were forced to open their ports to Western powers. Examples of this include the Opium Wars and the opening of Japan.[48][49]

Versus imperialism

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The term "imperialism" is often conflated with "colonialism"; however, many scholars have argued that each has its own distinct definition. Imperialism and colonialism have been used in order to describe one's influence upon a person or group of people. Robert Young writes that imperialism operates from the centre as a state policy and is developed for ideological as well as financial reasons, while colonialism is simply the development for settlement or commercial intentions; however, colonialism still includes invasion.[50] Colonialism in modern usage also tends to imply a degree of geographic separation between the colony and the imperial power. Particularly, Edward Said distinguishes between imperialism and colonialism by stating: "imperialism involved 'the practice, the theory and the attitudes of a dominating metropolitan center ruling a distant territory', while colonialism refers to the 'implanting of settlements on a distant territory.'"[51] Contiguous land empires such as the Russian, Chinese or Ottoman have traditionally been excluded from discussions of colonialism, though this is beginning to change, since it is accepted that they also sent populations into the territories they ruled.[51]: 116 

Socio-cultural evolution

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When colonists settled in pre-populated areas, the societies and cultures of the people in those areas permanently changed. Colonial practices directly and indirectly forced the colonized peoples to abandon their traditional cultures and established complex systems of power, so-called colonialities.[11] For example, European colonizers in the United States implemented the residential schools program to force native children to assimilate into the hegemonic culture.

Cultural colonialism gave rise to culturally and ethnically mixed populations such as the mestizos of the Americas, as well as racially divided populations such as those found in French Algeria or in Southern Rhodesia. In fact, everywhere where colonial powers established a consistent and continued presence, hybrid communities existed.

Notable examples in Asia include the Anglo-Burmese, Anglo-Indian, Burgher, Eurasian Singaporean, Filipino mestizo, Kristang, and Macanese peoples. In the Dutch East Indies (later Indonesia) the vast majority of "Dutch" settlers were in fact Eurasians known as Indo-Europeans, formally belonging to the European legal class in the colony.[52][53]

American Progress (1872) by John Gast is an allegorical representation of the idea of manifest destiny. Columbia, a personification of the United States, leads settler civilization westward, bringing light, stringing telegraph wire, holding a book,[54] and highlighting different stages of economic activity and evolving forms of transportation,[55] while on the left, displacing Native Americans in the United States from their homeland.

History

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Antiquity

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Activity that could be called colonialism has a long history, starting at least as early as the ancient Egyptians. Phoenicians, Greeks, and Romans founded colonies in antiquity. Phoenicia had an enterprising maritime trading-culture that spread across the Mediterranean from 1550 BC to 300 BC; later the Persian Empire and various Greek city-states continued on this line of setting up colonies. The Romans would soon follow, setting up coloniae throughout the Mediterranean, in North Africa, and in Western Asia.[citation needed]

Medieval

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From the 9th century Vikings (Norsemen) such as Leif Erikson established colonies in Britain, Ireland, Iceland, Greenland, North America, present-day Russia and Ukraine, France (Normandy) and Sicily.[56] In the 9th century a new wave of Mediterranean colonisation began, with competitors such as the Venetians, Genovese and Amalfians infiltrating the wealthy previously Byzantine or Eastern Roman islands and lands. European Crusaders set up colonial regimes in Outremer (in the Levant, 1097–1291) and in the Baltic littoral (12th century onwards). Venice began to dominate Dalmatia and reached its greatest nominal colonial extent at the conclusion of the Fourth Crusade in 1204, with the declaration of the acquisition of three octaves of the Byzantine Empire.[57]

Modern

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Iberian Union of Spain and Portugal between 1580 and 1640

Modern colonialism is generally considered to have begun with the Spanish conquest of the Canary Islands when "the relationships involved in domination became recognisably colonial."[7]: 10  Following the fall of Constantinople to the Ottoman Empire in 1453, the sea routes discovered by Portuguese Prince Henry the Navigator (1394–1460) became central to trade, and helped fuel the Age of Discovery.[58] The Crown of Castile encountered the Americas in 1492 through sea travel and built trading posts or conquered large extents of land. The Treaty of Tordesillas divided the areas of these "new" lands between the Spanish Empire and the Portuguese Empire in 1494.[58]

The 17th century saw the birth of the Dutch Empire and French colonial empire, as well as the English overseas possessions, which later became the British Empire. It also saw the establishment of Danish overseas colonies and Swedish overseas colonies.[59]

A first wave of separatism started with the American Revolutionary War (1775–1783), initiating the Rise of the "Second" British Empire (1783–1815).[60] The Spanish Empire largely collapsed in the Americas with the Spanish American wars of independence (1808–1833). Empire-builders established several new colonies after this time, including in the German colonial empire and Belgian colonial empire.[61] Starting with the end of the French Revolution European authors such as Johann Gottfried Herder, August von Kotzebue, and Heinrich von Kleist prolifically published so as to conjure up sympathy for the oppressed native peoples and the slaves of the new world, thereby starting the idealization of native humans.[62]

The Habsburg monarchy, the Russian Empire, and the Ottoman Empire existed at the same time but did not expand over oceans. Rather, these empires expanded through the conquest of neighbouring territories. There was, though, some Russian colonization of North America across the Bering Strait. The Empire of Brazil fought for hegemony in South America. The United States gained overseas territories after the 1898 Spanish–American War, hence, the coining of the term "American imperialism".[63]

The Japanese colonial empire began in the mid-19th century with the settler colonization of Hokkaido and the destruction of the island's indigenous Ainu people before moving onto the Ryukyu Islands (the indigenous Ryukyuan people survived colonization more intact). After the Meiji Restoration, Japan more formally developed its colonial policies with the help of European advisors. The stated purpose from the beginning was to compensate for the lack of resources on the main islands of Japan by securing control over natural resources in Asia for its own economic development and industrialization, not unlike its European counterparts. Japan defeated China in the First Sino-Japanese War to control Korea and the island of Formosa, now Taiwan, and later fought off the Russian Empire to control Port Arthur and South Sakhalin.[7]: 147–152 

In the late 19th century, many European powers became involved in the Scramble for Africa.[61]

20th century

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The Harmsworth atlas and Gazetter 1908 European colonization map

The world's colonial population at the outbreak of the First World War – a high point for colonialism – totalled about 560 million people, of whom 70% lived in British possessions, 10% in French possessions, 9% in Dutch possessions, 4% in Japanese possessions, 2% in German possessions, 2% in American possessions, 3% in Portuguese possessions, 1% in Belgian possessions and 0.5% in Italian possessions. The domestic domains of the colonial powers had a total population of about 370 million people.[64] Outside Europe, few areas had remained without coming under formal colonial tutorship – and even Siam, China, Japan, Nepal, Afghanistan, Persia, and Abyssinia had felt varying degrees of Western colonial-style influence – concessions, unequal treaties, extraterritoriality and the like.

Asking whether colonies paid, economic historian Grover Clark (1891–1938) argues an emphatic "No!" He reports that in every case the support cost, especially the military system necessary to support and defend colonies, outran the total trade they produced. Apart from the British Empire, they did not provide favoured destinations for the immigration of surplus metropole populations.[65] The question of whether colonies paid is a complicated one when recognizing the multiplicity of interests involved. In some cases colonial powers paid a lot in military costs while private investors pocketed the benefits. In other cases the colonial powers managed to move the burden of administrative costs to the colonies themselves by imposing taxes.[66]

Map of colonial and land-based empires throughout the world in 1914
Imperial powers in 1945

World War I

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The First World War brought the European colonial empires into conflict with each other with the fight sustained by their colonial territories.[7]: 130  War mobilization heightened colonial exploitation globally, sparking several anticolonial uprisings in response to forced conscription. Germany capitulated in large part due to the Allied sea blockade cutting off access to its overseas colonies, a disadvantage which German U-boats could not inflict on the Allies. The victorious Allies divided up the German colonial empire and much of the Ottoman Empire between themselves as League of Nations mandates, grouping these territories into three classes according to how quickly it was deemed that they could prepare for independence. The empires of Russia and Austria collapsed in 1917–1918,[67] and the Soviet empire emerged.[68]

Interwar years

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Anti-colonial sentiment surged during the interwar years.[7]: 130-136  The Easter Rising and Irish War of Independence led to the UK conceding independence to Ireland. Turkey became an independent country in the ruins of the Ottoman Empire and fought off interventions from Britain, France, and Italy. The first Pan-African Congress would take place in Paris in 1919.[69] The Soviet Union positioned itself as "an explicitly anti-imperialist power"[7]: 130  and would play an important role in the success of anticolonial resistance movements in Asia and Africa, although its own policies in Central Asia resembled the colonial policies of the Russian empire that preceded it.[70] At the same time, Japan expanded its colonies in Asia and the Pacific.

World War II

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Many interpret World War II as an attempt by Nazi Germany and its allies to colonize the whole European continent, especially in the east. Historian Lorenzo Veracini writes, "The global history of colonialism can be seen as bookended by two fateful moments: European armies crossed the strait of Gibraltar in the fifteenth century to establish unequal relations of domination in Africa, and a colonial army crossed it in the opposite direction in 1936, to conquer the metropole and pursue a civil war that subjected the metropolitan populations with a violence that had been until then reserved for restive colonized subjects."[7]: 5  Economic historian Adam Tooze posits that Operation Barbarossa is "far better understood as the last great land-grab in the long and bloody history of European colonialism."[41]: 462  "From the moment that Germany invaded Poland in September 1939, the genocidal impulses of Nazi ideology towards both the Jews and the Slavs had taken on concrete form in an extraordinary programme of population displacement and colonial settlement.": 463  Generalplan Ost, the Nazi government's grand plan of settler colonialism, called for the mass murder and deportation of at least 30 million Slavs from Poland and the western Soviet Union in preparation for the importation of millions of German settlers.: 462-467  The plan was lauded as a 'solution' to secure Germany's food supply for the duration of the war, unlike the previous one. Hitler repeatedly drew parallels between the colonization plan and Manifest Destiny in the United States. Aimé Césaire argues in Discourse on Colonialism, "[Europeans] tolerated that Nazism before it was inflicted on them, they absolved it, shut their eyes to it, legitimized it, because, until then, it had been applied only to non-European peoples."[71]

Post-WWII decolonization

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In the aftermath of World War II, decolonisation progressed rapidly. The tumultuous upheaval of the war significantly weakened the major colonial powers, and they quickly lost control of colonies such as Singapore, India, and Libya.[72] In addition, the United Nations shows support for decolonisation in its 1945 charter. In 1960, the UN issued the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, which affirmed its stance (though notably, colonial empires such as France, Spain, the United Kingdom, and the United States abstained).[73]

The word "neocolonialism" originated from Jean-Paul Sartre in 1956,[74] to refer to a variety of contexts since the decolonisation that took place after World War II. Generally it does not refer to a type of direct colonisation – rather to colonialism or colonial-style exploitation by other means. Specifically, neocolonialism may refer to the theory that former or existing economic relationships, such as the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade and the Central American Free Trade Agreement, or the operations of companies (such as Royal Dutch Shell in Nigeria and Brunei) fostered by former colonial powers were or are used to maintain control of former colonies and dependencies after the colonial independence movements of the post–World War II period.[75] The term became popular in ex-colonies in the late 20th century.[76]

Contemporary

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Change in the borders of Israel and Palestine over time, showing the extent of Israeli control of territory formerly identified as the British Mandate for Palestine.

While colonies of contiguous empires[77] have been historically excluded, they can be seen as colonies.[78] Contemporary expansion of colonies is seen by some in case of Russian imperialism[79] and Chinese imperialism.[80] Zionism is a modern colonialist movement, although it began in the 20th century. It has been categorized by some scholars as a settler colonialist movement.[81]

Impact

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A 1904 cartoon by Bob Satterfield about the brutality committed by Western nations: the personifications of England, the United States, and Germany carrying spears topped by the severed heads of Tibet, the Philippines, and Southwest Africa respectively. The caption describes this as "The advance guard of civilization".
The Dutch Public Health Service provides medical care for the natives of the Dutch East Indies, May 1946.

The impacts of colonisation are immense and pervasive.[82] Various effects, both immediate and protracted, include the spread of virulent diseases, causing pandemics, oppression, unequal social relations through othering and economically through exclusion, detribalization, appropriation, exploitation, enslavement, medical advances, the creation of new institutions, abolitionism,[83] changing infrastructure,[84] and technological progress.[85] Colonial practices also spur the spread of conquerors' languages, literature and cultural institutions, while endangering or obliterating those of indigenous peoples, possibly amounting to genocide.[6][7]: 2 [8] Despite the colonial suppression and narrative, colonised people may be able to build on their agency, potentially having influence on the imperial country or even challenging it.[86][87] Often though this has been met with cultural appropriation and forced assimilation.[88][89]

With respect to international borders, Britain and France traced close to 40% of the entire length of the world's international boundaries.[90]

Economy, trade and commerce

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Economic expansion, sometimes described as the colonial surplus, has accompanied imperial expansion since ancient times.[citation needed] Greek trade networks spread throughout the Mediterranean region while Roman trade expanded with the primary goal of directing tribute from the colonised areas towards the Roman metropole. According to Strabo, by the time of emperor Augustus, up to 120 Roman ships would set sail every year from Myos Hormos in Roman Egypt to India.[91] With the development of trade routes under the Ottoman Empire,

Gujari Hindus, Syrian Muslims, Jews, Armenians, Christians from south and central Europe operated trading routes that supplied Persian and Arab horses to the armies of all three empires, Mocha coffee to Delhi and Belgrade, Persian silk to India and Istanbul.[92]

Portuguese trade routes (blue) and the rival Manila-Acapulco galleons trade routes (white) established in 1568

Aztec civilisation developed into an extensive empire that, much like the Roman Empire, had the goal of exacting tribute from the conquered colonial areas. For the Aztecs, a significant tribute was the acquisition of sacrificial victims for their religious rituals.[93]

On the other hand, European colonial empires sometimes attempted to channel, restrict and impede trade involving their colonies, funneling activity through the metropole and taxing accordingly.

Despite the general trend of economic expansion, the economic performance of former European colonies varies significantly. In "Institutions as a Fundamental Cause of Long-run Growth", economists Daron Acemoglu, Simon Johnson and James A. Robinson compare the economic influences of the European colonists on different colonies and study what could explain the huge discrepancies in previous European colonies, for example, between West African colonies like Sierra Leone and Hong Kong and Singapore.[94]

According to the paper, economic institutions are the determinant of the colonial success because they determine their financial performance and order for the distribution of resources. At the same time, these institutions are also consequences of political institutions – especially how de facto and de jure political power is allocated. To explain the different colonial cases, we thus need to look first into the political institutions that shaped the economic institutions.[94]

Dutch East India Company was the first-ever multinational corporation, financed by shares that established the first modern stock exchange.

For example, one interesting observation is "the Reversal of Fortune" – the less developed civilisations in 1500, like North America, Australia, and New Zealand, are now much richer than those countries who used to be in the prosperous civilisations in 1500 before the colonists came, like the Mughals in India and the Incas in the Americas. One explanation offered by the paper focuses on the political institutions of the various colonies: it was less likely for European colonists to introduce economic institutions where they could benefit quickly from the extraction of resources in the area. Therefore, given a more developed civilisation and denser population, European colonists would rather keep the existing economic systems than introduce an entirely new system; while in places with little to extract, European colonists would rather establish new economic institutions to protect their interests. Political institutions thus gave rise to different types of economic systems, which determined the colonial economic performance.[94]

European colonisation and development also changed gendered systems of power already in place around the world. In many pre-colonialist areas, women maintained power, prestige, or authority through reproductive or agricultural control. For example, in certain parts of Sub-Saharan Africa women maintained farmland in which they had usage rights. While men would make political and communal decisions for a community, the women would control the village's food supply or their individual family's land. This allowed women to achieve power and autonomy, even in patrilineal and patriarchal societies.[95]

Through the rise of European colonialism came a large push for development and industrialisation of most economic systems. When working to improve productivity, Europeans focused mostly on male workers. Foreign aid arrived in the form of loans, land, credit, and tools to speed up development, but were only allocated to men. In a more European fashion, women were expected to serve on a more domestic level. The result was a technologic, economic, and class-based gender gap that widened over time.[96]

Within a colony, the presence of extractive colonial institutions in a given area has been found have effects on the modern day economic development, institutions and infrastructure of these areas.[97][98]

Slavery and indentured servitude

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European nations entered their imperial projects with the goal of enriching the European metropoles. Exploitation of non-Europeans and of other Europeans to support imperial goals was acceptable to the colonisers. Two outgrowths of this imperial agenda were the extension of slavery and indentured servitude. In the 17th century, nearly two-thirds of English settlers came to North America as indentured servants.[99]

European slave traders brought large numbers of African slaves to the Americas by sail. Spain and Portugal had brought African slaves to work in African colonies such as Cape Verde and São Tomé and Príncipe, and then in Latin America, by the 16th century. The British, French and Dutch joined in the slave trade in subsequent centuries. The European colonial system took approximately 11 million Africans to the Caribbean and to North and South America as slaves.[100]

Slave traders in Gorée, Senegal, 18th century
European empire Colonial destination Number of slaves imported between 1450 and 1870[100]
Portuguese Empire Brazil 3,646,800
British Empire British Caribbean 1,665,000
French Empire French Caribbean 1,600,200
Spanish Empire Latin America 1,552,100
Dutch Empire Dutch Caribbean 500,000
British Empire British North America 399,000

Abolitionists in Europe and Americas protested the inhumane treatment of African slaves, which led to the elimination of the slave trade (and later, of most forms of slavery) by the late 19th century. One (disputed) school of thought points to the role of abolitionism in the American Revolution: while the British colonial metropole started to move towards outlawing slavery, slave-owning elites in the Thirteen Colonies saw this as one of the reasons to fight for their post-colonial independence and for the right to develop and continue a largely slave-based economy.[101]

British colonising activity in New Zealand from the early 19th century played a part in ending slave-taking and slave-keeping among the indigenous Māori.[102][103] On the other hand, British colonial administration in Southern Africa, when it officially abolished slavery in the 1830s, caused rifts in society which arguably perpetuated slavery in the Boer Republics and fed into the philosophy of apartheid.[104]

Planting the sugar cane, Antigua, 1823

The labour shortages that resulted from abolition inspired European colonisers in Queensland, British Guaiana and Fiji (for example) to develop new sources of labour, re-adopting a system of indentured servitude. Indentured servants consented to a contract with the European colonisers. Under their contract, the servant would work for an employer for a term of at least a year, while the employer agreed to pay for the servant's voyage to the colony, possibly pay for the return to the country of origin, and pay the employee a wage as well. The employees became "indentured" to the employer because they owed a debt back to the employer for their travel expense to the colony, which they were expected to pay through their wages. In practice, indentured servants were exploited through terrible working conditions and burdensome debts imposed by the employers, with whom the servants had no means of negotiating the debt once they arrived in the colony.

India and China were the largest source of indentured servants during the colonial era. Indentured servants from India travelled to British colonies in Asia, Africa and the Caribbean, and also to French and Portuguese colonies, while Chinese servants travelled to British and Dutch colonies. Between 1830 and 1930, around 30 million indentured servants migrated from India, and 24 million returned to India. China sent more indentured servants to European colonies, and around the same proportion returned to China.[105]

Following the Scramble for Africa, an early but secondary focus for most colonial regimes was the suppression of slavery and the slave trade. By the end of the colonial period they were mostly successful in this aim, though slavery persists in Africa and in the world at large with much the same practices of de facto servility despite legislative prohibition.[83]

Military innovation

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The First Anglo-Ashanti War, 1823–1831

Conquering forces have throughout history applied innovation in order to gain an advantage over the armies of the people they aim to conquer. Greeks developed the phalanx system, which enabled their military units to present themselves to their enemies as a wall, with foot soldiers using shields to cover one another during their advance on the battlefield. Under Philip II of Macedon, they were able to organise thousands of soldiers into a formidable battle force, bringing together carefully trained infantry and cavalry regiments.[106] Alexander the Great exploited this military foundation further during his conquests.

The Spanish Empire held a major advantage over Mesoamerican warriors through the use of weapons made of stronger metal, predominantly iron, which was able to shatter the blades of axes used by the Aztec civilisation and others. The use of gunpowder weapons cemented the European military advantage over the peoples they sought to subjugate in the Americas and elsewhere.

End of empire

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Gandhi with Lord Pethwick-Lawrence, British Secretary of State for India, after a meeting on 18 April 1946

The populations of some colonial territories, such as Canada, enjoyed relative peace and prosperity as part of a European power, at least among the majority. Minority populations such as First Nations peoples and French-Canadians experienced marginalisation and resented colonial practices. Francophone residents of Quebec, for example, were vocal in opposing conscription into the armed services to fight on behalf of Britain during World War I, resulting in the Conscription crisis of 1917. Other European colonies had much more pronounced conflict between European settlers and the local population. Rebellions broke out in the later decades of the imperial era, such as India's Sepoy Rebellion of 1857.

The territorial boundaries imposed by European colonisers, notably in central Africa and South Asia, defied the existing boundaries of native populations that had previously interacted little with one another. European colonisers disregarded native political and cultural animosities, imposing peace upon people under their military control. Native populations were often relocated at the will of the colonial administrators.

The Partition of British India in August 1947 led to the Independence of India and the creation of Pakistan. These events also caused much bloodshed at the time of the migration of immigrants from the two countries. Muslims from India and Hindus and Sikhs from Pakistan migrated to the respective countries they sought independence for.

Post-independence population movement

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The annual Notting Hill Carnival in London is a celebration led by the Trinidadian and Tobagonian British community.

In a reversal of the migration patterns experienced during the modern colonial era, post-independence era migration followed a route back towards the imperial country. In some cases, this was a movement of settlers of European origin returning to the land of their birth, or to an ancestral birthplace. 900,000 French colonists (known as the Pied-Noirs) resettled in France following Algeria's independence in 1962. A significant number of these migrants were also of Algerian descent. 800,000 people of Portuguese origin migrated to Portugal after the independence of former colonies in Africa between 1974 and 1979; 300,000 settlers of Dutch origin migrated to the Netherlands from the Dutch West Indies after Dutch military control of the colony ended.[107]

After WWII 300,000 Dutchmen from the Dutch East Indies, of which the majority were people of Eurasian descent called Indo Europeans, repatriated to the Netherlands. A significant number later migrated to the US, Canada, Australia and New Zealand.[108][109]

Global travel and migration in general developed at an increasingly brisk pace throughout the era of European colonial expansion. Citizens of the former colonies of European countries may have a privileged status in some respects with regard to immigration rights when settling in the former European imperial nation. For example, rights to dual citizenship may be generous,[110] or larger immigrant quotas may be extended to former colonies.[citation needed]

In some cases, the former European imperial nations continue to foster close political and economic ties with former colonies. The Commonwealth of Nations is an organisation that promotes cooperation between and among Britain and its former colonies, the Commonwealth members. A similar organisation exists for former colonies of France, the Francophonie; the Community of Portuguese Language Countries plays a similar role for former Portuguese colonies, and the Dutch Language Union is the equivalent for former colonies of the Netherlands.[111][112][113]

Migration from former colonies has proven to be problematic for European countries, where the majority population may express hostility to ethnic minorities who have immigrated from former colonies. Cultural and religious conflict have often erupted in France in recent decades, between immigrants from the Maghreb countries of north Africa and the majority population of France. Nonetheless, immigration has changed the ethnic composition of France; by the 1980s, 25% of the total population of "inner Paris" and 14% of the metropolitan region were of foreign origin, mainly Algerian.[114]

Introduced diseases

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Aztecs dying of smallpox, (Florentine Codex, 1540–1585)

Encounters between explorers and populations in the rest of the world often introduced new diseases, which sometimes caused local epidemics of extraordinary virulence.[115] For example, smallpox, measles, malaria, yellow fever, and others were unknown in pre-Columbian America.[116]

Half the native population of Hispaniola in 1518 was killed by smallpox. Smallpox also ravaged Mexico in the 1520s, killing 150,000 in Tenochtitlan alone, including the emperor, and Peru in the 1530s, aiding the European conquerors. Measles killed a further two million Mexican natives in the 17th century. In 1618–1619, smallpox wiped out 90% of the Massachusetts Bay Native Americans.[117] Smallpox epidemics in 1780–1782 and 1837–1838 brought devastation and drastic depopulation among the Plains Indians.[118] Some believe[who?] that the death of up to 95% of the Native American population of the New World was caused by Old World diseases.[119] Over the centuries, the Europeans had developed high degrees of immunity to these diseases, while the indigenous peoples had no time to build such immunity.[120]

Smallpox decimated the native population of Australia, killing around 50% of indigenous Australians in the early years of British colonisation.[121] It also killed many New Zealand Māori.[122] As late as 1848–49, as many as 40,000 out of 150,000 Hawaiians are estimated to have died of measles, whooping cough and influenza. Introduced diseases, notably smallpox, nearly wiped out the native population of Easter Island.[123] In 1875, measles killed over 40,000 Fijians, approximately one-third of the population.[124] The Ainu population decreased drastically in the 19th century, due in large part to infectious diseases brought by Japanese settlers pouring into Hokkaido.[125]

Conversely, researchers have hypothesised that a precursor to syphilis may have been carried from the New World to Europe after Columbus's voyages. The findings suggested Europeans could have carried the nonvenereal tropical bacteria home, where the organisms may have mutated into a more deadly form in the different conditions of Europe.[126] The disease was more frequently fatal than it is today; syphilis was a major killer in Europe during the Renaissance.[127] The first cholera pandemic began in Bengal, then spread across India by 1820. Ten thousand British troops and countless Indians died during this pandemic.[128] Between 1736 and 1834 only some 10% of East India Company's officers survived to take the final voyage home.[129] Waldemar Haffkine, who mainly worked in India, who developed and used vaccines against cholera and bubonic plague in the 1890s, is considered the first microbiologist.

According to a 2021 study by Jörg Baten and Laura Maravall on the anthropometric influence of colonialism on Africans, the average height of Africans decreased by 1.1 centimetres upon colonization and later recovered and increased overall during colonial rule. The authors attributed the decrease to diseases, such as malaria and sleeping sickness, forced labor during the early decades of colonial rule, conflicts, land grabbing, and widespread cattle deaths from the rinderpest viral disease.[130]

Countering disease

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As early as 1803, the Spanish Crown organised a mission (the Balmis expedition) to transport the smallpox vaccine to the Spanish colonies, and establish mass vaccination programs there.[131] By 1832, the federal government of the United States established a smallpox vaccination program for Native Americans.[132] Under the direction of Mountstuart Elphinstone a program was launched to propagate smallpox vaccination in India.[133] From the beginning of the 20th century onwards, the elimination or control of disease in tropical countries became a driving force for all colonial powers.[134] The sleeping sickness epidemic in Africa was arrested due to mobile teams systematically screening millions of people at risk.[135] In the 20th century, the world saw the biggest increase in its population in human history due to lessening of the mortality rate in many countries due to medical advances.[136] The world population has grown from 1.6 billion in 1900 to over seven billion today.[citation needed]

Botany

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Colonial botany refers to the body of works concerning the study, cultivation, marketing and naming of the new plants that were acquired or traded during the age of European colonialism. Notable examples of these plants included sugar, nutmeg, tobacco, cloves, cinnamon, Peruvian bark, peppers, Sassafras albidum, and tea. This work was a large part of securing financing for colonial ambitions, supporting European expansion and ensuring the profitability of such endeavors. Vasco de Gama and Christopher Columbus were seeking to establish routes to trade spices, dyes and silk from the Moluccas, India and China by sea that would be independent of the established routes controlled by Venetian and Middle Eastern merchants. Naturalists like Hendrik van Rheede, Georg Eberhard Rumphius, and Jacobus Bontius compiled data about eastern plants on behalf of the Europeans. Though Sweden did not possess an extensive colonial network, botanical research based on Carl Linnaeus identified and developed techniques to grow cinnamon, tea and rice locally as an alternative to costly imports.[137]

Geography

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British Togoland in 1953

Settlers acted as the link between indigenous populations and the imperial hegemony, thus bridging the geographical, ideological and commercial gap between the colonisers and colonised. While the extent in which geography as an academic study is implicated in colonialism is contentious, geographical tools such as cartography, shipbuilding, navigation, mining and agricultural productivity were instrumental in European colonial expansion. Colonisers' awareness of the Earth's surface and abundance of practical skills provided colonisers with a knowledge that, in turn, created power.[138]

Anne Godlewska and Neil Smith argue that "empire was 'quintessentially a geographical project'".[clarification needed][139] Historical geographical theories such as environmental determinism legitimised colonialism by positing the view that some parts of the world were underdeveloped, which created notions of skewed evolution.[138] Geographers such as Ellen Churchill Semple and Ellsworth Huntington put forward the notion that northern climates bred vigour and intelligence as opposed to those indigenous to tropical climates (See The Tropics) viz a viz a combination of environmental determinism and Social Darwinism in their approach.[140]

Political geographers also maintain that colonial behaviour was reinforced by the physical mapping of the world, therefore creating a visual separation between "them" and "us". Geographers are primarily focused on the spaces of colonialism and imperialism; more specifically, the material and symbolic appropriation of space enabling colonialism.[141]: 5 

Comparison of Africa in the years 1880 and 1913

Maps played an extensive role in colonialism, as Bassett would put it "by providing geographical information in a convenient and standardised format, cartographers helped open West Africa to European conquest, commerce, and colonisation".[142] Because the relationship between colonialism and geography was not scientifically objective, cartography was often manipulated during the colonial era. Social norms and values had an effect on the constructing of maps. During colonialism map-makers used rhetoric in their formation of boundaries and in their art. The rhetoric favoured the view of the conquering Europeans; this is evident in the fact that any map created by a non-European was instantly regarded as inaccurate. Furthermore, European cartographers were required to follow a set of rules which led to ethnocentrism; portraying one's own ethnicity in the centre of the map. As J.B. Harley put it, "The steps in making a map – selection, omission, simplification, classification, the creation of hierarchies, and 'symbolisation' – are all inherently rhetorical."[143]

A common practice by the European cartographers of the time was to map unexplored areas as "blank spaces". This influenced the colonial powers as it sparked competition amongst them to explore and colonise these regions. Imperialists aggressively and passionately looked forward to filling these spaces for the glory of their respective countries.[144] The Dictionary of Human Geography notes that cartography was used to empty 'undiscovered' lands of their Indigenous meaning and bring them into spatial existence via the imposition of "Western place-names and borders, [therefore] priming 'virgin' (putatively empty land, 'wilderness') for colonisation (thus sexualising colonial landscapes as domains of male penetration), reconfiguring alien space as absolute, quantifiable and separable (as property)."[145]

Map of the British Empire (as of 1910). At its height, it was the largest empire in history.

David Livingstone stresses "that geography has meant different things at different times and in different places" and that we should keep an open mind in regards to the relationship between geography and colonialism instead of identifying boundaries.[139] Geography as a discipline was not and is not an objective science, Painter and Jeffrey argue, rather it is based on assumptions about the physical world.[138] Comparison of exogeographical representations of ostensibly tropical environments in science fiction art support this conjecture, finding the notion of the tropics to be an artificial collection of ideas and beliefs that are independent of geography.[146]

Ocean and space

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With contemporary advances in deep sea and outer space technologies, colonization of the seabed and the Moon have become an object of non-terrestrial colonialism.[147][148][149][150]

Marxism

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Marxism views colonialism as a form of capitalism, enforcing exploitation and social change. Marx thought that working within the global capitalist system, colonialism is closely associated with uneven development. It is an "instrument of wholesale destruction, dependency and systematic exploitation producing distorted economies, socio-psychological disorientation, massive poverty and neocolonial dependency".[151] Colonies are constructed into modes of production. The search for raw materials and the current search for new investment opportunities is a result[according to whom?] of inter-capitalist rivalry for capital accumulation.[citation needed] Lenin regarded colonialism as the root cause of imperialism, as imperialism was distinguished by monopoly capitalism via colonialism and as Lyal S. Sunga explains: "Vladimir Lenin advocated forcefully the principle of self-determination of peoples in his "Theses on the Socialist Revolution and the Right of Nations to Self-Determination" as an integral plank in the programme of socialist internationalism" and he quotes Lenin who contended that "The right of nations to self-determination implies exclusively the right to independence in the political sense, the right to free political separation from the oppressor nation. Specifically, this demand for political democracy implies complete freedom to agitate for secession and for a referendum on secession by the seceding nation."[152] Non-Russian Marxists within the RSFSR and later the USSR, like Sultan Galiev and Vasyl Shakhrai, meanwhile, between 1918 and 1923 and then after 1929, considered the Soviet regime a renewed version of Russian imperialism and colonialism.

In his critique of colonialism in Africa, the Guyanese historian and political activist Walter Rodney states:[153][154]

The decisiveness of the short period of colonialism and its negative consequences for Africa spring mainly from the fact that Africa lost power. Power is the ultimate determinant in human society, being basic to the relations within any group and between groups. It implies the ability to defend one's interests and if necessary to impose one's will by any means available ... When one society finds itself forced to relinquish power entirely to another society that in itself is a form of underdevelopment ... During the centuries of pre-colonial trade, some control over social political and economic life was retained in Africa, in spite of the disadvantageous commerce with Europeans. That little control over internal matters disappeared under colonialism. Colonialism went much further than trade. It meant a tendency towards direct appropriation by Europeans of the social institutions within Africa. Africans ceased to set indigenous cultural goals and standards, and lost full command of training young members of the society. Those were undoubtedly major steps backwards ... Colonialism was not merely a system of exploitation, but one whose essential purpose was to repatriate the profits to the so-called 'mother country'. From an African view-point, that amounted to consistent expatriation of surplus produced by African labour out of African resources. It meant the development of Europe as part of the same dialectical process in which Africa was underdeveloped. Colonial Africa fell within that part of the international capitalist economy from which surplus was drawn to feed the metropolitan sector. As seen earlier, exploitation of land and labour is essential for human social advance, but only on the assumption that the product is made available within the area where the exploitation takes place.

According to Lenin, the new imperialism emphasised the transition of capitalism from free trade to a stage of monopoly capitalism to finance capital. He states it is, "connected with the intensification of the struggle for the partition of the world". As free trade thrives on exports of commodities[according to whom?], monopoly capitalism thrived on the export of capital amassed by profits from banks and industry. This, to Lenin, was the highest stage of capitalism. He goes on to state that this form of capitalism was doomed for war between the capitalists and the exploited nations with the former inevitably losing. War is stated to be the consequence of imperialism. As a continuation of this thought, G.N. Uzoigwe states, "But it is now clear from more serious investigations of African history in this period that imperialism was essentially economic in its fundamental impulses."[155]

Liberalism and capitalism

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Classical liberals were generally in abstract opposition to colonialism and imperialism, including Adam Smith, Frédéric Bastiat, Richard Cobden, John Bright, Henry Richard, Herbert Spencer, H.R. Fox Bourne, Edward Morel, Josephine Butler, W.J. Fox and William Ewart Gladstone.[156] Their philosophies found the colonial enterprise, particularly mercantilism, in opposition to the principles of free trade and liberal policies.[157] Adam Smith wrote in The Wealth of Nations that Britain should grant independence to all of its colonies and also argued that it would be economically beneficial for British people in the average, although the merchants having mercantilist privileges would lose out.[156][158]

Race and gender

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During the colonial era, the global process of colonisation served to spread and synthesize the social and political belief systems of the "mother-countries" which often included a belief in a certain natural racial superiority of the race of the mother-country. Colonialism also acted to reinforce these same racial belief systems within the "mother-countries" themselves. Usually also included within the colonial belief systems was a certain belief in the inherent superiority of male over female. This particular belief was often pre-existing amongst the pre-colonial societies, prior to their colonisation.[159][160][161]

Popular political practices of the time reinforced colonial rule by legitimising European (and/ or Japanese) male authority, and also legitimising female and non-mother-country race inferiority through studies of craniology, comparative anatomy, and phrenology.[160][161][162] Biologists, naturalists, anthropologists, and ethnologists of the 19th century were focused on the study of colonised indigenous women, as in the case of Georges Cuvier's study of Sarah Baartman.[161] Such cases embraced a natural superiority and inferiority relationship between the races based on the observations of naturalists' from the mother-countries. European studies along these lines gave rise to the perception that African women's anatomy, and especially genitalia, resembled those of mandrills, baboons, and monkeys, thus differentiating colonised Africans from what were viewed as the features of the evolutionarily superior, and thus rightfully authoritarian, European woman.[161]

In addition to what would now be viewed as pseudo-scientific studies of race, which tended to reinforce a belief in an inherent mother-country racial superiority, a new supposedly "science-based" ideology concerning gender roles also then emerged as an adjunct to the general body of beliefs of inherent superiority of the colonial era.[160] Female inferiority across all cultures was emerging as an idea supposedly supported by craniology that led scientists to argue that the typical brain size of the female human was, on the average, slightly smaller than that of the male, thus inferring that therefore female humans must be less developed and less evolutionarily advanced than males.[160] This finding of relative cranial size difference was later attributed to the general typical size difference of the human male body versus that of the typical human female body.[163]

Within the former European colonies, non-Europeans and women sometimes faced invasive studies by the colonial powers in the interest of the then prevailing pro-colonial scientific ideology of the day.[161]

Othering

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Othering is the process of creating a separate entity to persons or groups who are labelled as different or non-normal due to the repetition of characteristics.[164] Othering is the creation of those who discriminate, to distinguish, label, categorise those who do not fit in the societal norm. Several scholars in recent decades developed the notion of the "other" as an epistemological concept in social theory.[164] For example, postcolonial scholars, believed that colonising powers explained an "other" who were there to dominate, civilise, and extract resources through colonisation of land.[164]

Political geographers explain how colonial/imperial powers "othered" places they wanted to dominate to legalise their exploitation of the land.[164] During and after the rise of colonialism the Western powers perceived the East as the "other", being different and separate from their societal norm. This viewpoint and separation of culture had divided the Eastern and Western culture creating a dominant/subordinate dynamic, both being the "other" towards themselves.[164]

Post-colonialism

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Queen Victoria Street in the former British colony of Hong Kong

Post-colonialism (or post-colonial theory) can refer to a set of theories in philosophy and literature that grapple with the legacy of colonial rule. In this sense, one can regard post-colonial literature as a branch of postmodern literature concerned with the political and cultural independence of peoples formerly subjugated in colonial empires.

Many practitioners take Edward Saïd's book Orientalism (1978) as the theory's founding work (although French theorists such as Aimé Césaire (1913–2008) and Frantz Fanon (1925–1961) made similar claims decades before Saïd). Saïd analyzed the works of Balzac, Baudelaire and Lautréamont, arguing that they helped to shape a societal fantasy of European racial superiority.

Writers of post-colonial fiction interact with the traditional colonial discourse, but modify or subvert it; for instance by retelling a familiar story from the perspective of an oppressed minor character in the story. Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak's Can the Subaltern Speak? (1998) gave its name to Subaltern Studies.

In A Critique of Postcolonial Reason (1999), Spivak argued that major works of European metaphysics (such as those of Kant and Hegel) not only tend to exclude the subaltern from their discussions, but actively prevent non-Europeans from occupying positions as fully human subjects. Hegel's Phenomenology of Spirit (1807), famous for its explicit ethnocentrism, considers Western civilisation as the most accomplished of all, while Kant also had some traces of racialism in his work.

The 2014 YouGov survey found that British people are mostly proud of colonialism and the British Empire:[165]

A new YouGov survey finds that most think the British Empire is more something to be proud of (59%) than to be ashamed of (19%). 23% don't know. Young people are least likely to feel pride over shame when it comes to the Empire, though about half (48%) of 18–24 year olds do. In comparison, about two-thirds (65%) of over 60s feel mostly proud. ... A third of British people (34%) also say they would like it if Britain still had an empire. Under half (45%) say they would not like the Empire to exist today. 20% don't know.[166]

Migrations

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Indigenous Tibetans protesting the Sinicization of Tibet
Irish leaving Ireland, many in response to the Great Famine in the 1840s

Nations and regions outside Northern China with significant populations of Han Chinese ancestry:

Nations and regions outside Europe with significant populations of European ancestry[171]

Boer family in South Africa, 1886
Russian settlers in Central Asia, present-day Kazakhstan, 1911
Italian immigrants arriving in São Paulo, Brazil, c. 1890
Mennonites of German descent in Belize
Portuguese immigrant family in Hawaii during the 19th century

See also

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References

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Further reading

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
Colonialism is a practice of domination involving the subjugation of one people to another, typically through the establishment of settlements, extraction of resources, and imposition of foreign administrative structures. From the late onward, European states such as , , Britain, , the , and later and pursued overseas expansion driven by mercantile interests, strategic rivalries, and missionary zeal, resulting in the control of approximately 84% of the Earth's land surface by . This facilitated the global of technologies, legal frameworks, and epidemiological , which empirical analyses link to improved institutional quality and economic trajectories in many affected regions, though settler mortality rates shaped whether extractive or inclusive prevailed, influencing post-independence . Controversies encompass widespread , including genocides and the enslavement of an estimated 12.5 million Africans in the transatlantic trade, alongside cultural impositions that disrupted indigenous societies, yet colonial administrations also built like railways and ports that integrated peripheral economies into global markets, yielding mixed developmental outcomes where European settlement density correlated with enduring growth advantages. The process declined after amid nationalist movements and , leaving legacies of arbitrary borders, resource dependencies, and debates over net human welfare gains from introduced , , and rule-of-law principles that elevated life expectancies and in former colonies relative to non-colonized peers.

Conceptual Foundations

Etymology and Terminology

The term "colony" originates from the Latin colonia, referring to a farm, landed estate, or settlement established for agricultural purposes, derived from the verb colere, meaning "to till, cultivate, or inhabit." This etymological root underscores the foundational role of settlement and land cultivation in early colonial practices, as seen in Roman coloniae, which were state-sponsored outposts peopled by citizens to secure territory and promote farming. The adjective "colonial," formed by adding the suffix -al to colonia, entered English usage by the 16th century to describe matters pertaining to such settlements or their inhabitants. The noun "colonialism" emerged later as a compound of "colonial" and the suffix -ism, denoting a system, practice, or doctrine. Its earliest recorded English use dates to 1791 in a private letter by the philosopher , who employed it to critique aspects of colonial policy in the context of British administration. By the , the term gained broader currency, initially describing the customs, speech, or administrative methods of colonial populations, and subsequently the institutionalized framework of governance over distant territories, often without inherent pejorative intent. In French, colonialisme appeared around 1847, linked to debates on Algeria's status under French rule, reflecting parallel developments in European imperial lexicon. Terminologically, "colonialism" distinctively emphasizes the extension of metropolitan through settlement, extraction, or administration, contrasting with mere by implying sustained control and transformation of the colonized space. Early 19th-century usage, as in British parliamentary discussions, treated it descriptively as "colonial policy" or "colonial system," focused on economic management and legal oversight rather than moral judgment. The term's connotation shifted toward condemnation in the , particularly post-1945, amid movements, where it became synonymous with systemic domination, though historical analyses note its original neutrality in denoting pragmatic governance mechanisms. Related terms like "settler colonialism" specify variants involving mass demographic replacement, while "exploitation colonialism" highlights resource-oriented models without extensive settlement, distinctions formalized in mid-20th-century scholarship to parse empirical variations in practice.

Core Definitions

Colonialism constitutes the practice of one political community establishing and maintaining over another distinct and their , typically through settlement, direct , and extraction of resources or labor. This involves the subjugation of indigenous populations to the of the colonizing power, often resulting in the imposition of the colonizer's legal, administrative, and cultural frameworks upon the subordinated society. Scholarly analyses emphasize that colonialism differs from mere by its emphasis on long-term institutional control and integration of the into the colonizer's economic or , rather than transient . Central to colonialism is the distinction between the ruling power and the ruled, where the latter remains politically separate yet economically and socially dependent, often for centuries. This control manifests in varied forms, including colonialism, characterized by large-scale migration and displacement of native populations to create homogeneous extensions of the metropole (as in the British settlement of or ), and exploitation colonialism, focused on resource extraction and with minimal presence (as in the under King Leopold II from 1885 to 1908). Empirical evidence from historical records shows that by 1914, colonial powers controlled approximately 84% of the Earth's land surface outside , underscoring the scale of such dominion. These mechanisms relied on superior , disease-induced demographic collapses among indigenous groups (e.g., up to 90% in the post-1492 due to pathogens), and ideological justifications rooted in civilizational superiority. Definitions of colonialism vary slightly across academic traditions, but consensus holds on its core as foreign domination sustained over extended periods, distinct from internal expansion or voluntary . For instance, political theorists like Kohn describe it as leading to "one of the most important developments in the modern world," involving not just territorial acquisition but the reconfiguration of and identity in colonized regions. This process often entailed the denial of to subject peoples, enforced through administrative structures like viceroyalties or chartered companies, as evidenced in the Portuguese Estado da Índia established in 1505. While some sources highlight its role in global via trade networks, others note the causal link to in affected regions through resource drain and institutional disruption, though causal attribution remains debated due to confounding pre-colonial factors. Colonialism and are frequently conflated in modern discourse, yet a distinction persists in historical and scholarly analysis, with colonialism denoting the concrete practice of establishing and maintaining settlements in foreign territories under direct metropolitan control, often involving and resource extraction, whereas refers to the broader policy, , or of extending a state's power and dominion over other regions through various means, including but not limited to . This differentiation emphasizes colonialism as a subset or mechanism within : the former entails physical occupation and governance of territories, typically overseas, to exploit labor, land, or commodities, as seen in European ventures from the onward, while the latter can manifest without settlement, via economic penetration, military , or , such as Britain's in during the 19th century through trade dominance rather than direct rule. Contemporary scholarship, influenced by postcolonial theory, often treats the terms as synonymous or subordinates one to the other, arguing that both stem from capitalist expansion and racial hierarchies, yet critics maintain this erases analytical precision; for instance, imperialism's animating power derives from metropolitan elites imposing indirect or formal control "from above and afar," distinct from colonialism's ground-level dynamics of displacement and administration. thus encompasses non-colonial forms, like tributary empires in antiquity (e.g., the Achaemenid Empire's vassal states circa 500 BCE, which extracted without mass settlement) or 20th-century U.S. interventions in the via the (1823), prioritizing spheres of influence over territorial colonization. In contrast, colonialism presupposes enduring presence, as in Spanish holdings in the post-1492, where systems integrated indigenous labor into imperial economies under settler oversight. Within colonialism itself, subtypes highlight further nuances: settler colonialism involves large-scale migration displacing indigenous populations to claim land as a permanent extension of the , exemplified by British (from 1788) or U.S. westward expansion (, 1845), aiming for demographic replacement rather than mere extraction; exploitation colonialism, conversely, focuses on resource and labor plunder with minimal settler influx, as in (1885–1908) under Leopold II, where forced labor yielded rubber quotas exceeding 10 million kilograms annually by 1900, prioritizing profit over population transfer. These differ from empire-building, a contiguous or federated expansion (e.g., Roman Empire's incorporation of provinces like by 50 BCE through assimilation and legions, not overseas colonies), or , which denotes territorial growth without the extractive or ideological overlay of , such as Russia's Siberian advances (16th–19th centuries) driven by and security. Such distinctions underscore causal mechanisms: colonialism's sustainability hinged on demographic and administrative investment, risking rebellion if mismanaged, unlike imperialism's flexibility in proxy control.

Historical Development

Ancient and Pre-Modern Colonialism

Ancient colonialism encompassed the establishment of overseas settlements by Mediterranean civilizations, primarily for , extraction, and relief of pressures, distinct from later large-scale European empires but sharing elements of domination and cultural dissemination. Phoenician, Greek, and Roman efforts from the late through the classical period involved founding autonomous or affiliated outposts that facilitated in metals, timber, and dyes while extending influence over indigenous populations. These ventures often arose from maritime prowess and competition among city-states, leading to hybrid societies where settlers intermingled with locals, though power imbalances favored the colonizers in securing economic advantages. Phoenician colonization began around 1100 BCE, with trading emporia evolving into territorial settlements across the western Mediterranean. Key foundations included Utica in circa 1100 BCE, in 814 BCE under Tyrian leadership, and Gadir (modern ) in Iberia between 1100 and 800 BCE, alongside outposts in , , , and . These colonies prioritized access to silver, tin, and iron ores, as well as dye production, establishing networks that bypassed overland routes controlled by emerging Near Eastern empires. While not centrally directed like modern states, these settlements maintained loose ties to Tyre and , exporting goods and technologies that influenced subsequent Greek and Carthaginian expansions. Greek colonization intensified during the Archaic period from approximately 800 to 480 BCE, prompted by land scarcity, internal strife, and oracle-guided migrations from poleis like , , and . Early sites included Pithekoussai off around 770 BCE and circa 750 BCE, followed by Syracuse in in 734 BCE founded by Corinthians, and () around 600 BCE by Phocaeans. Further colonies dotted in , the (e.g., Sinope circa 800 BCE for grain and fisheries), and , often comprising mixed settler groups who established self-governing cities with cultural and religious links to their metropoleis but political independence. Interactions with natives involved trade, enslavement, and occasional conflict, fostering while adapting local practices for agricultural and mercantile gains. Roman colonialism, emerging in the era from the 5th century BCE, emphasized military settlements to secure frontiers and reward veterans, differing from Greek models by stronger legal and administrative ties to . Early maritime colonies like Ostia around 350 BCE guarded coasts, while inland foundations such as Signia in 495 BCE housed citizens in conquered Latin territories. Post-Punic Wars, colonies proliferated in (e.g., Emerita Augusta in 25 BCE), , and , granting settlers full Roman rights and imposing Latin as an administrative language. These outposts, numbering over 100 by the CE, facilitated taxation, road networks, and , often displacing or integrating indigenous elites under Roman dominance. Pre-modern colonialism in medieval Europe featured Norse expansions from the 8th to 11th centuries CE, blending raiding with permanent settlement across the North Atlantic and British Isles. Initiated by Norwegians, Danes, and Swedes amid climatic improvements and overpopulation, key establishments included the Faroe Islands around 800 CE, Iceland settled from 874 CE by figures like Ingólfr Arnarson, and Greenland's Eastern and Western Settlements from 985 CE under Erik the Red. A brief North American outpost at L'Anse aux Meadows (Vinland) circa 1000 CE by Leif Erikson evidenced transatlantic reach, though abandoned due to hostile encounters and logistics. In Europe, Norse groups formed the Danelaw in England by 878 CE and Normandy via the 911 CE treaty, evolving into Norman conquests that imposed feudal structures on Sicily and England in 1066 CE, marking a transition toward organized territorial control. These ventures exploited fisheries, timber, and farmland, with sagas documenting adaptation to harsh environments and conflicts with Inuit or Celtic natives.

Early Modern Expansion (15th–18th Centuries)

The early modern expansion of European colonialism began in the 15th century, driven by advances in navigation, such as the caravel ship and astrolabe, and motivations including access to Asian spices, gold, and the propagation of Christianity amid rivalry with the Ottoman Empire's control of overland routes. Portugal led initial efforts under Prince Henry the Navigator, who sponsored voyages along Africa's west coast starting with the 1415 conquest of Ceuta to secure trade and counter Muslim influence. By 1434, Portuguese explorers had rounded Cape Bojador, establishing fortified trading posts (feitorias) for gold, ivory, and slaves, with the Guinea coast yielding an estimated 1,000 slaves annually by mid-century. Bartolomeu Dias reached the Cape of Good Hope in 1488, and Vasco da Gama arrived in Calicut, India, in 1498, opening direct sea routes to Asia and establishing bases like Goa in 1510. Spain entered the fray with Christopher Columbus's 1492 voyage, funded by and , landing in on October 12 and initiating claims over the islands, which Columbus believed were the outskirts of . Subsequent expeditions mapped the , with crossing to sight the Pacific in 1513. The 1494 , mediated by , drew a north-south line 370 leagues west of the Islands, granting rights to lands west (including most of the ) and to the east (encompassing , , and later , discovered by in 1500). Spanish conquistadors exploited this division: conquered the from 1519 to 1521, allying with indigenous rivals and leveraging epidemics that killed up to 90% of native populations in affected regions, reducing central Mexico's inhabitants from an estimated 25 million in 1519 to 1 million by 1600. subdued the in 1532–1533, securing vast silver mines like , which produced over 40,000 tons of silver by 1800, fueling Europe's economy. Northern European powers joined in the , challenging Iberian dominance through chartered companies and privateering. The Dutch established the Vereenigde Oostindische Compagnie (VOC) in 1602, which captured Portuguese holdings in , including parts of the Spice Islands, and founded Batavia () in 1619 as a hub controlling and clove monopolies. chartered the in 1600, gaining footholds in via in 1612, while founding Jamestown in in 1607 for tobacco cultivation using indentured labor transitioning to African slaves. France established in 1608 under , focusing on fur with indigenous allies, and expanded into the Caribbean with and by 1635 for sugar plantations. The Atlantic slave trade intensified to support economies, with initiating transatlantic shipments; King of authorized 50 African slaves to the in 1510, and by 1526, Portuguese vessels completed the first direct voyage from to . Over the , an estimated 300,000 Africans were transported, primarily by to and Spanish colonies, where they comprised up to 10% of the workforce by 1550 amid native depopulation from and exploitation. By the , competition escalated, with the granting monopolies for slave deliveries to , totaling over 1 million by 1700 across European carriers, underpinning mercantilist wealth accumulation through routes exchanging European goods for African labor and American commodities. Colonial administrations imposed systems in Spanish territories, granting laborers to , though often devolving into forced labor, while northern powers emphasized commercial outposts over large-scale settlement until later.

19th-Century High Imperialism

The era of high , spanning roughly from 1875 to 1914, marked the zenith of European colonial expansion, driven primarily by the demands of the Second Industrial Revolution for raw materials, secure markets, and investment opportunities. Industrial powers such as Britain, , and newly unified sought to secure sources of commodities like rubber, minerals, and to fuel , while excess capital sought profitable outlets abroad amid slowing domestic returns. This period saw a shift from informal influence to formal , with European states claiming nearly 90% of Africa's territory by 1900, excluding and . A pivotal event was the of 1884–1885, convened by German Chancellor to regulate European claims in Africa and avert conflict among powers. Attended by representatives from 14 nations, including Britain, France, Portugal, and the , the conference established rules for effective occupation, requiring powers to demonstrate control over claimed territories through treaties or military presence, and formalized free navigation on the Congo and rivers. Outcomes accelerated the , leading to rapid partitions: France acquired vast West African holdings, Britain consolidated Egypt in 1882 and expanded into East Africa, Germany seized territories like (now ) and Tanganyika, while King personally controlled the , an area 76 times larger than , exploiting it for ivory and rubber through forced labor systems that caused millions of deaths. In Asia, high imperialism involved consolidating existing footholds and new incursions; Britain formalized control over via the after the 1857 rebellion, while completed the conquest of Indochina by 1885, and spheres of influence were imposed on China following the , with acquiring Kiaochow Bay in 1898. Economic mechanisms included chartered companies and direct administration, fostering like over 40,000 miles of railways in British by 1914 and extensive telegraph networks in to facilitate resource extraction and administration. These developments integrated colonies into global trade, boosting European GDP growth—British exports to empire rose from 15% in 1870 to 44% by 1913—though benefits accrued disproportionately to metropoles, with colonial economies oriented toward primary exports and limited industrialization. Ideological justifications drew on and , portraying expansion as a to spread , commerce, and governance to "backward" societies, as articulated by figures like in "" (1899). However, empirical outcomes included both modernization—such as vaccination campaigns reducing disease mortality—and severe disruptions, including famines in exacerbated by export-focused agriculture and genocidal campaigns like the German suppression of the Herero and Nama in 1904–1908, which killed up to 100,000. By 1914, European empires controlled approximately 84% of the globe's land surface, setting the stage for inter-imperial rivalries contributing to .

20th-Century Colonialism and World Wars

Entering the 20th century, controlled approximately 84% of the Earth's land surface outside , with Britain, , , , , and the administering vast territories in , , and the Pacific. These empires provided essential resources and manpower that became critical during the . In , colonial subjects supplied raw materials, food, and financial support to metropolitan efforts, while at least four million non-white troops from Allied and Central Powers territories served in combat and labor roles. The alone mobilized over three million soldiers and laborers from its dominions and colonies, including significant contingents from , , and the , which fought in theaters from to the . The war's conclusion in 1918 redistributed German and Ottoman colonies through the League of Nations mandate system, transferring territories such as (to Britain) and (divided between and Britain) to Allied administration rather than outright , though in practice these operated similarly to colonies. and Britain expanded their holdings, with gaining mandates over and , and Britain over , Transjordan, and , incorporating them into imperial frameworks. This reconfiguration temporarily strengthened victorious empires, but wartime mobilization exposed colonial subjects to metropolitan ideals of , fueling early nationalist movements, such as in where promises of reform post-war were unmet, leading to unrest like the 1919 Massacre. During the interwar period, colonial administrations maintained extractive economies, with forced labor and resource exports sustaining metropolitan recovery amid the Great Depression. World War II intensified reliance on colonies; the British Empire contributed manpower and materiel pivotal from 1939 to 1942, including over 2.5 million troops from India alone and raw materials from African territories like rubber, minerals, and foodstuffs. French colonies under Vichy control supplied resources to Axis powers until Allied liberation, while Japan seized European holdings in Southeast Asia, exploiting oil from Dutch East Indies and rubber from Malaya to fuel its war machine. These contributions strained imperial control, as colonial troops gained combat experience and exposure to anti-colonial ideologies, while the wars' devastation—financial bankruptcy, infrastructure damage, and loss of over 10 million European lives—eroded the capacity to suppress growing independence demands. By 1945, colonial empires spanned similar extents as in 1914 but faced unprecedented internal challenges, setting the stage for postwar dissolution.

Decolonization Era (1945–1975)

The Decolonization Era from 1945 to 1975 marked the rapid dismantling of European colonial empires, driven primarily by the exhaustion of metropolitan powers after , rising nationalist movements, and geopolitical pressures from the and , which opposed continued European dominance to expand their own influence. European countries like Britain, , and the faced severe economic strain and military overextension, rendering sustained colonial administration untenable without domestic support. Nationalist leaders, often educated in Western institutions, mobilized mass resistance, leveraging wartime promises of such as those in the Atlantic Charter. In Asia, decolonization began swiftly: India achieved independence on August 15, 1947, through negotiations amid communal violence that partitioned the subcontinent into and , resulting in over 1 million deaths and 14 million displaced. declared independence in 1945, securing it by 1949 after a four-year conflict with Dutch forces involving and U.S. diplomatic pressure on the . saw the defeat at Dien Bien Phu in 1954, leading to the Accords that divided and granted independence to and , though this sowed seeds for further conflict. By 1960, most Asian colonies had transitioned to sovereignty, often via negotiated transfers rather than outright conquest. Africa experienced a surge in independences, particularly the "Year of Africa" in 1960 when 17 nations, including , , and , gained autonomy from and Britain. Ghana's 1957 independence under set a precedent for peaceful transitions in . However, violent struggles defined cases like the (1954–1962), where the Front de Libération Nationale (FLN) waged against , culminating in over 1 million casualties, widespread torture, and France's eventual withdrawal in 1962 after domestic political crisis. Portugal resisted until the 1974 prompted withdrawals from , , and by 1975, often amid civil wars. The ' 1960 Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples accelerated the process by affirming as a right, though enforcement relied on great power consensus. Overall, approximately 36 new states emerged in and between 1945 and 1960, with the total exceeding 80 by the era's end, fundamentally reshaping global demographics and power structures. Many newly independent states inherited arbitrary borders and weak institutions, leading to ethnic conflicts, authoritarian regimes, and ; for instance, Congo's 1960 independence rapidly devolved into and foreign interventions, highlighting the challenges of rapid without robust governance foundations. Superpower rivalry during the often filled colonial vacuums with proxy conflicts, as in and , prolonging instability rather than fostering development. Empirical assessments indicate that while political was achieved, sustained proved elusive in many cases, with per capita incomes in declining relative to global averages post-independence due to mismanagement, , and commodity dependence.

Post-Colonial and Contemporary Manifestations

Following formal , which largely concluded by 1975 with the of Portuguese colonies such as and , many former colonies experienced persistent economic dependencies on their ex-metropoles, manifesting as neo-colonialism through indirect mechanisms like , aid conditionality, and structures. These dependencies often preserved , where primary exports from the Global financed manufactured imports from the , limiting industrialization and perpetuating vulnerability to global price fluctuations. Empirical analyses indicate that post-colonial patterns retained colonial-era , with exports from many African and Asian states concentrated in former imperial markets, constraining diversification. A prominent example is the zone, encompassing 14 nations in West and , where the currency remains pegged to the and historically required central banks to deposit 50% of foreign reserves with the French until partial reforms in 2019–2020. This arrangement, inherited from colonial monetary unions, ensures currency stability but correlates with subdued rates averaging 3–4% annually in CFA countries from 2000–2020, compared to higher volatility but faster expansion in non-pegged peers, while facilitating French corporate dominance in sectors like and . Critics, including African economists, contend it enforces fiscal discipline favoring French interests over local investment, as evidenced by the zone's external reserves exceeding €20 billion held in as of 2018, yet remains limited. Reforms mandating reserve deposits to regional banks have not eliminated French oversight via the , sustaining accusations of enduring influence. International financial institutions amplified these dynamics through programs (SAPs) from the 1980s onward, applied to over 100 developing countries via IMF and World Bank loans conditioning aid on , , and fiscal . Cross-national studies reveal SAPs reduced elasticity by imposing cuts to social spending, with participating countries experiencing 1–2% lower GDP growth in the short term (1980–1990s) and heightened inequality, as measured by Gini coefficients rising by 5–10 points in . While IMF evaluations attribute partial growth recoveries (e.g., 0.5–1% annual gains post-1990s) to policy stabilization, independent assessments link persistent underdevelopment to eroded public services and increased , reaching 100% of GDP in many low-income states by 2000. Contemporary manifestations extend to resource extraction and geopolitical leverage, where multinational firms from former colonial powers—such as British and French companies in African mining—control 60–80% of output in nations like the Democratic Republic of Congo and Zambia, repatriating profits amid local revenue losses estimated at $1.7 trillion globally from 2000–2018 via illicit flows. Military pacts, including French bases in Djibouti and the Sahel hosting 5,000–7,000 troops as of 2023, underpin these arrangements, ostensibly for counterterrorism but enabling intervention in resource-rich zones. In Asia, analogous patterns appear in debt-financed infrastructure, though often reframed as South-South cooperation, with Western NGOs and bilateral aid influencing policy in ways echoing colonial paternalism, as seen in conditional support for governance reforms tied to extractive concessions. Cultural and institutional legacies further embed these influences, with English and French dominating legal, educational, and administrative systems in 80% of former colonies, facilitating elite ties to metropoles but hindering vernacular innovation. Migration flows, driven by these disparities, result in remittances exceeding $80 billion annually to by 2022, yet brain drain depletes skilled labor, reinforcing dependency cycles. Empirical legacies include elevated civil risks in settler-colonial heirs, with colonial boundary arbitrariness correlating to 20–30% higher conflict incidence post-1945. These patterns underscore causal continuities from extractive , though local agency and global shifts, such as rising intra-African (15% of total by 2023), challenge absolute .

Motivations and Mechanisms

Economic Drivers

The economic drivers of colonialism were rooted in prevalent in from the 16th to 18th centuries, which emphasized accumulating precious metals like and silver to enhance national power and wealth through a favorable . Under , colonies served as exclusive suppliers of raw materials—such as timber, , and —to the metropole at low costs, while functioning as protected markets for exporting manufactured goods, thereby minimizing imports from rivals and maximizing exports. This system, enforced through policies like Britain's of 1651 and subsequent measures, restricted colonial trade to vessels of the mother country and imposed tariffs on foreign goods to shield domestic industries. European states viewed colonial expansion as essential for economic dominance, with colonies treated as extensions of national wealth extraction rather than self-sustaining entities. In the early modern period, the quest for direct access to lucrative Asian spices—pepper, nutmeg, cloves, and cinnamon—drove initial explorations, as European demand far exceeded supply controlled by Middle Eastern intermediaries and the Venetian monopoly. Portugal's voyages, beginning with Vasco da Gama's 1498 route to India, aimed to bypass Ottoman-controlled land paths and secure these high-value commodities, which could yield profits up to 14,000% on initial investments in some cases. Similarly, Spain's conquests in the Americas from 1492 onward targeted gold and silver; the Potosí silver mines in Bolivia alone produced an estimated 45,000 tons of silver between 1545 and 1800, fueling Spain's economy and global trade. These pursuits were explicitly profit-oriented, with monarchs granting explorers like Christopher Columbus licenses promising shares of discovered riches. Joint-stock companies revolutionized colonial economics by pooling investor capital for high-risk ventures, granting monopolies, and wielding quasi-sovereign powers including military force to enforce trade dominance. The (VOC), chartered in 1602 as the world's first publicly traded multinational, controlled from , achieving annual profits exceeding 18% in peak years through fortified trading posts and conquests like the 1623 massacre to secure exclusivity. The English East India Company (EIC), established in 1600, similarly expanded into textiles, , and in and , generating revenues that by 1757 funded territorial control via private armies. These entities limited investor liability to , enabling sustained operations that integrated trade with territorial acquisition for resource monopolies. By the 19th century, amid industrialization, economic imperatives shifted toward securing raw materials for factories—cotton from and the American South, rubber from —and establishing captive markets to absorb surplus goods, as seen in Britain's forcing open Chinese ports after 1839. economies, reliant on coerced labor including the transatlantic slave peaking at 12.5 million Africans forcibly transported by 1867, produced cash crops like sugar, which comprised 80% of Britain's colonial import value in the . These drivers prioritized metropolitan enrichment, often at the expense of local economies, substantiating mercantilism's zero-sum view of global wealth.

Geopolitical and Military Imperatives

European colonial expansion was propelled by the imperative to control maritime trade routes and strategic chokepoints, enabling powers to project naval force and deny advantages to competitors. Portugal's early 16th-century Estado da Índia exemplified this, with fortified enclaves at Goa (1510), Hormuz (1507), and Malacca (1511) securing dominance over Indian Ocean commerce and circumventing Ottoman land monopolies on Asian spices. These positions facilitated naval victories, such as at Diu in 1509, where Portuguese galleons overwhelmed a Gujarat-Ottoman alliance, establishing de facto control over key sea lanes until Dutch incursions in the 17th century. In the , geopolitical rivalry intensified, with colonies acquired preemptively to preserve Europe's balance of power amid industrial and nationalist pressures. The from circa 1880 reflected fears that territorial vacuums would empower adversaries; Britain seized in 1882 to protect the Canal's link to , while linked Algerian holdings to the to forestall British encirclement. The (1884–1885), initiated by to regulate claims and avert war among attendees including Britain, , and , partitioned the continent's unclaimed regions, prioritizing European stability over indigenous sovereignty. Military necessities underscored these pursuits, as overseas bases sustained global naval operations critical for deterrence and commerce protection. Alfred Thayer Mahan's 1890 analysis linked to colonial networks, arguing they generated wealth cycles reinforcing fleets; Britain's (secured 1713) guarded Mediterranean exits, (1839) the Red Sea approach, and (1819) the Malacca Strait, forming a chain of coaling stations indispensable for steam-era mobility. Such assets not only projected force but secured raw materials like rubber and , vital for sustaining expeditionary armies against both rivals and local resistance.

Ideological and Cultural Rationales

European colonial powers in the Age of Discovery frequently invoked religious imperatives to legitimize territorial expansion and subjugation, framing conquest as a divine mandate to propagate Christianity. In 1493, Pope Alexander VI issued the papal bull Inter Caetera, granting Spain exclusive rights to colonize and evangelize lands west of a meridian 100 leagues west of the Azores and Cape Verde Islands, thereby providing doctrinal sanction for the conquest of the Americas under the rationale of converting indigenous populations to Catholicism. This religious justification intertwined with the Spanish Requerimiento of 1513, a proclamation read to native peoples demanding submission to the Spanish crown and the Catholic Church, with refusal interpreted as grounds for enslavement and seizure of lands as punishment for idolatry. Portuguese explorers similarly received papal endorsement through bulls like Romanus Pontifex (1455), authorizing the subjugation of African coastal regions to combat Islam and facilitate missionary work, which underpinned the establishment of trading forts and early slave raids. By the , as secular ideologies gained prominence amid Enlightenment influences and declining overt religious fervor, colonial rationales shifted toward a "civilizing mission" predicated on European cultural and moral superiority. French imperial doctrine formalized this in the mission civilisatrice, articulated by figures like in his 1885 speech to the French , asserting that fulfilled a duty to extend republican values, education, and infrastructure to "inferior races" in , , and Indochina, where assimilation policies aimed to transform subjects into French citizens through language and legal imposition. British justifications echoed this paternalism, exemplified by Rudyard Kipling's 1899 poem "," which portrayed as a sacrificial obligation for advanced civilizations to uplift "sullen peoples, half-devil and half-child" in places like and by suppressing local customs deemed barbaric, such as widow-burning or intertribal warfare, while introducing railways, , and administrative order. These cultural rationales increasingly drew on pseudoscientific frameworks, including , which applied evolutionary principles to human societies to argue that European dominance reflected natural selection's favor toward industrially advanced, racially "fit" populations. Proponents like invoked such ideas in the late to defend British expansion in , claiming it accelerated global progress by extending Anglo-Saxon governance and to stagnant regions. While these ideologies masked self-interested exploitation, they genuinely motivated administrators and missionaries who documented efforts to eradicate practices like human sacrifice in the Congo or infanticide in as moral imperatives, often citing measurable outcomes such as rising literacy rates under colonial systems by the early .

Forms and Variations

Settler Colonialism

Settler colonialism refers to a distinct form of colonial expansion in which immigrant populations establish permanent settlements with the intent to supplant indigenous societies, transforming the into a homeland for the settlers and their descendants. Unlike extractive colonialism, which prioritizes resource removal while maintaining minimal European presence, settler colonialism seeks demographic replacement and land control, often through policies of elimination that include displacement, assimilation, or extermination of native groups. This process is characterized as a enduring beyond initial conquest, embedding settler dominance in institutions, laws, and economies. Prominent historical instances occurred in the , , , and during the 17th to 19th centuries. In , English settlers in regions like (founded 1607) and (Plymouth 1620) expanded through land grants and conflicts, reducing indigenous land holdings from near-total control to fragmented reservations by the late 1800s; for example, the U.S. of 1830 forcibly relocated tens of thousands of Native Americans, resulting in approximately 4,000 deaths during the . Spanish colonization in from the 1490s integrated some indigenous labor but prioritized settler societies in areas like and , where systems granted land and tribute rights, leading to indigenous population declines estimated at 80-90% from 50-100 million in 1492 to under 10 million by 1600, primarily due to diseases like . In , British settlement began in 1788 under the doctrine of , declaring the continent legally unoccupied despite Aboriginal presence; by 1901, indigenous populations had fallen from around 750,000 to 93,000 due to violence, disease, and dispossession, with settlers claiming over 90% of arable land for . Mechanisms of settler colonialism included legal frameworks favoring immigrants, such as homesteading laws in the U.S. (e.g., Homestead Act of 1862 distributing 270 million acres) and crown grants in , alongside military campaigns and broken treaties. Indigenous resistance, like the Maori Wars in (1845-1872), occasionally secured partial recognition, as in the (1840), but overall, settler majorities achieved sovereignty; New Zealand's European population grew from a few hundred in 1800 to over 1 million by 1900, comprising 56% of the total. Empirical data indicate that while intentional violence contributed—e.g., U.S. wars killing 30,000-100,000 natives between 1775-1890—disease epidemics caused the bulk of demographic collapse, with causal factors rooted in biological vulnerability rather than solely deliberate policy. Scholarly analyses, often from indigenous studies, emphasize eliminatory intent, though primary records show mixed motives including economic opportunity and security. Long-term legacies include enduring land tenure disparities and cultural erosion; in Canada, reserves encompass only 0.2% of land despite treaties covering larger areas, while settler economies industrialized on appropriated resources. These patterns contrast with non-settler colonies like India, where European populations remained under 0.1% and rule was extractive without replacement. Academic discourse on settler colonialism, prevalent since the 2000s, draws from theorists like Patrick Wolfe, but empirical verification relies on archival demographics and legal histories rather than interpretive frameworks alone.

Extractive and Plantation Colonialism

Extractive colonialism refers to systems where colonial powers prioritized the removal of raw materials and labor surplus from territories with minimal investment in sustainable local institutions or infrastructure, often establishing "extractive states" that concentrated power to facilitate resource outflows to the metropole. This approach contrasted with settler models by limiting European migration and focusing on coerced indigenous or imported labor for commodities like minerals, rubber, and timber. A prime example was the Belgian Congo under King Leopold II's personal rule from 1885 to 1908, where the territory's vast rubber reserves were exploited through a concession system granting monopolies to private companies backed by the Force Publique militia. Enforcement involved punitive quotas, hostage-taking of villages, and hand amputations for non-compliance, resulting in widespread demographic collapse estimated at several million deaths from violence, starvation, and disease. Similar extractive practices occurred in the under the (1830–1870), where Javanese peasants were compelled to allocate 20% of their land and labor to export crops like and , generating revenues equivalent to a third of the ' national budget by the 1840s. This system, implemented via local elites () to minimize administrative costs, extracted surplus through fixed prices far below market rates, leading to soil degradation and famines, such as the 1840s Java epidemic that killed over 100,000. In , extractive colonialism targeted , rubber, and from the late 19th century, using labor under the "shooting license" system where taxes were payable only in commodities, fostering cycles of debt and forced migration. Plantation colonialism, a subset emphasizing monocultural estates for high-value exports, relied on large-scale coerced labor to produce cash crops such as , , , and , transforming tropical regions into specialized production zones integrated into global trade networks. Originating with sugar plantations in and São Tomé in the , the model expanded to the , where by the , islands like hosted over 300 sugar works employing 20,000 enslaved Africans by 1660, exporting that comprised 80% of England's colonial re-exports. In the British , plantations in and utilized smaller slaveholdings of 10–20 workers per estate, yielding 30 million pounds annually by 1770, while plantations in the U.S. South exploded post-1793 gin invention, producing 4 million bales by 1860 from 4 million enslaved laborers. Brazilian sugar estates, established from 1530, dominated global production until the , with Bahia's engenhos processing cane via water-powered mills and slave gangs, fueling Portugal's economy through transatlantic exchanges. These systems generated substantial metropolitan wealth—British sugar imports rose tenfold from 380,000 in the early 1700s to millions by century's end, underpinning industrial —yet imposed severe human and ecological costs, including exhaustion, dependency on single crops, and labor regimes that treated workers as disposable assets. The transatlantic slave trade supplied 12.5 million Africans to s between 1500 and 1866, with mortality rates exceeding 15% during voyages, while post-arrival conditions on sugar estates yielded life expectancies under 10 years for field slaves due to and . Despite biases in academic narratives emphasizing exploitation—often amplified by institutions with ideological leanings toward anti-colonial critiques—empirical records confirm profitability drove expansion, with output forming the backbone of European until abolition shifts in the . Long-term legacies include uneven from export routes but persistent institutional extractiveness hindering diversification.

Indirect Rule and Protectorates

was a colonial administrative strategy primarily employed by the , whereby governance was exercised through existing indigenous political structures and local rulers rather than direct European control. This approach delegated authority to traditional leaders, such as emirs in Northern , who collected taxes, enforced laws, and maintained order under the oversight of British residents or district officers. The system minimized the need for extensive British administrative personnel, reducing costs and administrative burdens in vast territories. The policy's origins trace to Frederick Lugard's experiences in and , particularly the Buganda Agreement of 1900, which formalized British influence over the Kingdom of through its kabaka while preserving local hierarchies. Lugard, as of Northern from 1900, implemented systematically after the 1903 conquest of territories, extending it southward by 1914 upon the amalgamation of 's protectorates. In his 1922 publication The Dual Mandate in British Tropical , Lugard articulated the rationale: colonial powers held a dual obligation to exploit resources for metropolitan benefit while advancing native welfare through minimal interference in customary systems. Empirical assessments indicate facilitated stability in ethnically diverse regions by aligning with precolonial centralization levels, though it often empowered unrepresentative warrant chiefs in decentralized societies like , entrenching authoritarianism. Protectorates complemented by establishing formal protector-protectorate relationships, where the protecting power assumed responsibility for external defense and while allowing internal via local elites. In the , this status applied to territories like the (proclaimed 1900) and Uganda Protectorate (1894), where treaties with rulers ceded foreign affairs control but retained domestic autonomy under indirect oversight. Similar arrangements existed in , such as the Malay states (e.g., Treaty of 1874), where British Residents advised sultans on policy without abolishing native courts. French usage differed, often imposing more assimilationist elements in protectorates like (1881) and (1912), though still retaining some monarchical structures. In practice, protectorates under indirect rule achieved administrative efficiency, as seen in Northern Nigeria where emirs administered justice via alkali courts, collecting over 80% of revenues locally by the 1920s with fewer than 50 British officers for millions of subjects. However, this preserved precolonial inequalities and resisted reforms, contributing to post-independence challenges like elite capture in governance, as evidenced by comparative studies showing indirect rule correlated with weaker state centralization in formerly decentralized areas. Unlike direct rule in French West Africa, which centralized bureaucracy and eroded local institutions, British indirect methods in protectorates like Sierra Leone (1896–1961) sustained ethnic divisions but enabled rapid pacification post-conquest. Overall, these mechanisms prioritized fiscal prudence and order over transformative governance, influencing long-term institutional persistence.

Empirical Impacts

Economic Growth and Trade Networks

European colonial expansion from the onward established extensive transoceanic trade networks that connected , , , and the , fundamentally reshaping global commerce and contributing to accelerated in metropolitan powers. Atlantic trade, particularly following the discovery of the in 1492, enabled countries with coastal access—such as , , the , Britain, and —to realize substantial gains through the export of commodities like silver, spices, , and later , which fueled industrialization and . Empirical analyses indicate that this trade accounted for a significant portion of Western Europe's post-1500 economic divergence, with Atlantic-oriented economies experiencing per capita income growth rates up to 0.2-0.3% annually higher than inland counterparts, driven by inflows of New World silver and Asian goods that expanded money supplies and stimulated domestic markets. Chartered trading companies exemplified the institutional mechanisms underpinning these networks, monopolizing routes and generating profits that reinvested into European economies. The (VOC), founded in 1602 as the world's first publicly traded multinational, dominated from , yielding average annual dividends of 18% between 1602 and 1696, which underpinned the by financing shipping, banking, and fiscal innovations. Similarly, the British , established in 1600, expanded tea, textiles, and opium trades, contributing an estimated 5-10% to Britain's national income by the through triangular commerce involving and the . These entities lowered transaction costs via fortified outposts and naval protection, doubling intra-empire trade volumes between 1870 and 1913 compared to non-colonial baselines. In colonized regions, integration into these networks often prioritized extractive exports over local development, yet fostered some through specialization in cash crops and minerals. Plantations in the and shifted indigenous and enslaved labor toward monocultures like , , and , boosting export values—for instance, British colonial production rose from negligible levels in 1650 to supplying 80% of Europe's consumption by 1800, integrating peripheral economies into global division of labor. However, causal assessments reveal limited spillovers to broad-based growth in many African and Asian colonies, where metropolitan policies maximized resource outflows, constraining domestic reinvestment and yielding dependency patterns rather than sustained gains. Overall, these networks multiplied global volumes severalfold from 1500 to 1800, laying foundations for modern despite uneven distributional effects.

Institutional Legacies and Governance

Colonial administrations transplanted European-style structures, including centralized bureaucracies, codified legal systems, and property rights frameworks, which shaped post-independence state capacities in many territories. In colonies like those in and , Europeans established institutions emphasizing checks on executive power and secure property rights, fostering long-term economic and political stability. Extractive colonies, particularly in tropical regions with high European mortality rates, received institutions prioritizing revenue extraction over broad inclusivity, often relying on local intermediaries under . These differences persisted, influencing modern metrics such as and government effectiveness. Empirical analysis exploiting variation in pre-colonial settler mortality rates—lower in temperate zones, higher in disease-prone —demonstrates that locations with inclusive colonial institutions exhibit higher GDP today, with institutional quality explaining up to 75% of income differences among former colonies. , Simon Johnson, and James A. Robinson's 2001 study found that where mortality was low (e.g., under 100 deaths per 1,000 settlers annually), colonizers invested in protective institutions like independent judiciaries; high-mortality areas (over 250 per 1,000) saw extractive setups, correlating with weaker post-colonial governance and lower growth rates of 1-2% annually in institutional quality-adjusted models. This "" pattern holds after controlling for geography and initial prosperity, underscoring causal persistence of institutional endowments over cultural or resource factors. Comparisons between British and French colonial models reveal divergent legacies in and . British , implemented in over 70% of sub-Saharan African territories by 1930, delegated authority to pre-existing chiefs and ethnic structures, preserving local hierarchies but enabling post-independence continuity in decentralized governance and reducing outright risks. French , applied more uniformly (e.g., in and ), dismantled indigenous polities in favor of assimilationist bureaucracies, leading to centralized but brittle post-colonial states prone to coups—evident in 15 French colonies experiencing regime changes by 1970 versus 8 British ones. Yet, British systems sometimes entrenched among local elites, as chiefs gained unchecked revenue powers without accountability, contributing to uneven rule-of-law scores in places like . Legal system transplants further mediated governance outcomes: former British colonies adopted traditions emphasizing judicial precedent and adaptability, associating with 0.5-1 standard deviation higher scores in World Bank rule-of-law indicators compared to civil law origins from French or rule. This stems from common law's flexibility in enforcing contracts, which supported growth and constrained arbitrary executive actions post-independence. In contrast, civil law's codified rigidity, rooted in state-centric Napoleonic models, correlated with weaker in and , facilitating authoritarian consolidation. These effects endure, with legal origin explaining 20-30% of variance in contemporary perceptions indices across 150 countries. Overall, colonial governance legacies facilitated in inclusive contexts—evidenced by higher scores in low-mortality ex-colonies—but exacerbated fragility where extractive institutions predominated, interacting with local ethnic fractionalization to hinder effective administration. Studies confirm that better-paid colonial governors (e.g., British salaries averaging £5,000 annually in the versus French equivalents) invested in durable bureaucracies, yielding 15-20% higher institutional metrics today. However, post-colonial agency often amplified or distorted these foundations, as leaders in weakly institutionalized states repurposed central apparatuses for rather than public goods provision.

Technological and Infrastructural Advancements

Colonial powers constructed extensive transportation and communication networks in their territories to enable resource extraction, military mobility, and administrative control, resulting in the introduction of modern absent in pre-colonial systems. In under British rule, the railway network expanded from 838 miles in 1860 to 15,842 miles by 1880, primarily linking inland regions to ports like Bombay, Calcutta, and Madras for efficient goods transport. This system, initiated with the first 20-mile line from Bombay to Thana in 1853, facilitated and long-term patterns. Similar developments occurred in , where colonial railroads, such as those in British East Africa and the , connected resource-rich interiors to coastal export points, totaling over 40,000 kilometers by 1930 across the continent and promoting path-dependent urban growth around rail hubs. Roads and ports underwent parallel modernization; in colonial India, early efforts included dak roads for mail and troop movement from the late , evolving into metaled highways totaling thousands of miles by the early . European colonies in and saw port expansions, such as Manila's upgrades under Spanish and American rule from 1880 to 1908, incorporating lighthouses and to handle steamship traffic. Telegraph lines, introduced in the 1860s, spanned by over 10,000 miles by 1880, linking administrative centers and enabling rapid crisis response, while similar networks in connected to interior outposts by the 1890s. These infrastructures, though extractive in intent, embedded durable engineering standards that outlasted colonial rule. Technological transfers included steam-powered machinery, modern , and systems adapted for colonial needs. In and , European colonizers disseminated , bridge construction, and techniques, such as India's extensive networks built from the onward, which irrigated millions of acres and boosted . technologies, including steam pumps and rail haulage, were applied in African colonies like the Gold Coast, enhancing output of gold and diamonds from the late . and innovations, such as quinine prophylaxis against , were deployed to sustain European presence but also reduced endemic disease burdens in urban colonial centers. Empirical analyses indicate these introductions accelerated technological diffusion, with colonial railways contributing up to 1.5% annual GDP growth in India from 1860 to 1912 through lowered transport costs. However, adoption was uneven, concentrated along export corridors rather than uniformly benefiting hinterlands.

Health, Demography, and Disease Dynamics

The arrival of Europeans in the initiated a catastrophic demographic among indigenous populations primarily due to exposure to diseases such as , , , and , to which Amerindians lacked immunity. Estimates indicate that between and , approximately 56 million indigenous people perished, representing a population reduction of up to 90% in affected regions. This "Great Dying" facilitated European settlement by depopulating vast territories, with pre-contact populations in the estimated at 50-100 million declining to around 5-10 million by the mid-17th century. In contrast, disease dynamics in Afro-Eurasian colonies were less demographically devastating, as local populations possessed partial immunity from prior Eurasian epidemics, though new strains and vectors still caused significant mortality. The transmitted diseases bidirectionally, with originating in the Americas and spreading to , but Old World pathogens like plague and exacerbated vulnerabilities in densely populated Asian and African regions without triggering total collapse. Colonial records document recurrent epidemics, such as outbreaks in during the , yet overall population trajectories shifted toward growth after initial disruptions, aided by gradual immunological and administrative responses. European colonial administrations introduced biomedical interventions that mitigated disease burdens and spurred demographic recovery. Vaccination campaigns, beginning with Edward Jenner's method adopted in British from the early 1800s, reduced mortality from epidemics; by the late 19th century, routine inoculations in colonies like and curbed outbreaks that previously killed millions. In , prophylaxis enabled control of among European troops and settlers from the mid-19th century, indirectly lowering transmission rates through reduced human-vector contact in controlled areas. reforms, including urban water systems and protocols in cities like Bombay and Calcutta, decreased and , contributing to fertility outpacing death rates. These measures underpinned population expansions in non-settler colonies. India's population grew from approximately 165 million in 1700 to 359 million by 1950, with accelerated increases during the (1858-1947) despite famines, reflecting declining mortality from infectious diseases. In , colonial-era populations stagnated or declined initially due to slave trade residuals and epizootics in the 1890s, but rebounded modestly from 1890 onward, reaching sustained growth by the 1920s through imported veterinary and practices. in British India hovered around 25-30 years in the early , low by European standards but indicative of stabilization amid endemic threats, with targeted interventions like anti-malarial efforts yielding localized gains. Demographic shifts also involved migration and labor dynamics, with coerced movements amplifying transmission but eventually integrating hygienic standards from metropolitan models. In settler colonies like , indigenous populations declined by 50-90% post-contact due to similar viral introductions, yet total colonial populations exploded through European and higher survival rates enabled by imported . Overall, while initial phases emphasized mortality shocks, colonial health regimes—prioritizing economic viability—fostered long-term demographic resilience via empirical applications, though unevenly distributed across racial lines.

Social and Cultural Dimensions

Population Movements and Labor Systems

![Slaves working on a plantation](./assets/Slaves_working_on_a_plantation_-Ten_Views_in_the_Island_of_Antigua18231823 Colonial labor systems relied heavily on coerced movements to supply workers for s, mines, and in the , , and . The transatlantic slave trade, operating from the early 16th to mid-19th century, forcibly embarked approximately 12.5 million Africans, with around 10.7 million disembarking in the after accounting for mortality rates of 15-20% during voyages. This system primarily served , , and cotton plantations in (receiving about 45% of arrivals), the , and , where enslaved labor generated substantial export revenues for European powers. In settler colonies, European migration provided a mix of voluntary and indentured workers. Between 1500 and 1800, roughly 2.5 million Europeans migrated to the , including indentured servants who comprised up to 75% of arrivals in during the 17th century, often serving 4-7 year terms before gaining land or freedom. Mass voluntary accelerated in the , with over 50 million Europeans moving to the , , and between 1815 and 1930, driven by economic opportunities and land availability in colonies like the and , where arrivals tripled the population during gold rushes from 1851 to 1860. Post-slavery abolition in the (1833-1838), indentured labor from sustained plantation economies. From 1834 to 1917, Britain transported about 1.5 million Indians to colonies including (one-third of total), Trinidad, , and , under contracts typically lasting 5-10 years with provisions for return passage, though high mortality and deceptive recruitment rendered conditions akin to bondage. Chinese "coolie" labor, involving coercive contracts, supplied around 150,000 to and 100,000 to between the 1840s and 1870s for guano mining and production, with voyage death rates exceeding 20% in some cases due to overcrowding and abuse. In African colonies, forced labor systems extracted resources without large-scale translocation. The Belgian Congo Free State (1885-1908) imposed corvée labor for rubber collection, compelling millions of Congolese through quotas enforced by violence, contributing to demographic collapses estimated at several million excess deaths from exhaustion, famine, and reprisals. Portuguese Angola maintained indigenous forced labor until formal abolition in 1962, with annual quotas affecting hundreds of thousands for cotton and diamond extraction, often under private concessions that blurred lines between taxation and slavery.
Migration TypeOriginPrimary DestinationsEstimated ScaleTime Period
Transatlantic SlaveryWest/Central Africa (Brazil, , )12.5 million embarked1501-1866
European Settler/Indentured, 50+ million (19th c. peak)1500-1930
Indian IndentureMauritius, , 1.5 million1834-1917
Chinese Coolie Trade, , 250,000+ to 1840s-1870s
These movements reshaped demographics, with coerced inflows dominating tropical extractive zones while settler flows prevailed in temperate regions, often displacing indigenous populations through land appropriation and .

Cultural Exchanges and Religious Diffusion

The initiated by European voyages from 1492 onward facilitated profound cultural transfers, including the dissemination of crops, livestock, and technologies that reshaped societies across continents. staples like , potatoes, and tomatoes were introduced to , , and , enhancing and supporting ; for instance, potatoes provided a calorie-dense food source that contributed to Europe's demographic expansion from approximately 60 million in 1500 to over 100 million by 1650. Conversely, introductions such as , , horses, and iron tools transformed indigenous American agriculture and warfare, with horses enabling nomadic cultures like the to develop new equestrian lifestyles by the 18th century. These exchanges extended to ideas and practices, as Native Americans adopted European and firearms through , altering traditional economies and social structures. Linguistic diffusion accompanied colonial administration, with European languages imposed for governance, , and , leading to their widespread in former colonies. Spanish and became dominant in over three centuries, with Spanish spoken by over 90% of the population in most countries by in the ; similarly, English, French, and Dutch entrenched in and , where they served as lingua francas post-colonially. This process often marginalized indigenous tongues, though exploitation colonies preserved more native languages compared to ones, where European languages displaced locals almost entirely. shifted via , as indigenous groups integrated European textiles, tools, and alcohol, while colonists adapted local survival techniques, fostering hybrid practices evident in early colonial interactions. Reverse cultural flows influenced metropolitan societies, as colonial goods and habits permeated ; tobacco from the popularized culture across the continent by the , while Indian rituals evolved into a British staple after the Company's trade dominance from the 1600s. Culinary fusions emerged, with and spices enriching European diets, and later echoes in dishes like Dutch rijsttafel blending Indonesian flavors with European presentation during the VOC era in the 17th-18th centuries. These imports not only boosted economies but also subtly altered social customs, such as the adoption of exotic botanicals in and . Religious diffusion primarily involved the expansion of through efforts tied to colonial expansion, converting substantial portions of colonial populations. In the , Spanish and missions baptized millions of indigenous people starting in the , establishing Catholicism as the faith of over 90% of Latin America's population by the 1800s; in , European missions from the onward grew Christian adherents from negligible numbers to around 9% by 1900, accelerating post-independence. Protestant denominations spread via British and Dutch efforts in and , with organizations like the Society for the Propagation of active from 1701. While some conversions involved coercion or incentives, many persisted due to perceived benefits like and healthcare, contributing to Christianity's global adherents reaching 2.2 billion today, largely in former colonies. Syncretism arose as colonized peoples blended Christian elements with indigenous beliefs, creating hybrid practices that sustained cultural continuity amid diffusion. In , the 1531 apparition of merged Aztec goddess imagery with Marian devotion, fostering mass conversions among Nahua peoples and symbolizing colonial religious accommodation. Caribbean fused Yoruba orishas with Catholic saints under Spanish rule, while Haitian integrated African spirits with Christian rituals during French colonization. These adaptations often allowed covert preservation of native traditions, though colonial authorities viewed unchecked as heretical, prompting inquisitorial oversight in places like under Portuguese control from 1560. Such fusions highlight causal interplay where adapted to local contexts for broader acceptance, rather than uniform imposition.

Racial, Gender, and Identity Dynamics

Colonial administrations in the Americas, particularly under Spanish and Portuguese rule, implemented formalized racial classification systems such as the sistema de castas, which hierarchically ordered society based on perceived degrees of European ancestry, with peninsulares (Spain-born whites) at the apex, followed by criollos (American-born whites), mestizos (European-indigenous mixes), mulattos (European-African mixes), and indigenous or African populations at the base. These systems, enforced through legal and ecclesiastical records, facilitated resource allocation and social control but also perpetuated inequality, as mixed individuals often faced barriers to elite status despite partial European descent. In British and French colonies in Africa and Asia, less codified but implicit hierarchies positioned Europeans above Asians and above Africans or indigenous groups, structuring labor markets and governance, as evidenced by differential access to education and civil service roles. Miscegenation occurred variably across empires, driven by gender imbalances among European settlers—predominantly male—and local demographics, resulting in significant mixed-race populations in Iberian colonies like and , where fluid intermarriages contrasted with stricter segregation in . In the and , this produced creolization processes, where cultural and biological hybridity fostered new identities, such as mestizo self-conceptions that blended indigenous and European elements, often romanticized post-independence as national symbols despite colonial-era stigmatization. Empirical records from colonial censuses indicate that by the , mixed-race groups comprised substantial portions of populations in these regions, influencing but reinforcing hierarchies through colorism, where lighter skin conferred advantages. In contrast, British policies in and increasingly discouraged interracial unions after the mid-, via social norms and laws like the 1865 Englishwoman's Marriage Act indirectly limiting such dynamics. Gender dynamics intertwined with racial structures, as European men frequently entered concubinage or informal unions with indigenous or African women, producing offspring integrated variably into colonial societies, while European women, arriving later in larger numbers, enforced racial endogamy and domestic ideals that marginalized colonized women from public spheres. In North American colonies, indigenous and African women played central roles in economic production, including trade and agriculture, yet faced heightened exploitation under patriarchal colonial laws that codified coverture and slavery along gendered lines. Colonial imposition of European gender norms often disrupted pre-existing indigenous matrilineal systems, as in parts of Africa and Asia, where British indirect rule preserved local patriarchies but subordinated women further by prioritizing male intermediaries. In settler frontiers, such as the U.S. West, sparse European female populations initially necessitated interracial alliances for survival, but subsequent influxes rigidified gender roles, entrenching norms of male provision and female domesticity that persisted post-independence. Colonialism catalyzed identity formations by racializing previously fluid ethnic or tribal affiliations, as administrators in used censuses to enumerate and fix "tribes" for , altering self-perceptions and fostering pan-ethnic consciousnesses that fueled later nationalisms. In , British classifications in , such as the 1901 census's enumeration of castes and races, essentialized identities for administrative efficiency, impacting social cohesion and mobility. These dynamics, while enabling divide-and-rule tactics, inadvertently spurred hybrid identities, as in the emergence of Creole elites in the who asserted distinctiveness from both metropolitans and indigenous masses, blending European culture with local adaptations. Postcolonial legacies include enduring color hierarchies and ethnic mobilizations traceable to these categorizations, though empirical studies caution against overattributing modern conflicts solely to colonial inventions, noting pre-existing cleavages amplified rather than created by European rule.

Ideological Perspectives and Debates

Marxist and Dependency Theories

Marxist theories interpret colonialism as an integral phase of capitalist expansion, facilitating primitive accumulation through the violent expropriation of resources and labor from non-capitalist societies to fuel industrial growth in Europe. In Capital (1867), Karl Marx described this process as the "so-called original accumulation," where colonial plunder, including the enclosure of commons and slave trade, provided the initial capital stock necessary for wage labor and manufacturing in the metropole. Marx applied this to British India, viewing colonial disruption of artisanal industries and land systems as destructive yet historically progressive, shattering feudal structures and introducing bourgeois relations that could eventually enable self-sustained development. Vladimir Lenin extended this framework in Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism (1916), characterizing imperialism as monopoly capitalism's final phase, where finance capital exports to colonies yield superprofits by exploiting cheap labor and raw materials, postponing domestic crises but intensifying global rivalries and wars. Lenin argued that colonial division among powers, as formalized at the 1884-1885 , reflected this parasitic stage, with colonies serving as protected markets and investment outlets rather than mere trade appendages. This analysis framed anti-colonial struggles as proxies for , influencing communist parties in colonized regions. Dependency theory, emerging in Latin America during the 1950s-1960s as a neo-Marxist critique, rejected unilinear modernization and emphasized structural continuity from colonial extraction, positing that peripheral economies remain underdeveloped due to asymmetrical integration into the global system. Andre Gunder Frank's The Development of Underdevelopment (1966) contended that metropolis-satellite relations transfer surplus from peripheries via unequal exchange, distorting local economies toward primary exports and inhibiting industrialization. Thinkers like Fernando Henrique Cardoso and Enzo Faletto, in Dependency and Development in Latin America (1979), highlighted internal class alliances—such as comprador elites—with core powers, perpetuating "associated-dependent development" where limited growth benefits elites without broad transformation. Empirical assessments have challenged these theories' causal emphasis on external dependency over internal factors, noting that post-independence growth in East Asian "tiger" economies like (averaging 8% annual GDP growth from 1960-1990) occurred despite heavy reliance on Western markets and aid, contradicting predictions of perpetual stagnation. Similarly, Marxist forecasts of immiseration failed in contexts like , where colonial-era railways and legal institutions contributed to sustained 4-6% growth post-1991 , underscoring and policy as decisive over residual colonial ties. These perspectives, dominant in mid-20th-century academia, often overlooked endogenous barriers like and , attributing disparities solely to historical exploitation despite counterevidence from resource-rich yet poorly governed states.

Liberal, Capitalist, and Developmental Views

Liberal advocates contend that colonialism advanced Enlightenment ideals by implanting institutions of , secure , and the , which fostered long-term governance stability and economic liberty in colonized territories. Historian posits in Empire: How Britain Made the Modern World (2003) that British imperial administration exported English , parliamentary traditions, and anti-corruption mechanisms, enabling post-independence success in entities like and , where these legacies underpinned rapid industrialization and rule-of-law adherence superior to many non-colonized peers. Empirical analyses support this by linking British legal to stronger enforcement and lower expropriation risks today, contrasting with extractive systems in regions under . Capitalist interpretations frame colonialism as a catalyst for global market integration, channeling capital, technology, and entrepreneurial norms to pre-industrial societies, thereby sparking specialization and wealth accumulation. Proponents argue that European trading companies, such as the British East India Company, dismantled mercantilist barriers and introduced wage labor and contract enforcement, laying groundwork for commercial expansion; for example, colonial trade networks doubled intra-empire commerce volumes between 1870 and 1913 through reduced transaction costs and standardized currencies. Ferguson further asserts that imperial financial systems, including railways and ports financed by capital markets, generated multiplier effects, with net capital outflows from Britain to dominions exceeding inflows and stimulating local productivity gains measurable in elevated GDP trajectories post-1850. These dynamics, per this view, refuted autarkic stagnation in and , integrating them into division-of-labor efficiencies akin to those driving Europe's . Developmental perspectives emphasize colonialism's role in human capital formation and infrastructural modernization, crediting it with eradicating endemic inefficiencies and accelerating convergence to Western living standards. Political scientist , in "The Case for Colonialism" (2017), enumerates benefits including rollout, rises from colonial campaigns (e.g., 20-30 year gains in by 1947), and slavery's abolition across 12 million square miles of territory, which unlocked labor mobility and social advancement. correlates colonial governance intensity with post-independence developmental metrics, such as higher and shares in direct-rule areas, attributing these to technocratic bureaucracies that prioritized evidence-based policies over tribal . Cash crop regimes under colonial oversight, meanwhile, yielded persistent positives like expanded road networks and , boosting rural wealth and market access into the . These viewpoints collectively challenge narratives of unmitigated extraction by invoking counterfactuals: without colonial disruption of despotic pre-modern orders, many regions might have languished in Malthusian traps, as evidenced by stagnant pre-contact economies in and yielding near-zero per capita growth over centuries. Ferguson quantifies imperial "" dividends, estimating that Britain's 19th-century investments yielded colonized populations average income doublings relative to autarkic baselines, while Gilley advocates recolonization models for failed states to reinstate such progressive . Critics within academia often dismiss these claims amid prevailing anti-imperial orthodoxies, yet econometric regressions tying colonial-era institutions to contemporary prosperity indices—such as World Bank rule-of-law scores—bolster their causal assertions.

Postcolonial Critiques and Rebuttals

Postcolonial theory, developed primarily by intellectuals from formerly colonized regions or their diasporas, posits that colonialism inflicted profound and enduring epistemic, psychological, and cultural damages beyond mere economic exploitation. , in (1961), described colonial rule as a Manichean division of society into superior settlers and inferior natives, arguing that it engendered a collective requiring revolutionary violence for psychological liberation. Edward Said's Orientalism (1978) extended this by claiming Western representations of non-European societies as static and irrational served to rationalize domination, embedding tropes in literature, policy, and knowledge production that persist in neocolonial forms. These critiques emphasize "" and subaltern voices—concepts from Homi Bhabha—but frame colonialism as the root of global inequalities, dismissing indigenous agency or pre-colonial dysfunctions as irrelevant. Rebuttals to postcolonial theory highlight its reliance on discursive analysis over empirical measurement, often conflating colonial with causal outcomes while ignoring comparative data from non-colonized regions like or , which exhibited similar or worse stagnation. Critics contend the theory's dominance in departments reflects an ideological aversion to quantifying trade-offs, privileging victim narratives that obscure how colonial administrations curbed local tyrannies and introduced accountable . For example, Gilley's "The Case for Colonialism" (2017) marshaled evidence from missionary records, census data, and health metrics showing net improvements in (e.g., from 30-35 years pre-colonially to 40+ by in British ) and literacy rates via expanded schooling, arguing these outweighed extractive costs and prepared territories for self-rule. Gilley noted that post-independence declines often stemmed from adopted socialist policies, not inherited structures, as seen in Zambia's GDP halving after nationalizations in the . Empirical economic histories further undermine blanket indictments by demonstrating selective colonial investments yielded durable gains. In , French colonial primary schools (built 1881-1956) boosted regional by 10-15 percentage points persisting into the , correlating with higher and . Similarly, in , colonial-era railroads and ports facilitated trade integration, with Heldring and Robinson (2012) estimating infrastructure legacies added 1-2% annual growth in settler-heavy areas like versus extractive ones like Congo. , in (2003), attributes the spread of English , property rights, and parliamentary norms to British rule, crediting these for post-colonial successes in places like (where GDP growth accelerated post-1991 liberalization of colonial-era markets) over autocratic alternatives. Such arguments posit that postcolonial woes—e.g., Zimbabwe's under Mugabe—trace more to and anti-market ideologies than to colonial "trauma," as evidenced by variance among ex-colonies: Singapore's prosperity versus Haiti's collapse despite shared slave-trade histories. These rebuttals acknowledge colonial violence, such as the Belgian Congo's forced labor (killing 5-10 million, per Hochschild 1998 estimates), but stress proportionality: European empires demilitarized inter-tribal wars that pre-dated arrival, reducing homicide rates in from 48 to 3.2 per 100,000 under British peace. Postcolonial theory's meta-weakness lies in its ahistorical , treating Western agency as uniquely malign while downplaying Asian or African empires' comparable brutalities (e.g., Mughal famines killing millions). Rigorous , prioritizing causal identification via natural experiments like arbitrary borders, reveals institutions over discourse as development drivers, challenging the field's toward deconstructive critique absent falsifiable predictions.

Assessments and Controversies

Quantifying Net Benefits and Costs

Efforts to quantify the net benefits and costs of colonialism face significant methodological challenges, including the absence of reliable counterfactuals for non-colonized regions and the confounding effects of post-colonial policies, geography, and global trade. Econometric studies often rely on instrumental variables, such as European settler mortality rates during the colonial era (1500–1800), to isolate institutional legacies from other factors. These reveal heterogeneous impacts: in regions with low settler mortality (e.g., , ), colonial powers established inclusive institutions emphasizing property rights and , correlating with higher contemporary GDP ; conversely, high-mortality tropical regions (e.g., , parts of ) received extractive institutions focused on resource appropriation, associated with persistent poverty. According to Acemoglu, Johnson, and Robinson's analysis of 64 former colonies, this institutional channel explains up to 75% of the variance in log GDP today, with low-mortality countries exhibiting roughly seven times higher incomes than high-mortality counterparts. On economic benefits, colonial infrastructure investments facilitated long-term growth in select cases. In under British rule (1858–1947), the construction of over 65,000 kilometers of railways by independence integrated markets, reduced transport costs by up to 90% for bulk goods, and laid foundations for post-1947 industrialization, contributing to annual GDP growth averaging 3.5% from 1950–1980 despite initial . Similarly, in settler colonies like and , land reforms and legal systems transplanted from Europe supported sustained growth exceeding 2% annually from 1870 onward, outpacing many non-colonized peers like or . British former colonies generally outperformed French or Belgian ones in post-independence growth, with average GDP in 2000 about 50% higher, attributed to decentralized and common-law traditions fostering . However, extractive models in yielded net drains: Belgian Congo's rubber extraction (1885–1908) generated minimal local investment, leaving GDP stagnant at under $500 (1990 dollars) by 1960. Health and demographic costs were acute in the short term, particularly from introduced diseases and labor . In the , post-1492 contact with pathogens caused population declines of 80–95% among indigenous groups by 1650, totaling tens of millions of deaths, though not deliberate policy but epidemiological shock. The transatlantic slave trade (1500–1866) forcibly displaced 12.5 million Africans, with 1.8 million perishing en route, imposing intergenerational trauma and disrupting pre-colonial economies. Yet, colonial-era measures yielded quantifiable gains: in , British-introduced and campaigns raised from 25 years in 1870 to 32 by 1947, despite famines claiming 30 million lives (e.g., 1770, ) partly exacerbated by export policies. Across former colonies, higher European settler proportions correlate with 2–5 year increases in modern and 20–30% reductions in , linked to enduring systems. in the (post-1950s) slowed gains by 1–2 years per decade relative to colonial trends, suggesting institutional disruptions outweighed immediate autonomy benefits. Overall net assessments remain contested, with studies varying by scope. For metropoles like Britain, colonial revenues contributed less than 1% to GDP growth during industrialization (), rendering a net fiscal burden after military costs. For colonies, long-run institutional benefits in settler-heavy regions (e.g., +1–2% annual growth premium) often outweighed extraction in low-density areas, while high-density extractive zones show persistent underdevelopment (e.g., 50–65% lower GDP in resistant or indirect-rule territories). Resistance to correlates with 50–65% lower modern incomes, implying acquiescence enabled institution-building. These findings underscore causal realism: benefits accrued via transplanted where feasible, but costs dominated where predation prevailed, with no uniform "net positive" absent context-specific analysis.

Achievements in Human Development

Colonial powers implemented initiatives that introduced Western medical practices, including and control measures, yielding measurable gains in . In French Central Africa, organized campaigns from 1921 to 1956 against sleeping sickness treated affected individuals and curbed transmission through systematic screening and treatment, establishing precedents for large-scale epidemiological interventions. Similarly, , pioneered in and disseminated to colonies, reduced mortality from the disease; in the under U.S. administration, early 20th-century programs vaccinated thousands, integrating into colonial health infrastructure. These efforts, alongside sanitation reforms like and protocols, correlated with lower and higher in regions with greater European administrative presence, where settler populations exceeded 20% of totals, life expectancy rose by several years compared to low-settlement areas. Education systems established under colonial rule laid institutional foundations for literacy and skill acquisition, despite limited enrollment. In British India, public investments in primary schooling from the late onward directly boosted ; a 10% increase in education spending, equivalent to establishing about 44 additional schools, raised rates by 2.6 percentage points among 15- to 20-year-olds. Average years of schooling rose from 0.03 in 1870 to 0.88 by the colonial period's end, with the creation of universities and standardized curricula fostering a cadre of administrators and professionals. In French colonies like , exposure to colonial positively influenced post-independence outcomes, including higher and economic participation among affected cohorts. These systems prioritized basic and vocational training, contributing to formation that persisted beyond independence. Infrastructure projects, particularly transportation networks, enhanced connectivity and economic access, driving improvements in living standards. British authorities constructed over 55,000 kilometers of railways in by 1947, expanding from negligible lengths pre-1850s to integrate markets and enable relief distribution. This network increased India's GDP per capita by an estimated 13.5% through expanded and agricultural productivity, with rail access promoting in previously isolated areas. In sub-Saharan Africa, colonial railroads similarly spurred pre-independence agricultural output and city growth, with persistent effects on despite post-colonial maintenance challenges. Such developments facilitated the diffusion of goods, labor mobility, and , underpinning broader human development by raising incomes and reducing isolation in rural regions. Overall, these interventions—health campaigns, educational frameworks, and physical infrastructure—accounted for substantive portions of non-European development trajectories; econometric analyses attribute up to 40% of contemporary levels in former colonies to the European demographic share during colonial eras, reflecting sustained impacts on , , and . While initial coverage was uneven and often prioritized export-oriented needs, the empirical legacy includes foundational advancements that accelerated post-colonial gains in , , and .

Criticisms of Colonial Violence and Exploitation

![Slaves working on a plantation in Antigua, 1823](./assets/Slaves_working_on_a_plantation_-Ten_Views_in_the_Island_of_Antigua18231823 Critics of colonialism highlight instances of direct military violence during conquests and suppression of resistance, such as the Amritsar Massacre on April 13, 1919, where British forces under Brigadier-General fired on an unarmed crowd in , killing at least 379 and wounding over 1,200 according to official estimates, though Indian sources claim higher figures. Similar suppressions occurred in the Philippine-American War (1899–1902), where U.S. forces engaged in , resulting in up to 200,000 Filipino civilian deaths from violence, , and amid scorched-earth tactics. In , the German suppression of the Herero and Nama uprisings (1904–1908) involved mass killings and concentration camps, with estimates of 60,000–70,000 Herero deaths out of a population of about 80,000, through battle, starvation, and forced labor. The Belgian Congo Free State under King Leopold II (1885–1908) saw widespread atrocities tied to rubber extraction quotas, including mutilations and village burnings to enforce compliance; historian estimates 10 million deaths from violence, disease, and exploitation, though figures are debated and range from 1–13 million based on demographic analyses. Exploitation through and forced labor systems amplified mortality. The Atlantic slave trade (c. 1500–1866) involved approximately 12.5 million Africans embarked, with 1.8–2.4 million dying during the due to overcrowding, disease, and abuse, equating to a 15% average per voyage; including deaths during capture and march to ports, total losses approached 40% of those initially enslaved. In the , Spanish and systems compelled indigenous labor in mines like from 1545, contributing to demographic collapse alongside disease, with forced marches and hazardous conditions causing thousands of annual deaths. British colonial policies in exacerbated famines through resource extraction and export priorities; the , amid , killed 2–3 million due to wartime , , and diversion of food supplies to British troops and stockpiles, despite sufficient overall production, as analyzed in economic studies attributing excess mortality to administrative failures and unequal distribution. Critics argue such events reflect systemic prioritization of imperial interests over local welfare, with taxation and cash-crop mandates leaving peasants vulnerable to crop failures. These criticisms, often drawn from missionary reports, eyewitness accounts, and later demographic reconstructions, portray colonial administration as employing terror to secure economic gains, though some historians note contextual factors like pre-existing warfare or vectors independent of intent; nonetheless, empirical records confirm elevated levels beyond typical pre-colonial conflicts in affected regions.

Legacy Debates: Reparations, Neo-Colonialism, and Historiographical Shifts

The reparations debate encompasses demands for financial and institutional compensation from former colonial powers to address historical injustices such as enslavement, land expropriation, and resource extraction. In 2013, the (CARICOM) formalized a ten-point reparatory justice plan, calling for official apologies, forgiveness, health crisis interventions, and technology transfers from nations like the , , and , framing these as acknowledgments of enforced native and African enslavement as state policies. Proponents, including Caribbean governments, have quantified claims at over $130 trillion for the post-enslavement period alone in the , linking ongoing socioeconomic disparities directly to colonial legacies without adjusting for intervening factors like post-independence governance or global flows exceeding billions annually. Critics counter that reparations impose collective guilt on current generations unconnected to past actions, ignore verifiable colonial-era investments in and legal systems that enabled modern statehood, and risk by diverting focus from domestic policy reforms, as evidenced by failed reparations precedents in other contexts like post-Holocaust claims where direct victim linkages prevailed. Empirical assessments, such as those comparing GDP trajectories, suggest that while extraction occurred, net transfers via and post-1945 have often exceeded unadjusted historical outflows, complicating causal claims of perpetual . Neo-colonialism, first systematically defined by Ghanaian leader in his 1965 book Neo-Colonialism: The Last Stage of , describes the persistence of colonial dominance through non-military means, including economic dependency via foreign investment, aid conditionalities, and cultural influence that subordinates independent states' sovereignty. Modern invocations point to institutions like the (IMF), where loans since the 1980s have mandated fiscal and in and , arguably perpetuating unequal trade terms and resource outflows to Western creditors. The zone, used by 14 African nations and pegged to the with French oversight of reserves, exemplifies this for critics, as it limits autonomy and facilitates capital repatriation. Rebuttals emphasize that such arrangements stem from voluntary post-independence pacts rather than coercion, and correlates more strongly with endogenous factors like , ethnic conflicts, and statist policies—evident in comparable stagnation in non-colonized or minimally influenced states like pre-1930s or landlocked African polities—than exogenous control, with data showing higher growth in aid-recipient nations pursuing market-oriented reforms irrespective of colonial ties. Historiographical interpretations of colonialism have evolved from imperial-era justifications emphasizing civilizing missions to mid-20th-century postcolonial frameworks decrying systemic exploitation, influenced by narratives and . Post-1990s shifts, driven by archival access and econometric reconstructions, increasingly incorporate quantitative evidence of colonial-era advancements in human development, such as rates rising from near-zero to 20-50% in British India by 1947 and gains from 30 to 40+ years across by independence, attributable to campaigns and administrative stability beyond endogenous trends. Revisionist works challenge earlier biases—often rooted in ideological opposition to Western within academia—by demonstrating causal links between colonial institutions and post-independence economic baselines, including property rights frameworks that facilitated growth in economies like versus extractive ones in the Congo. These developments reflect a broader pivot toward causal realism, prioritizing disaggregated data on outcomes like reduced frequency under unified markets over monolithic victimhood accounts, though entrenched postcolonial paradigms persist in shaping public discourse.

References

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