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Colonialism
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Colonialism is the practice of extending and maintaining political, social, economic, and cultural domination over a territory and its people by another people in pursuit of interests defined in an often distant metropole, who also claim superiority.[1][2][3][4] While frequently an imperialist project, colonialism functions through differentiating between the targeted land and people, and that of the colonizers (a critical component of colonization). Rather than annexation,[5] this typically culminates in organizing the colonized into colonies separate to the colonizers' metropole.[6][2] Colonialism sometimes deepens by developing settler colonialism, whereby settlers from one or multiple colonizing metropoles occupy a territory with the intention of partially or completely supplanting the existing indigenous peoples, possibly amounting to genocide.[6][7]: 2 [8]
Colonialism monopolizes power by understanding conquered land and people to be inferior, based on beliefs of entitlement and superiority, justified with beliefs of having a civilizing mission to cultivate land and life, historically often rooted in the belief of a Christian mission. These beliefs and the actual colonization establish a so-called coloniality,[9][10][11] which keeps the colonized socio-economically othered and subaltern through modern biopolitics of sexuality, gender, race, disability and class, among others, resulting in intersectional violence and discrimination.[12][13]
While different forms of colonialism have existed around the world, the concept has been developed as a description of European colonial empires of the modern era. These spread globally from the 15th century to the mid-20th century, spanning 35% of Earth's land by 1800 and peaking at 84% by the beginning of World War I.[14] European colonialism employed mercantilism and chartered companies, and established complex colonialities.
Decolonization, which started in the 18th century, gradually led to the independence of colonies in waves, with a particular large wave of decolonizations happening in the aftermath of World War II between 1945 and 1975.[15][16] Colonialism has a persistent impact on a wide range of modern outcomes, as scholars have shown that variations in colonial institutions can account for variations in economic development,[17][18][19] regime types,[20][21] and state capacity.[22][23] Some academics have used the term neocolonialism to describe the continuation or imposition of elements of colonial rule through indirect means in the contemporary period.[24][25]
Etymology
[edit]Colonialism is etymologically derived from the Latin term colonia, originally a designation for a type of city or outpost that was founded and populated by newly settled Roman citizens at the direction of the Roman government. The word colonia is then in turn derived from the Latin word colonus ("farmer") and its root word colere ("to cultivate, to till").[3][26]
Definitions
[edit]
The earliest uses of colonialism referred to plantations that men emigrated to and settled. The term expanded its meaning in the early 20th century to act as a historical reference for European imperial expansion and the imperialist subjection of Asian and African peoples, while also serving as a paradigm for analysing the form of rule. Defining colonialism became necessary for the international anti-colonial movement, and it was discussed in the 1955 Bandung Conference and the contexts it applied to disputed. The concept entered the forefront of academia in the late 20th century, followed by the development of postcolonialism.[27]
Collins English Dictionary defines colonialism as "the practice by which a powerful country directly controls less powerful countries and uses their resources to increase its own power and wealth".[28] Webster's Encyclopedic Dictionary defined colonialism as "the policy of a nation seeking to extend or retain its authority over other people or territories".[29] The online Merriam-Webster Dictionary offers several definitions: "domination of a people or area by a foreign state or nation", "the practice of extending and maintaining a nation's political and economic control over another people or area" and "the policy of or belief in acquiring and retaining colonies".[30]
The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy defines it as "a practice of domination, which involves the subjugation of one people to another" and uses the term "to describe the process of European settlement and political control over the rest of the world, including the Americas, Australia, and parts of Africa and Asia". It discusses the distinction between colonialism, imperialism, and conquest and states that "[t]he difficulty of defining colonialism stems from the fact that the term is often used as a synonym for imperialism. Both colonialism and imperialism were forms of conquest that were expected to benefit Europe economically and strategically".[3]
In his preface to Jürgen Osterhammel's Colonialism: A Theoretical Overview, Roger Tignor says "For Osterhammel, the essence of colonialism is the existence of colonies, which are by definition governed differently from other territories such as protectorates or informal spheres of influence."[31] In the book, Osterhammel asks, "How can 'colonialism' be defined independently from 'colony?'"[32] He settles on a three-sentence definition:
Colonialism is a relationship between an indigenous (or forcibly imported) majority and a minority of foreign invaders. The fundamental decisions affecting the lives of the colonised people are made and implemented by the colonial rulers in pursuit of interests that are often defined in a distant metropolis. Rejecting cultural compromises with the colonised population, the colonisers are convinced of their own superiority and their ordained mandate to rule.[2]
According to Julian Go, "Colonialism refers to the direct political control of a society and its people by a foreign ruling state... The ruling state monopolizes political power and keeps the subordinated society and its people in a legally inferior position."[9] He also writes, "colonialism depends first and foremost upon the declaration of sovereignty and/or territorial seizure by a core state over another territory and its inhabitants who are classified as inferior subjects rather than equal citizens."[10]
Australian historian Lorenzo Veracini defines colonialism as the establishment and maintenance of an unequal relationship between a colonial metropole and a colonized territory through violence and argues that colonialism is sustained as an unequal relationship through the essential forces of displacement and violence.[7]: 1–4 The imbalance of power that results from a colonial relationship allows a colonial metropole to exploit unequal trading terms between it and its colonies.
Wendell Bell in The Encyclopedic Dictionary of Sociology describes colonialism (incl. internal colonialism) as a "a process by which [...] dominance is acquired and held by a foreign power over another people and land".[1] This definition is cited and complemented by the International Encyclopedia of the Social & Behavioral Sciences, clarifying that the rule of colonialism is different to annexation as it does not involve actual incorporation.[5]
In A Dictionary of Human Geography colonialism is described as control over another people accompanied by an ideology of superiority and racism.[4]
Colonial studies have been criticized for eurocentrism in determining the threshold between colonialism versus conquest.[33]
Types of colonialism
[edit]
The Times once quipped that there were three types of colonial empire: "The English, which consists in making colonies with colonists; the German, which collects colonists without colonies; the French, which sets up colonies without colonists."[34] Modern studies of colonialism have often distinguished between various overlapping categories of colonialism, broadly classified into four types: settler colonialism, exploitation colonialism, surrogate colonialism, and internal colonialism. Some historians have identified other forms of colonialism, including national and trade forms.[35]
- Settler colonialism involves large-scale immigration by settlers to colonies, often motivated by religious, political, or economic reasons. This form of colonialism aims largely to supplant prior existing populations with a settler one, and involves large number of settlers emigrating to colonies for the purpose of establishing settlements.[35] Argentina, Australia, Brazil, Canada, Chile, China, New Zealand, Northern Ireland, Russia, South Africa, the United States, and Uruguay, are examples of nations created or expanded in their contemporary form by settler colonialism.[6][36][37][38][39][40][7]: 83–84 French-controlled Algeria, Rhodesia (now Zimbabwe), Italian-controlled Libya, the Kenya Colony, Japanese-controlled Korea and Manchuria, and most infamously Nazi-occupied Eastern Europe[41]: 462–463 are examples of past or failed attempts to establish settler colonies.[7]: 83–84
- Exploitation colonialism involves fewer colonists and focuses on the exploitation of natural resources or labour to the benefit of the metropole. This form consists of trading posts as well as larger colonies where colonists would constitute much of the political and economic administration. The European colonization of Africa and Asia was largely conducted under the auspices of exploitation colonialism.[42]
- Surrogate colonialism involves a settlement project supported by a colonial power, in which most of the settlers do not come from the same ethnic group as the ruling power, as it has been (controversially) argued was the case of Mandatory Palestine and the Colony of Liberia.[43][44]
- Internal colonialism is a notion of uneven structural power between areas of a state. The source of exploitation comes from within the state. This is demonstrated in the way control and exploitation may pass from people from the colonizing country to an immigrant population within a newly independent country.[45][46]

- National colonialism is a process involving elements of both settler and internal colonialism, in which nation-building and colonization are symbiotically connected, with the colonial regime seeking to remake the colonized peoples into their own cultural and political image. The goal is to integrate them into the state, but only as reflections of the state's preferred culture. The Taiwan under the KMT's military dictatorship is the archetypal example of a national-colonialist society.[47]
- Trade colonialism involves the undertaking of colonialist ventures in support of trade opportunities for merchants. This form of colonialism was most prominent in 19th-century Asia, where previously isolationist states were forced to open their ports to Western powers. Examples of this include the Opium Wars and the opening of Japan.[48][49]
Versus imperialism
[edit]Socio-cultural evolution
[edit]When colonists settled in pre-populated areas, the societies and cultures of the people in those areas permanently changed. Colonial practices directly and indirectly forced the colonized peoples to abandon their traditional cultures and established complex systems of power, so-called colonialities.[11] For example, European colonizers in the United States implemented the residential schools program to force native children to assimilate into the hegemonic culture.
Cultural colonialism gave rise to culturally and ethnically mixed populations such as the mestizos of the Americas, as well as racially divided populations such as those found in French Algeria or in Southern Rhodesia. In fact, everywhere where colonial powers established a consistent and continued presence, hybrid communities existed.
Notable examples in Asia include the Anglo-Burmese, Anglo-Indian, Burgher, Eurasian Singaporean, Filipino mestizo, Kristang, and Macanese peoples. In the Dutch East Indies (later Indonesia) the vast majority of "Dutch" settlers were in fact Eurasians known as Indo-Europeans, formally belonging to the European legal class in the colony.[52][53]

History
[edit]Antiquity
[edit]Activity that could be called colonialism has a long history, starting at least as early as the ancient Egyptians. Phoenicians, Greeks, and Romans founded colonies in antiquity. Phoenicia had an enterprising maritime trading-culture that spread across the Mediterranean from 1550 BC to 300 BC; later the Persian Empire and various Greek city-states continued on this line of setting up colonies. The Romans would soon follow, setting up coloniae throughout the Mediterranean, in North Africa, and in Western Asia.[citation needed]
Medieval
[edit]From the 9th century Vikings (Norsemen) such as Leif Erikson established colonies in Britain, Ireland, Iceland, Greenland, North America, present-day Russia and Ukraine, France (Normandy) and Sicily.[56] In the 9th century a new wave of Mediterranean colonisation began, with competitors such as the Venetians, Genovese and Amalfians infiltrating the wealthy previously Byzantine or Eastern Roman islands and lands. European Crusaders set up colonial regimes in Outremer (in the Levant, 1097–1291) and in the Baltic littoral (12th century onwards). Venice began to dominate Dalmatia and reached its greatest nominal colonial extent at the conclusion of the Fourth Crusade in 1204, with the declaration of the acquisition of three octaves of the Byzantine Empire.[57]
Modern
[edit]
Modern colonialism is generally considered to have begun with the Spanish conquest of the Canary Islands when "the relationships involved in domination became recognisably colonial."[7]: 10 Following the fall of Constantinople to the Ottoman Empire in 1453, the sea routes discovered by Portuguese Prince Henry the Navigator (1394–1460) became central to trade, and helped fuel the Age of Discovery.[58] The Crown of Castile encountered the Americas in 1492 through sea travel and built trading posts or conquered large extents of land. The Treaty of Tordesillas divided the areas of these "new" lands between the Spanish Empire and the Portuguese Empire in 1494.[58]
The 17th century saw the birth of the Dutch Empire and French colonial empire, as well as the English overseas possessions, which later became the British Empire. It also saw the establishment of Danish overseas colonies and Swedish overseas colonies.[59]
A first wave of separatism started with the American Revolutionary War (1775–1783), initiating the Rise of the "Second" British Empire (1783–1815).[60] The Spanish Empire largely collapsed in the Americas with the Spanish American wars of independence (1808–1833). Empire-builders established several new colonies after this time, including in the German colonial empire and Belgian colonial empire.[61] Starting with the end of the French Revolution European authors such as Johann Gottfried Herder, August von Kotzebue, and Heinrich von Kleist prolifically published so as to conjure up sympathy for the oppressed native peoples and the slaves of the new world, thereby starting the idealization of native humans.[62]
The Habsburg monarchy, the Russian Empire, and the Ottoman Empire existed at the same time but did not expand over oceans. Rather, these empires expanded through the conquest of neighbouring territories. There was, though, some Russian colonization of North America across the Bering Strait. The Empire of Brazil fought for hegemony in South America. The United States gained overseas territories after the 1898 Spanish–American War, hence, the coining of the term "American imperialism".[63]
The Japanese colonial empire began in the mid-19th century with the settler colonization of Hokkaido and the destruction of the island's indigenous Ainu people before moving onto the Ryukyu Islands (the indigenous Ryukyuan people survived colonization more intact). After the Meiji Restoration, Japan more formally developed its colonial policies with the help of European advisors. The stated purpose from the beginning was to compensate for the lack of resources on the main islands of Japan by securing control over natural resources in Asia for its own economic development and industrialization, not unlike its European counterparts. Japan defeated China in the First Sino-Japanese War to control Korea and the island of Formosa, now Taiwan, and later fought off the Russian Empire to control Port Arthur and South Sakhalin.[7]: 147–152
In the late 19th century, many European powers became involved in the Scramble for Africa.[61]
20th century
[edit]
The world's colonial population at the outbreak of the First World War – a high point for colonialism – totalled about 560 million people, of whom 70% lived in British possessions, 10% in French possessions, 9% in Dutch possessions, 4% in Japanese possessions, 2% in German possessions, 2% in American possessions, 3% in Portuguese possessions, 1% in Belgian possessions and 0.5% in Italian possessions. The domestic domains of the colonial powers had a total population of about 370 million people.[64] Outside Europe, few areas had remained without coming under formal colonial tutorship – and even Siam, China, Japan, Nepal, Afghanistan, Persia, and Abyssinia had felt varying degrees of Western colonial-style influence – concessions, unequal treaties, extraterritoriality and the like.
Asking whether colonies paid, economic historian Grover Clark (1891–1938) argues an emphatic "No!" He reports that in every case the support cost, especially the military system necessary to support and defend colonies, outran the total trade they produced. Apart from the British Empire, they did not provide favoured destinations for the immigration of surplus metropole populations.[65] The question of whether colonies paid is a complicated one when recognizing the multiplicity of interests involved. In some cases colonial powers paid a lot in military costs while private investors pocketed the benefits. In other cases the colonial powers managed to move the burden of administrative costs to the colonies themselves by imposing taxes.[66]

World War I
[edit]The First World War brought the European colonial empires into conflict with each other with the fight sustained by their colonial territories.[7]: 130 War mobilization heightened colonial exploitation globally, sparking several anticolonial uprisings in response to forced conscription. Germany capitulated in large part due to the Allied sea blockade cutting off access to its overseas colonies, a disadvantage which German U-boats could not inflict on the Allies. The victorious Allies divided up the German colonial empire and much of the Ottoman Empire between themselves as League of Nations mandates, grouping these territories into three classes according to how quickly it was deemed that they could prepare for independence. The empires of Russia and Austria collapsed in 1917–1918,[67] and the Soviet empire emerged.[68]
Interwar years
[edit]Anti-colonial sentiment surged during the interwar years.[7]: 130-136 The Easter Rising and Irish War of Independence led to the UK conceding independence to Ireland. Turkey became an independent country in the ruins of the Ottoman Empire and fought off interventions from Britain, France, and Italy. The first Pan-African Congress would take place in Paris in 1919.[69] The Soviet Union positioned itself as "an explicitly anti-imperialist power"[7]: 130 and would play an important role in the success of anticolonial resistance movements in Asia and Africa, although its own policies in Central Asia resembled the colonial policies of the Russian empire that preceded it.[70] At the same time, Japan expanded its colonies in Asia and the Pacific.
World War II
[edit]Many interpret World War II as an attempt by Nazi Germany and its allies to colonize the whole European continent, especially in the east. Historian Lorenzo Veracini writes, "The global history of colonialism can be seen as bookended by two fateful moments: European armies crossed the strait of Gibraltar in the fifteenth century to establish unequal relations of domination in Africa, and a colonial army crossed it in the opposite direction in 1936, to conquer the metropole and pursue a civil war that subjected the metropolitan populations with a violence that had been until then reserved for restive colonized subjects."[7]: 5 Economic historian Adam Tooze posits that Operation Barbarossa is "far better understood as the last great land-grab in the long and bloody history of European colonialism."[41]: 462 "From the moment that Germany invaded Poland in September 1939, the genocidal impulses of Nazi ideology towards both the Jews and the Slavs had taken on concrete form in an extraordinary programme of population displacement and colonial settlement.": 463 Generalplan Ost, the Nazi government's grand plan of settler colonialism, called for the mass murder and deportation of at least 30 million Slavs from Poland and the western Soviet Union in preparation for the importation of millions of German settlers.: 462-467 The plan was lauded as a 'solution' to secure Germany's food supply for the duration of the war, unlike the previous one. Hitler repeatedly drew parallels between the colonization plan and Manifest Destiny in the United States. Aimé Césaire argues in Discourse on Colonialism, "[Europeans] tolerated that Nazism before it was inflicted on them, they absolved it, shut their eyes to it, legitimized it, because, until then, it had been applied only to non-European peoples."[71]
Post-WWII decolonization
[edit]In the aftermath of World War II, decolonisation progressed rapidly. The tumultuous upheaval of the war significantly weakened the major colonial powers, and they quickly lost control of colonies such as Singapore, India, and Libya.[72] In addition, the United Nations shows support for decolonisation in its 1945 charter. In 1960, the UN issued the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples, which affirmed its stance (though notably, colonial empires such as France, Spain, the United Kingdom, and the United States abstained).[73]
The word "neocolonialism" originated from Jean-Paul Sartre in 1956,[74] to refer to a variety of contexts since the decolonisation that took place after World War II. Generally it does not refer to a type of direct colonisation – rather to colonialism or colonial-style exploitation by other means. Specifically, neocolonialism may refer to the theory that former or existing economic relationships, such as the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade and the Central American Free Trade Agreement, or the operations of companies (such as Royal Dutch Shell in Nigeria and Brunei) fostered by former colonial powers were or are used to maintain control of former colonies and dependencies after the colonial independence movements of the post–World War II period.[75] The term became popular in ex-colonies in the late 20th century.[76]
Contemporary
[edit]
While colonies of contiguous empires[77] have been historically excluded, they can be seen as colonies.[78] Contemporary expansion of colonies is seen by some in case of Russian imperialism[79] and Chinese imperialism.[80] Zionism is a modern colonialist movement, although it began in the 20th century. It has been categorized by some scholars as a settler colonialist movement.[81]
Impact
[edit]
The impacts of colonisation are immense and pervasive.[82] Various effects, both immediate and protracted, include the spread of virulent diseases, causing pandemics, oppression, unequal social relations through othering and economically through exclusion, detribalization, appropriation, exploitation, enslavement, medical advances, the creation of new institutions, abolitionism,[83] changing infrastructure,[84] and technological progress.[85] Colonial practices also spur the spread of conquerors' languages, literature and cultural institutions, while endangering or obliterating those of indigenous peoples, possibly amounting to genocide.[6][7]: 2 [8] Despite the colonial suppression and narrative, colonised people may be able to build on their agency, potentially having influence on the imperial country or even challenging it.[86][87] Often though this has been met with cultural appropriation and forced assimilation.[88][89]
With respect to international borders, Britain and France traced close to 40% of the entire length of the world's international boundaries.[90]
Economy, trade and commerce
[edit]Economic expansion, sometimes described as the colonial surplus, has accompanied imperial expansion since ancient times.[citation needed] Greek trade networks spread throughout the Mediterranean region while Roman trade expanded with the primary goal of directing tribute from the colonised areas towards the Roman metropole. According to Strabo, by the time of emperor Augustus, up to 120 Roman ships would set sail every year from Myos Hormos in Roman Egypt to India.[91] With the development of trade routes under the Ottoman Empire,
Gujari Hindus, Syrian Muslims, Jews, Armenians, Christians from south and central Europe operated trading routes that supplied Persian and Arab horses to the armies of all three empires, Mocha coffee to Delhi and Belgrade, Persian silk to India and Istanbul.[92]

Aztec civilisation developed into an extensive empire that, much like the Roman Empire, had the goal of exacting tribute from the conquered colonial areas. For the Aztecs, a significant tribute was the acquisition of sacrificial victims for their religious rituals.[93]
On the other hand, European colonial empires sometimes attempted to channel, restrict and impede trade involving their colonies, funneling activity through the metropole and taxing accordingly.
Despite the general trend of economic expansion, the economic performance of former European colonies varies significantly. In "Institutions as a Fundamental Cause of Long-run Growth", economists Daron Acemoglu, Simon Johnson and James A. Robinson compare the economic influences of the European colonists on different colonies and study what could explain the huge discrepancies in previous European colonies, for example, between West African colonies like Sierra Leone and Hong Kong and Singapore.[94]
According to the paper, economic institutions are the determinant of the colonial success because they determine their financial performance and order for the distribution of resources. At the same time, these institutions are also consequences of political institutions – especially how de facto and de jure political power is allocated. To explain the different colonial cases, we thus need to look first into the political institutions that shaped the economic institutions.[94]

For example, one interesting observation is "the Reversal of Fortune" – the less developed civilisations in 1500, like North America, Australia, and New Zealand, are now much richer than those countries who used to be in the prosperous civilisations in 1500 before the colonists came, like the Mughals in India and the Incas in the Americas. One explanation offered by the paper focuses on the political institutions of the various colonies: it was less likely for European colonists to introduce economic institutions where they could benefit quickly from the extraction of resources in the area. Therefore, given a more developed civilisation and denser population, European colonists would rather keep the existing economic systems than introduce an entirely new system; while in places with little to extract, European colonists would rather establish new economic institutions to protect their interests. Political institutions thus gave rise to different types of economic systems, which determined the colonial economic performance.[94]
European colonisation and development also changed gendered systems of power already in place around the world. In many pre-colonialist areas, women maintained power, prestige, or authority through reproductive or agricultural control. For example, in certain parts of Sub-Saharan Africa women maintained farmland in which they had usage rights. While men would make political and communal decisions for a community, the women would control the village's food supply or their individual family's land. This allowed women to achieve power and autonomy, even in patrilineal and patriarchal societies.[95]
Through the rise of European colonialism came a large push for development and industrialisation of most economic systems. When working to improve productivity, Europeans focused mostly on male workers. Foreign aid arrived in the form of loans, land, credit, and tools to speed up development, but were only allocated to men. In a more European fashion, women were expected to serve on a more domestic level. The result was a technologic, economic, and class-based gender gap that widened over time.[96]
Within a colony, the presence of extractive colonial institutions in a given area has been found have effects on the modern day economic development, institutions and infrastructure of these areas.[97][98]
Slavery and indentured servitude
[edit]European nations entered their imperial projects with the goal of enriching the European metropoles. Exploitation of non-Europeans and of other Europeans to support imperial goals was acceptable to the colonisers. Two outgrowths of this imperial agenda were the extension of slavery and indentured servitude. In the 17th century, nearly two-thirds of English settlers came to North America as indentured servants.[99]
European slave traders brought large numbers of African slaves to the Americas by sail. Spain and Portugal had brought African slaves to work in African colonies such as Cape Verde and São Tomé and Príncipe, and then in Latin America, by the 16th century. The British, French and Dutch joined in the slave trade in subsequent centuries. The European colonial system took approximately 11 million Africans to the Caribbean and to North and South America as slaves.[100]

| European empire | Colonial destination | Number of slaves imported between 1450 and 1870[100] |
|---|---|---|
| Portuguese Empire | Brazil | 3,646,800 |
| British Empire | British Caribbean | 1,665,000 |
| French Empire | French Caribbean | 1,600,200 |
| Spanish Empire | Latin America | 1,552,100 |
| Dutch Empire | Dutch Caribbean | 500,000 |
| British Empire | British North America | 399,000 |
Abolitionists in Europe and Americas protested the inhumane treatment of African slaves, which led to the elimination of the slave trade (and later, of most forms of slavery) by the late 19th century. One (disputed) school of thought points to the role of abolitionism in the American Revolution: while the British colonial metropole started to move towards outlawing slavery, slave-owning elites in the Thirteen Colonies saw this as one of the reasons to fight for their post-colonial independence and for the right to develop and continue a largely slave-based economy.[101]
British colonising activity in New Zealand from the early 19th century played a part in ending slave-taking and slave-keeping among the indigenous Māori.[102][103] On the other hand, British colonial administration in Southern Africa, when it officially abolished slavery in the 1830s, caused rifts in society which arguably perpetuated slavery in the Boer Republics and fed into the philosophy of apartheid.[104]

The labour shortages that resulted from abolition inspired European colonisers in Queensland, British Guaiana and Fiji (for example) to develop new sources of labour, re-adopting a system of indentured servitude. Indentured servants consented to a contract with the European colonisers. Under their contract, the servant would work for an employer for a term of at least a year, while the employer agreed to pay for the servant's voyage to the colony, possibly pay for the return to the country of origin, and pay the employee a wage as well. The employees became "indentured" to the employer because they owed a debt back to the employer for their travel expense to the colony, which they were expected to pay through their wages. In practice, indentured servants were exploited through terrible working conditions and burdensome debts imposed by the employers, with whom the servants had no means of negotiating the debt once they arrived in the colony.
India and China were the largest source of indentured servants during the colonial era. Indentured servants from India travelled to British colonies in Asia, Africa and the Caribbean, and also to French and Portuguese colonies, while Chinese servants travelled to British and Dutch colonies. Between 1830 and 1930, around 30 million indentured servants migrated from India, and 24 million returned to India. China sent more indentured servants to European colonies, and around the same proportion returned to China.[105]
Following the Scramble for Africa, an early but secondary focus for most colonial regimes was the suppression of slavery and the slave trade. By the end of the colonial period they were mostly successful in this aim, though slavery persists in Africa and in the world at large with much the same practices of de facto servility despite legislative prohibition.[83]
Military innovation
[edit]
Conquering forces have throughout history applied innovation in order to gain an advantage over the armies of the people they aim to conquer. Greeks developed the phalanx system, which enabled their military units to present themselves to their enemies as a wall, with foot soldiers using shields to cover one another during their advance on the battlefield. Under Philip II of Macedon, they were able to organise thousands of soldiers into a formidable battle force, bringing together carefully trained infantry and cavalry regiments.[106] Alexander the Great exploited this military foundation further during his conquests.
The Spanish Empire held a major advantage over Mesoamerican warriors through the use of weapons made of stronger metal, predominantly iron, which was able to shatter the blades of axes used by the Aztec civilisation and others. The use of gunpowder weapons cemented the European military advantage over the peoples they sought to subjugate in the Americas and elsewhere.
End of empire
[edit]
The populations of some colonial territories, such as Canada, enjoyed relative peace and prosperity as part of a European power, at least among the majority. Minority populations such as First Nations peoples and French-Canadians experienced marginalisation and resented colonial practices. Francophone residents of Quebec, for example, were vocal in opposing conscription into the armed services to fight on behalf of Britain during World War I, resulting in the Conscription crisis of 1917. Other European colonies had much more pronounced conflict between European settlers and the local population. Rebellions broke out in the later decades of the imperial era, such as India's Sepoy Rebellion of 1857.
The territorial boundaries imposed by European colonisers, notably in central Africa and South Asia, defied the existing boundaries of native populations that had previously interacted little with one another. European colonisers disregarded native political and cultural animosities, imposing peace upon people under their military control. Native populations were often relocated at the will of the colonial administrators.
The Partition of British India in August 1947 led to the Independence of India and the creation of Pakistan. These events also caused much bloodshed at the time of the migration of immigrants from the two countries. Muslims from India and Hindus and Sikhs from Pakistan migrated to the respective countries they sought independence for.
Post-independence population movement
[edit]
In a reversal of the migration patterns experienced during the modern colonial era, post-independence era migration followed a route back towards the imperial country. In some cases, this was a movement of settlers of European origin returning to the land of their birth, or to an ancestral birthplace. 900,000 French colonists (known as the Pied-Noirs) resettled in France following Algeria's independence in 1962. A significant number of these migrants were also of Algerian descent. 800,000 people of Portuguese origin migrated to Portugal after the independence of former colonies in Africa between 1974 and 1979; 300,000 settlers of Dutch origin migrated to the Netherlands from the Dutch West Indies after Dutch military control of the colony ended.[107]
After WWII 300,000 Dutchmen from the Dutch East Indies, of which the majority were people of Eurasian descent called Indo Europeans, repatriated to the Netherlands. A significant number later migrated to the US, Canada, Australia and New Zealand.[108][109]
Global travel and migration in general developed at an increasingly brisk pace throughout the era of European colonial expansion. Citizens of the former colonies of European countries may have a privileged status in some respects with regard to immigration rights when settling in the former European imperial nation. For example, rights to dual citizenship may be generous,[110] or larger immigrant quotas may be extended to former colonies.[citation needed]
In some cases, the former European imperial nations continue to foster close political and economic ties with former colonies. The Commonwealth of Nations is an organisation that promotes cooperation between and among Britain and its former colonies, the Commonwealth members. A similar organisation exists for former colonies of France, the Francophonie; the Community of Portuguese Language Countries plays a similar role for former Portuguese colonies, and the Dutch Language Union is the equivalent for former colonies of the Netherlands.[111][112][113]
Migration from former colonies has proven to be problematic for European countries, where the majority population may express hostility to ethnic minorities who have immigrated from former colonies. Cultural and religious conflict have often erupted in France in recent decades, between immigrants from the Maghreb countries of north Africa and the majority population of France. Nonetheless, immigration has changed the ethnic composition of France; by the 1980s, 25% of the total population of "inner Paris" and 14% of the metropolitan region were of foreign origin, mainly Algerian.[114]
Introduced diseases
[edit]Encounters between explorers and populations in the rest of the world often introduced new diseases, which sometimes caused local epidemics of extraordinary virulence.[115] For example, smallpox, measles, malaria, yellow fever, and others were unknown in pre-Columbian America.[116]
Half the native population of Hispaniola in 1518 was killed by smallpox. Smallpox also ravaged Mexico in the 1520s, killing 150,000 in Tenochtitlan alone, including the emperor, and Peru in the 1530s, aiding the European conquerors. Measles killed a further two million Mexican natives in the 17th century. In 1618–1619, smallpox wiped out 90% of the Massachusetts Bay Native Americans.[117] Smallpox epidemics in 1780–1782 and 1837–1838 brought devastation and drastic depopulation among the Plains Indians.[118] Some believe[who?] that the death of up to 95% of the Native American population of the New World was caused by Old World diseases.[119] Over the centuries, the Europeans had developed high degrees of immunity to these diseases, while the indigenous peoples had no time to build such immunity.[120]
Smallpox decimated the native population of Australia, killing around 50% of indigenous Australians in the early years of British colonisation.[121] It also killed many New Zealand Māori.[122] As late as 1848–49, as many as 40,000 out of 150,000 Hawaiians are estimated to have died of measles, whooping cough and influenza. Introduced diseases, notably smallpox, nearly wiped out the native population of Easter Island.[123] In 1875, measles killed over 40,000 Fijians, approximately one-third of the population.[124] The Ainu population decreased drastically in the 19th century, due in large part to infectious diseases brought by Japanese settlers pouring into Hokkaido.[125]
Conversely, researchers have hypothesised that a precursor to syphilis may have been carried from the New World to Europe after Columbus's voyages. The findings suggested Europeans could have carried the nonvenereal tropical bacteria home, where the organisms may have mutated into a more deadly form in the different conditions of Europe.[126] The disease was more frequently fatal than it is today; syphilis was a major killer in Europe during the Renaissance.[127] The first cholera pandemic began in Bengal, then spread across India by 1820. Ten thousand British troops and countless Indians died during this pandemic.[128] Between 1736 and 1834 only some 10% of East India Company's officers survived to take the final voyage home.[129] Waldemar Haffkine, who mainly worked in India, who developed and used vaccines against cholera and bubonic plague in the 1890s, is considered the first microbiologist.
According to a 2021 study by Jörg Baten and Laura Maravall on the anthropometric influence of colonialism on Africans, the average height of Africans decreased by 1.1 centimetres upon colonization and later recovered and increased overall during colonial rule. The authors attributed the decrease to diseases, such as malaria and sleeping sickness, forced labor during the early decades of colonial rule, conflicts, land grabbing, and widespread cattle deaths from the rinderpest viral disease.[130]
Countering disease
[edit]As early as 1803, the Spanish Crown organised a mission (the Balmis expedition) to transport the smallpox vaccine to the Spanish colonies, and establish mass vaccination programs there.[131] By 1832, the federal government of the United States established a smallpox vaccination program for Native Americans.[132] Under the direction of Mountstuart Elphinstone a program was launched to propagate smallpox vaccination in India.[133] From the beginning of the 20th century onwards, the elimination or control of disease in tropical countries became a driving force for all colonial powers.[134] The sleeping sickness epidemic in Africa was arrested due to mobile teams systematically screening millions of people at risk.[135] In the 20th century, the world saw the biggest increase in its population in human history due to lessening of the mortality rate in many countries due to medical advances.[136] The world population has grown from 1.6 billion in 1900 to over seven billion today.[citation needed]
Botany
[edit]Colonial botany refers to the body of works concerning the study, cultivation, marketing and naming of the new plants that were acquired or traded during the age of European colonialism. Notable examples of these plants included sugar, nutmeg, tobacco, cloves, cinnamon, Peruvian bark, peppers, Sassafras albidum, and tea. This work was a large part of securing financing for colonial ambitions, supporting European expansion and ensuring the profitability of such endeavors. Vasco de Gama and Christopher Columbus were seeking to establish routes to trade spices, dyes and silk from the Moluccas, India and China by sea that would be independent of the established routes controlled by Venetian and Middle Eastern merchants. Naturalists like Hendrik van Rheede, Georg Eberhard Rumphius, and Jacobus Bontius compiled data about eastern plants on behalf of the Europeans. Though Sweden did not possess an extensive colonial network, botanical research based on Carl Linnaeus identified and developed techniques to grow cinnamon, tea and rice locally as an alternative to costly imports.[137]
Geography
[edit]
Settlers acted as the link between indigenous populations and the imperial hegemony, thus bridging the geographical, ideological and commercial gap between the colonisers and colonised. While the extent in which geography as an academic study is implicated in colonialism is contentious, geographical tools such as cartography, shipbuilding, navigation, mining and agricultural productivity were instrumental in European colonial expansion. Colonisers' awareness of the Earth's surface and abundance of practical skills provided colonisers with a knowledge that, in turn, created power.[138]
Anne Godlewska and Neil Smith argue that "empire was 'quintessentially a geographical project'".[clarification needed][139] Historical geographical theories such as environmental determinism legitimised colonialism by positing the view that some parts of the world were underdeveloped, which created notions of skewed evolution.[138] Geographers such as Ellen Churchill Semple and Ellsworth Huntington put forward the notion that northern climates bred vigour and intelligence as opposed to those indigenous to tropical climates (See The Tropics) viz a viz a combination of environmental determinism and Social Darwinism in their approach.[140]
Political geographers also maintain that colonial behaviour was reinforced by the physical mapping of the world, therefore creating a visual separation between "them" and "us". Geographers are primarily focused on the spaces of colonialism and imperialism; more specifically, the material and symbolic appropriation of space enabling colonialism.[141]: 5

Maps played an extensive role in colonialism, as Bassett would put it "by providing geographical information in a convenient and standardised format, cartographers helped open West Africa to European conquest, commerce, and colonisation".[142] Because the relationship between colonialism and geography was not scientifically objective, cartography was often manipulated during the colonial era. Social norms and values had an effect on the constructing of maps. During colonialism map-makers used rhetoric in their formation of boundaries and in their art. The rhetoric favoured the view of the conquering Europeans; this is evident in the fact that any map created by a non-European was instantly regarded as inaccurate. Furthermore, European cartographers were required to follow a set of rules which led to ethnocentrism; portraying one's own ethnicity in the centre of the map. As J.B. Harley put it, "The steps in making a map – selection, omission, simplification, classification, the creation of hierarchies, and 'symbolisation' – are all inherently rhetorical."[143]
A common practice by the European cartographers of the time was to map unexplored areas as "blank spaces". This influenced the colonial powers as it sparked competition amongst them to explore and colonise these regions. Imperialists aggressively and passionately looked forward to filling these spaces for the glory of their respective countries.[144] The Dictionary of Human Geography notes that cartography was used to empty 'undiscovered' lands of their Indigenous meaning and bring them into spatial existence via the imposition of "Western place-names and borders, [therefore] priming 'virgin' (putatively empty land, 'wilderness') for colonisation (thus sexualising colonial landscapes as domains of male penetration), reconfiguring alien space as absolute, quantifiable and separable (as property)."[145]

David Livingstone stresses "that geography has meant different things at different times and in different places" and that we should keep an open mind in regards to the relationship between geography and colonialism instead of identifying boundaries.[139] Geography as a discipline was not and is not an objective science, Painter and Jeffrey argue, rather it is based on assumptions about the physical world.[138] Comparison of exogeographical representations of ostensibly tropical environments in science fiction art support this conjecture, finding the notion of the tropics to be an artificial collection of ideas and beliefs that are independent of geography.[146]
Ocean and space
[edit]With contemporary advances in deep sea and outer space technologies, colonization of the seabed and the Moon have become an object of non-terrestrial colonialism.[147][148][149][150]
Marxism
[edit]Marxism views colonialism as a form of capitalism, enforcing exploitation and social change. Marx thought that working within the global capitalist system, colonialism is closely associated with uneven development. It is an "instrument of wholesale destruction, dependency and systematic exploitation producing distorted economies, socio-psychological disorientation, massive poverty and neocolonial dependency".[151] Colonies are constructed into modes of production. The search for raw materials and the current search for new investment opportunities is a result[according to whom?] of inter-capitalist rivalry for capital accumulation.[citation needed] Lenin regarded colonialism as the root cause of imperialism, as imperialism was distinguished by monopoly capitalism via colonialism and as Lyal S. Sunga explains: "Vladimir Lenin advocated forcefully the principle of self-determination of peoples in his "Theses on the Socialist Revolution and the Right of Nations to Self-Determination" as an integral plank in the programme of socialist internationalism" and he quotes Lenin who contended that "The right of nations to self-determination implies exclusively the right to independence in the political sense, the right to free political separation from the oppressor nation. Specifically, this demand for political democracy implies complete freedom to agitate for secession and for a referendum on secession by the seceding nation."[152] Non-Russian Marxists within the RSFSR and later the USSR, like Sultan Galiev and Vasyl Shakhrai, meanwhile, between 1918 and 1923 and then after 1929, considered the Soviet regime a renewed version of Russian imperialism and colonialism.
In his critique of colonialism in Africa, the Guyanese historian and political activist Walter Rodney states:[153][154]
The decisiveness of the short period of colonialism and its negative consequences for Africa spring mainly from the fact that Africa lost power. Power is the ultimate determinant in human society, being basic to the relations within any group and between groups. It implies the ability to defend one's interests and if necessary to impose one's will by any means available ... When one society finds itself forced to relinquish power entirely to another society that in itself is a form of underdevelopment ... During the centuries of pre-colonial trade, some control over social political and economic life was retained in Africa, in spite of the disadvantageous commerce with Europeans. That little control over internal matters disappeared under colonialism. Colonialism went much further than trade. It meant a tendency towards direct appropriation by Europeans of the social institutions within Africa. Africans ceased to set indigenous cultural goals and standards, and lost full command of training young members of the society. Those were undoubtedly major steps backwards ... Colonialism was not merely a system of exploitation, but one whose essential purpose was to repatriate the profits to the so-called 'mother country'. From an African view-point, that amounted to consistent expatriation of surplus produced by African labour out of African resources. It meant the development of Europe as part of the same dialectical process in which Africa was underdeveloped. Colonial Africa fell within that part of the international capitalist economy from which surplus was drawn to feed the metropolitan sector. As seen earlier, exploitation of land and labour is essential for human social advance, but only on the assumption that the product is made available within the area where the exploitation takes place.
According to Lenin, the new imperialism emphasised the transition of capitalism from free trade to a stage of monopoly capitalism to finance capital. He states it is, "connected with the intensification of the struggle for the partition of the world". As free trade thrives on exports of commodities[according to whom?], monopoly capitalism thrived on the export of capital amassed by profits from banks and industry. This, to Lenin, was the highest stage of capitalism. He goes on to state that this form of capitalism was doomed for war between the capitalists and the exploited nations with the former inevitably losing. War is stated to be the consequence of imperialism. As a continuation of this thought, G.N. Uzoigwe states, "But it is now clear from more serious investigations of African history in this period that imperialism was essentially economic in its fundamental impulses."[155]
Liberalism and capitalism
[edit]Classical liberals were generally in abstract opposition to colonialism and imperialism, including Adam Smith, Frédéric Bastiat, Richard Cobden, John Bright, Henry Richard, Herbert Spencer, H.R. Fox Bourne, Edward Morel, Josephine Butler, W.J. Fox and William Ewart Gladstone.[156] Their philosophies found the colonial enterprise, particularly mercantilism, in opposition to the principles of free trade and liberal policies.[157] Adam Smith wrote in The Wealth of Nations that Britain should grant independence to all of its colonies and also argued that it would be economically beneficial for British people in the average, although the merchants having mercantilist privileges would lose out.[156][158]
Race and gender
[edit]During the colonial era, the global process of colonisation served to spread and synthesize the social and political belief systems of the "mother-countries" which often included a belief in a certain natural racial superiority of the race of the mother-country. Colonialism also acted to reinforce these same racial belief systems within the "mother-countries" themselves. Usually also included within the colonial belief systems was a certain belief in the inherent superiority of male over female. This particular belief was often pre-existing amongst the pre-colonial societies, prior to their colonisation.[159][160][161]
Popular political practices of the time reinforced colonial rule by legitimising European (and/ or Japanese) male authority, and also legitimising female and non-mother-country race inferiority through studies of craniology, comparative anatomy, and phrenology.[160][161][162] Biologists, naturalists, anthropologists, and ethnologists of the 19th century were focused on the study of colonised indigenous women, as in the case of Georges Cuvier's study of Sarah Baartman.[161] Such cases embraced a natural superiority and inferiority relationship between the races based on the observations of naturalists' from the mother-countries. European studies along these lines gave rise to the perception that African women's anatomy, and especially genitalia, resembled those of mandrills, baboons, and monkeys, thus differentiating colonised Africans from what were viewed as the features of the evolutionarily superior, and thus rightfully authoritarian, European woman.[161]
In addition to what would now be viewed as pseudo-scientific studies of race, which tended to reinforce a belief in an inherent mother-country racial superiority, a new supposedly "science-based" ideology concerning gender roles also then emerged as an adjunct to the general body of beliefs of inherent superiority of the colonial era.[160] Female inferiority across all cultures was emerging as an idea supposedly supported by craniology that led scientists to argue that the typical brain size of the female human was, on the average, slightly smaller than that of the male, thus inferring that therefore female humans must be less developed and less evolutionarily advanced than males.[160] This finding of relative cranial size difference was later attributed to the general typical size difference of the human male body versus that of the typical human female body.[163]
Within the former European colonies, non-Europeans and women sometimes faced invasive studies by the colonial powers in the interest of the then prevailing pro-colonial scientific ideology of the day.[161]
Othering
[edit]Othering is the process of creating a separate entity to persons or groups who are labelled as different or non-normal due to the repetition of characteristics.[164] Othering is the creation of those who discriminate, to distinguish, label, categorise those who do not fit in the societal norm. Several scholars in recent decades developed the notion of the "other" as an epistemological concept in social theory.[164] For example, postcolonial scholars, believed that colonising powers explained an "other" who were there to dominate, civilise, and extract resources through colonisation of land.[164]
Political geographers explain how colonial/imperial powers "othered" places they wanted to dominate to legalise their exploitation of the land.[164] During and after the rise of colonialism the Western powers perceived the East as the "other", being different and separate from their societal norm. This viewpoint and separation of culture had divided the Eastern and Western culture creating a dominant/subordinate dynamic, both being the "other" towards themselves.[164]
Post-colonialism
[edit]
Post-colonialism (or post-colonial theory) can refer to a set of theories in philosophy and literature that grapple with the legacy of colonial rule. In this sense, one can regard post-colonial literature as a branch of postmodern literature concerned with the political and cultural independence of peoples formerly subjugated in colonial empires.
Many practitioners take Edward Saïd's book Orientalism (1978) as the theory's founding work (although French theorists such as Aimé Césaire (1913–2008) and Frantz Fanon (1925–1961) made similar claims decades before Saïd). Saïd analyzed the works of Balzac, Baudelaire and Lautréamont, arguing that they helped to shape a societal fantasy of European racial superiority.
Writers of post-colonial fiction interact with the traditional colonial discourse, but modify or subvert it; for instance by retelling a familiar story from the perspective of an oppressed minor character in the story. Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak's Can the Subaltern Speak? (1998) gave its name to Subaltern Studies.
In A Critique of Postcolonial Reason (1999), Spivak argued that major works of European metaphysics (such as those of Kant and Hegel) not only tend to exclude the subaltern from their discussions, but actively prevent non-Europeans from occupying positions as fully human subjects. Hegel's Phenomenology of Spirit (1807), famous for its explicit ethnocentrism, considers Western civilisation as the most accomplished of all, while Kant also had some traces of racialism in his work.
The 2014 YouGov survey found that British people are mostly proud of colonialism and the British Empire:[165]
A new YouGov survey finds that most think the British Empire is more something to be proud of (59%) than to be ashamed of (19%). 23% don't know. Young people are least likely to feel pride over shame when it comes to the Empire, though about half (48%) of 18–24 year olds do. In comparison, about two-thirds (65%) of over 60s feel mostly proud. ... A third of British people (34%) also say they would like it if Britain still had an empire. Under half (45%) say they would not like the Empire to exist today. 20% don't know.[166]
Migrations
[edit]

Nations and regions outside Northern China with significant populations of Han Chinese ancestry:
- Xinjiang: 42.24% Han settlers, 44.96% Indigenous[167]
- Tibet: disputed. 12.2% Han Chinese in the Tibet Autonomous Region.[168]
- Taiwan: 95–97% Han Taiwanese, 2.3% Indigenous[169]
- Manchuria: 80%+ Han Chinese, <20% Indigenous Manchurians.[170]
Nations and regions outside Europe with significant populations of European ancestry[171]

- Africa (see Europeans in Africa)
- South Africa (European South African): 5.8% of the population[172]
- Namibia (European Namibians): 6.5% of the population, of which most are Afrikaans-speaking, in addition to a German-speaking minority.[173]
- Réunion: estimated to be approximately 25% of the population[174]
- Zimbabwe (Europeans in Zimbabwe)
- Algeria (Pied-noir)[175]
- Botswana: 3% of the population[176]
- Kenya (Europeans in Kenya)
- Mauritius (Franco-Mauritian)
- Morocco (European Moroccans)[177]
- Ivory Coast (French people)[178]
- Senegal[179]
- Canary Islands (Spaniards), known as Canarians.
- Seychelles (Franco-Seychellois)
- Somalia (Italian Somalis)
- Eritrea (Italian Eritreans)
- Saint Helena (UK) including Tristan da Cunha (UK): predominantly European.
- Eswatini: 3% of the population[180]
- Tunisia (European Tunisians)[181]

- Asia
- Siberia (Russians, Germans and Ukrainians)[182][183]
- Kazakhstan (Russians in Kazakhstan, Germans of Kazakhstan): 30% of the population[184][185]
- Uzbekistan (Russians and other Slavs): 6% of the population[185]
- Kyrgyzstan (Russians and other Slavs): 14% of the population[185][186][187]
- Turkmenistan (Russians and other Slavs): 4% of the population[185][188]
- Tajikistan (Russians and other Slavs): 1% of the population[185][189]
- Hong Kong[190]
- Philippines (Spanish Ancestry): 3% of the population
- China (Russians in China)
- Indian subcontinent (Anglo-Indians)
- Latin America (see White Latin American)

- Argentina (European Immigration to Argentina): 97% European and mestizo of the population[191]
- Bolivia: 15% of the population[192]
- Brazil (White Brazilian): 47% of the population[193]
- Chile (White Chilean): 60–70% of the population.[194][195][196]
- Colombia (White Colombian): 37% of the population[197]
- Costa Rica: 83% of the population[198]
- Cuba (White Cuban): 65% of the population[199]
- Dominican Republic: 16% of the population[200]
- Ecuador: 7% of the population[201]
- Honduras: 1% of the population[202]
- El Salvador: 12% of the population[203]
- Mexico (White Mexican): 9% or ~17% of the population.[204][205] and 70–80% more as Mestizos.[205]
- Nicaragua: 17% of the population[206]
- Panama: 10% of the population[207]
- Puerto Rico: approx. 80% of the population[208]
- Peru (European Peruvian): 15% of the population[209]
- Paraguay: approx. 20% of the population[210]
- Uruguay (White Uruguayan): 88% of the population[211]
- Venezuela (White Venezuelan): 42% of the population[212]
- Rest of the Americas
- Bahamas: 12% of the population[213]
- Barbados (White Barbadian): 4% of the population[214]
- Bermuda: 34% of the population[215]
- Canada (European Canadians): 80% of the population[216]
- Falkland Islands: mostly of British descent.
- French Guiana: 12% of the population[217]
- Greenland: 12% of the population[218]
- Martinique: 5% of the population[219]
- Saint Barthélemy[220]
- Trinidad and Tobago:[221] 1% of the population

- United States (European American): 72% of the population, including Hispanic and Non-Hispanic Whites.
- Oceania (see Europeans in Oceania)
- Australia (European Australians): 90% of the population
- New Zealand (European New Zealanders): 78% of the population
- New Caledonia (Caldoche): 35% of the population
- French Polynesia: (Zoreilles) 10% of the population[222]
- Hawaii: 25% of the population[223]
- Christmas Island: approx. 20% of the population.
- Guam: 7% of the population[224]
- Norfolk Island: 9→5% of the population
See also
[edit]- African independence movements
- Age of Discovery
- Anti-imperialism
- Chartered company
- Chinese imperialism
- Christianity and colonialism
- Civilising mission
- Client state
- Colonial Empire
- Colonialism in Switzerland
- Colonialism and the Olympic Games
- Coloniality of power
- Colonial war
- Cultural colonialism
- Decoloniality
- Decolonization of the Americas
- Developmentalism
- Direct colonial rule
- Empire of Liberty
- European colonization of Africa
- European colonization of the Americas
- European colonization of Micronesia
- European colonisation of Southeast Asia
- French law on colonialism
- German eastward expansion
- Global Empire
- Historiography of the British Empire
- Impact of Western European colonialism and colonisation
- International relations of the Great Powers (1814–1919)
- Orientalism
- Pluricontinental
- Protectorate
- Right of conquest
- Satellite state
- Stranger King (Concept)
- Western imperialism in Asia
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COLONIALISM AND INTERNAL COLONIALISM, the process by which political, social, economic, and cultural dominance is acquired and held by a foreign power over another people and land. Sometimes, settlers from the ruling power migrate to the colony, but usually their numbers have been small when compared to the size of the indigenous population that is subjugated. Colonialism was a mechanism through which Western institutions and culture spread, especially from the fifteenth century until World War I. Characteristically, however, colonial systems of stratification were marked by great inequalities, with European conquerors and Western ways dominant. Invidious distinctions generally degraded the indigenous peoples, cultures, languages, religions, occupations, and social systems — or, as in the case of the West Indies, the people specifically imported to the colony as slaves and indentured servants to provide laborers for the colonial masters. Internal colonialism refers to the position of subordinate groups and groups that are discriminated against within a given nation-state. By analogy, some writers argue that the status, degree of exploitation, and lack of self-determination of such domestic groups in their home countries are similar to those of colonial subjects in overseas dependencies ruled by an alien people. Furthermore, such groups are often differentiated by race and culture from the majority group and ruling classes. —Wendell Bell
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The control over one territory and its peoples by another, and the ideologies of superiority and *racism often associated with such domination.
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Colonialism has been the most frequent way for one group of people to dominate another. Colonialism is the maintenance of political, social, economic, and cultural domination over people by a foreign power for an extended period (W. Bell, 1991). Colonialism is rule by outsiders but, unlike annexation, does not involve actual incorporation into the dominant people's nation.
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{{cite book}}: ISBN / Date incompatibility (help) - ^ Sultan, Nazmul (2024). "What Is Colonialism? The Dual Claims of a Twentieth-Century Political Category". American Political Science Review. 119: 435–448. doi:10.1017/S0003055424000388. ISSN 0003-0554.
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{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: others (link) - ^ "Definition of COLONIALISM". www.merriam-webster.com. Archived from the original on 4 July 2025. Retrieved 12 July 2025.
- ^ Tignor, Roger (2005). Preface to Colonialism: a theoretical overview. Markus Weiner Publishers. p. x. ISBN 978-1-55876-340-1. Retrieved 5 April 2010.
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- ^ Veracini, Lorenzo (2007). "Historylessness: Australia as a settler colonial collective". Postcolonial Studies. 10 (3): 271–285. doi:10.1080/13688790701488155. hdl:1885/27945. S2CID 144872634.
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- ^ On Racialized Citizenship: The History of Black colonialism in Liberia by Naomi Anderson Whittaker
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- ^ a b Gilmartin, Mary (2009). "Colonialism/Imperialism". In Gallaher, Carolyn; Dahlman, Carl; Gilmartin, Mary; Mountz, Alison; Shirlow, Peter (eds.). Key Concepts in Political Geography. pp. 115–123. doi:10.4135/9781446279496.n13. ISBN 978-1-4129-4672-8.
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- ^ These statistics exclude the Russian Empire, Austria-Hungary, the Ottoman Empire, Spain and Denmark. U.S. Tariff Commission. Colonial tariff policies (1922), p. 5 online
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- ^ Loring, Benjamin (2014). ""Colonizers with Party Cards": Soviet Internal Colonialism in Central Asia, 1917–39". Kritika: Explorations in Russian and Eurasian History. 15 (1): 77–102. doi:10.1353/kri.2014.0012. ISSN 1538-5000.
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- ^
- Aaronson 1996, p. 223: "On the other hand, our study has revealed that Jewish colonization resembled in many respects the model of pure "settlement of population" ("colonization de peuplement"), in the sense of involving colonization without colonialism."
- Cohen 2011, p. 128:"In February 1928, Weizmann submitted an official request to the government for a loan guarantee. He explained that the Zionist Loan was needed to promote further Jewish colonization in Palestine. [...] He advised that both the Zionists and the government should initiate a new period of Zionist colonizing activity as soon as possible."
- Murphy 2005:[page needed] "The first forty years of the twentieth century witnessed the transformation of Zionism from a philosophical discourse to a practical programme for the colonisation of Palestine."
- Yadgar 2017, p. 207:"At the foundation of the Zionist outlook stood the aspiration to establish a state. And absolute sovereignty is needed for Zionism more than for any other nation, because Zionism demanded the right of unrestricted immigration and unrestricted colonization, which can be brought about only by complete sovereignty."
- Shapira, Anita (1992a). "Land and Power: The Zionist Resort to Force, 1881–1948". The American Historical Review. 98 (4). Oxford University Press: 355. doi:10.1086/ahr/98.4.1302. ISSN 0002-8762. Retrieved 19 July 2025.
In many respects, Zionism was unique as a national movement. One of its (presumably singular) characteristic features stemmed from the fact that it was a national liberation movement that was destined to function as a movement promoting settlement in a country of colonization. [...] Zionist psychology was molded by the conflicting parameters of a national liberation movement and a movement of European colonization in a Middle Eastern country. [...] The Zionist movement (in particular, it socialist variant) viewed itself as belonging to the forces striving for a better world and could not accept the fact that the framework of its activity was determined by the contours of a country of colonization.
- Elazari-Volcani, J. (1932). "Jewish Colonization in Palestine". The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science. 164: 84–94. doi:10.1177/000271623216400112. ISSN 0002-7162. JSTOR 1018961. Retrieved 19 July 2025.
- Gelvin, James L. (11 March 2021). "Zionism and the Colonization of Palestine". The Israel-Palestine Conflict: A History (4th ed.). Cambridge University Press. pp. 49–80. doi:10.1017/9781108771634. ISBN 978-1-108-77163-4. Retrieved 19 July 2025.
- Collins 2011, pp. 169–185: "... and as subsequent work (Finkelstein 1995; Massad 2005; Pappe 2006; Said 1992; Shafir 1989) has definitively established, the architects of Zionism were conscious and often unapologetic about their status as colonizers."
- Bloom 2011, pp. 2, 13, 49, 132: "Dr. Arthur Ruppin was sent to Palestine for the first time in 1907 by the heads of the German [World] Zionist Organization in order to make a pilot study of the possibilities for colonization. ... Oppenheimer was a German sociologist and political economist. As a worldwide expert on colonization he became Herzl's advisor and formulated the first program for Zionist colonization, which he presented at the 6th Zionist Congress (Basel 1903) . ... Daniel Boyarin wrote that the group of Zionists who imagined themselves colonialists inclined to that persona "because such a representation was pivotal to the entire project of becoming 'white men'." Colonization was seen as a sign of belonging to western and modern culture;"
- Robinson 2013, p. 18: "'Never before', wrote Berl Katznelson, founding editor of the Histadrut daily, Davar, 'has the white man undertaken colonization with that sense of justice and social progress which fills the Jew who comes to Palestine.'" Berl Katznelson
- Alroey 2011, p. 5: "Herzl further sharpened the issue when he tried to make diplomacy precede settlement, precluding any possibility of preemptive and unplanned settlement in the Land of Israel: "Should the powers show themselves willing to grant us sovereignty over a neutral land, then the Society will enter into negotiations for the possession of this land. Here two regions come to mind: Palestine and Argentina. Significant experiments in colonization have been made in both countries, though on the mistaken principle of gradual infiltration of Jews. Infiltration is bound to end badly."
- Jabotinsky 1923: "Colonisation can have only one aim, and Palestine Arabs cannot accept this aim. It lies in the very nature of things, and in this particular regard nature cannot be changed .. . Zionist colonisation must either stop, or else proceed regardless of the native population." Ze'ev Jabotinsky quoted in Alan Balfour, The Walls of Jerusalem: Preserving the Past, Controlling the Future, Wiley, 2019, p. 59, ISBN 978-1-119-18229-0.
- Piterberg, Gabriel (1 April 2010). "Settlers and their States". New Left Review (62): 115–124.
It is within the typology of settler colonialisms that I place the Zionist colonization of Palestine and the state of Israel—a move which surely should have put to rest the tedious contention that Zionism could not be termed a colonial venture because it lacked the features of metropole colonialism; as if anyone were suggesting otherwise. What its apologists fail to confront is the settler-colonial paradigm.
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Anglo-French carving of colonial space is a significant geographical legacy: nearly 40 percent of the entire length of today's international boundaries were traced by Britain and France.
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The wealth and prominence that allowed Jefferson, at just 33, and the other founding fathers to believe they could successfully break off from one of the mightiest empires in the world came from the dizzying profits generated by chattel slavery. In other words, we may never have revolted against Britain if the founders had not understood that slavery empowered them to do so; nor if they had not believed that independence was required in order to ensure that slavery would continue. It is not incidental that 10 of this nation's first 12 presidents were enslavers, and some might argue that this nation was founded not as a democracy but as a slavocracy.
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The economic value of the slave to the community was considerable. [...] Slavery among the Maori is certainly not comparable to the system as it existed among the ancient civilized states of Europe, but relative to the culture of this native people, it played an important part [...].
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There were also threats to what the Afrikaner perceived as tradition, and slavery was included in this perception.
The abolition of slavery had an effect on why the Great Trek was undertaken and has links to the Afrikaner cultural preservation theory. Slavery was an integral part of Afrikaner society, and there was a sense of discontent when it was called to an end. - ^ King (2010). People on the Move: An Atlas of Migration. pp. 26–27.
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- ^ Stepan, Nancy (1993). Sandra Harding (ed.). The "Racial" Economy of Science (3 ed.). Indiana University press. pp. 359–76. ISBN 978-0-253-20810-1.
- ^ Male and female brains: the REAL differences 10 February 2016, by Dean Burnett, The Guardian
- ^ a b c d e Mountz, Alison. The Other, Key Concepts in Human Geography. p. 2.
- ^ Andrews, Kehinde (24 August 2016). "Colonial nostalgia is back in fashion, blinding us to the horrors of empire". The Guardian.
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- ^ "Main Data of Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region from the Seventh National Population Census". www.fmprc.gov.cn. Consulate General of the People's Republic of China in Toronto. 16 June 2021. Archived from the original on 13 June 2022. Retrieved 8 August 2021.
- ^ "How Much Does Beijing Control the Ethnic Makeup of Tibet?". ChinaFile. 2 September 2021. Retrieved 8 May 2023.
- ^ Tsai, Lin-chin (10 May 2019). Re-conceptualizing Taiwan: Settler Colonial Criticism and Cultural Production (Thesis) – via escholarship.org.
- ^ Richards 2003, p. 141.
- ^ Ethnic groups by country. Archived 6 January 2019 at the Wayback Machine Statistics (where available) from CIA Factbook.
- ^ "South Africa § People and Society". The World Factbook (2025 ed.). Central Intelligence Agency.
- ^ "Naimbia § People and Society". The World Factbook (2025 ed.). Central Intelligence Agency.
- ^ Tarnus, Evelyne; Bourdon, Emmanuel (2006). "Anthropometric evaluations of body composition of undergraduate students at the University of La Réunion". Advances in Physiology Education. 30 (4): 248–53. doi:10.1152/advan.00069.2005. PMID 17108254. S2CID 19474655.
- ^ Laurenson, John (29 July 2006). "Former settlers return to Algeria". BBC News.
- ^ "Botswana § People and Society". The World Factbook (2025 ed.). Central Intelligence Agency.
- ^ De Azevedo, Raimondo Cagiano (1994) Migration and development co-operation.. Council of Europe. p. 25. ISBN 92-871-2611-9.
- ^ "Ivory Coast – The Economy". Library of Congress Country Studies.
- ^ Senegal, About 50,000 Europeans (mostly French) and Lebanese reside in Senegal, mainly in the cities.
- ^ "Eswatini § People and Society". The World Factbook (2025 ed.). Central Intelligence Agency.
- ^ Tunisia, Worldmark Encyclopedia of the Nations. Thomson Gale. 2007. Encyclopedia.com.
- ^ Fiona Hill, Russia — Coming In From the Cold? Archived 15 July 2011 at the Wayback Machine, The Globalist, 23 February 2004
- ^ "Siberian Germans".
- ^ Migrant Resettlement in the Russian Federation by Moya Flynn. (1994). p. 15. ISBN 1-84331-117-8
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- ^ "Brazil § People and Society". The World Factbook (2025 ed.). Central Intelligence Agency.
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Further reading
[edit]- Albertini, Rudolf von. European Colonial Rule, 1880–1940: The Impact of the West on India, Southeast Asia, and Africa (Praeger: 1982) 581 pp
- Benjamin, Thomas, ed. Encyclopedia of Western Colonialism Since 1450 (Cengage Gale: 2006)
- Cooper, Frederick. Colonialism in Question: Theory, Knowledge, History (University of California Press: 2005)
- Cotterell, Arthur. Western Power in Asia: Its Slow Rise and Swift Fall, 1415–1999 (Wiley: 2009) popular history; excerpt
- Getz, Trevor R. and Heather Streets-Salter, eds.: Modern Imperialism and Colonialism: A Global Perspective (Pearson College Div: 2010)
- Jensen, Niklas Thode; Simonsen, Gunvor (2016). "Introduction: The historiography of slavery in the Danish-Norwegian West Indies, c. 1950–2016". Scandinavian Journal of History. 41 (4–5): 475–494. doi:10.1080/03468755.2016.1210880.
- LeCour Grandmaison, Olivier: Coloniser, Exterminer – Sur la guerre et l'Etat colonial, Fayard, 2005, ISBN 2-213-62316-3
- Lindqvist, Sven: Exterminate All The Brutes, 1992, New Press; Reprint edition (June 1997), ISBN 978-1-56584-359-2
- Morris, Richard B. and Graham W. Irwin, eds. Harper Encyclopedia of the Modern World: A Concise Reference History from 1760 to the Present (1970) online
- Ness, Immanuel and Zak Cope, eds. The Palgrave Encyclopedia of Imperialism and Anti-Imperialism (2 vol 2015), 1456 pp
- Nuzzo, Luigi: Colonial Law, European History Online, Mainz: Institute of European History, 2010, retrieved: 17 December 2012.
- Osterhammel, Jürgen: Colonialism: A Theoretical Overview, Princeton, NJ: M. Wiener, 1997.
- Page, Melvin E. et al. eds. Colonialism: An International Social, Cultural, and Political Encyclopedia (3 vol 2003)
- Petringa, Maria, Brazza, A Life for Africa (2006), ISBN 978-1-4259-1198-0.
- Prashad, Vijay: The Darker Nations: A People's History of the Third World, The New Press, 2007. ISBN 978-1-56584-785-9
- Resendez, Andres (2016). The Other Slavery: The Uncovered Story of Indian Enslavement in America. Houghton Mifflin Harcourt. p. 448. ISBN 978-0544602670.
- Rönnbäck, K. & Broberg, O. (2019) Capital and Colonialism. The Return on British Investments in Africa 1869–1969 (Palgrave Studies in Economic History)
- Schill, Pierre: Réveiller l'archive d'une guerre coloniale. Photographies et écrits de Gaston Chérau, correspondant de guerre lors du conflit italo-turc pour la Libye (1911–1912), Créaphis, 480 p., 2018 (ISBN 978-2-35428-141-0). Awaken the archive of a colonial war. Photographs and writings of a French war correspondent during the Italo-Turkish war in Libya (1911–1912). With contributions from art historian Caroline Recher, critic Smaranda Olcèse, writer Mathieu Larnaudie and historian Quentin Deluermoz.
- Stuchtey, Benedikt: Colonialism and Imperialism, 1450–1950, European History Online, Mainz: Institute of European History, 2011, retrieved: 13 July 2011.
- Townsend, Mary Evelyn. European colonial expansion since 1871 (1941).
- U.S. Tariff Commission. Colonial tariff policies (1922), worldwide; 922pp survey online
- Wendt, Reinhard: European Overseas Rule, European History Online, Mainz: Institute of European History, 2011, retrieved: 13 June 2012.
Primary sources
[edit]- Conrad, Joseph, Heart of Darkness, 1899
- Fanon, Frantz, The Wretched of the Earth, Preface by Jean-Paul Sartre. Translated by Constance Farrington. London: Penguin Book, 2001
- Las Casas, Bartolomé de, A Short Account of the Destruction of the Indies (1542, published in 1552).
External links
[edit]
Quotations related to colonialism at Wikiquote- Kohn, Margaret. "Colonialism". In Zalta, Edward N. (ed.). Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy.
Colonialism
View on GrokipediaConceptual Foundations
Etymology and Terminology
The term "colony" originates from the Latin colonia, referring to a farm, landed estate, or settlement established for agricultural purposes, derived from the verb colere, meaning "to till, cultivate, or inhabit."[1] This etymological root underscores the foundational role of settlement and land cultivation in early colonial practices, as seen in Roman coloniae, which were state-sponsored outposts peopled by citizens to secure territory and promote farming.[7] The adjective "colonial," formed by adding the suffix -al to colonia, entered English usage by the 16th century to describe matters pertaining to such settlements or their inhabitants.[7] The noun "colonialism" emerged later as a compound of "colonial" and the suffix -ism, denoting a system, practice, or doctrine. Its earliest recorded English use dates to 1791 in a private letter by the philosopher Jeremy Bentham, who employed it to critique aspects of colonial policy in the context of British administration.[8] By the 1840s, the term gained broader currency, initially describing the customs, speech, or administrative methods of colonial populations, and subsequently the institutionalized framework of governance over distant territories, often without inherent pejorative intent.[9] In French, colonialisme appeared around 1847, linked to debates on Algeria's status under French rule, reflecting parallel developments in European imperial lexicon.[9] Terminologically, "colonialism" distinctively emphasizes the extension of metropolitan sovereignty through settlement, extraction, or administration, contrasting with mere conquest by implying sustained control and transformation of the colonized space.[1] Early 19th-century usage, as in British parliamentary discussions, treated it descriptively as "colonial policy" or "colonial system," focused on economic management and legal oversight rather than moral judgment.[8] The term's connotation shifted toward condemnation in the 20th century, particularly post-1945, amid decolonization movements, where it became synonymous with systemic domination, though historical analyses note its original neutrality in denoting pragmatic governance mechanisms.[9] Related terms like "settler colonialism" specify variants involving mass demographic replacement, while "exploitation colonialism" highlights resource-oriented models without extensive settlement, distinctions formalized in mid-20th-century scholarship to parse empirical variations in practice.[1]Core Definitions
Colonialism constitutes the practice of one political community establishing and maintaining dominion over another distinct people and their territory, typically through settlement, direct governance, and extraction of resources or labor.[1] This dominion involves the subjugation of indigenous populations to the authority of the colonizing power, often resulting in the imposition of the colonizer's legal, administrative, and cultural frameworks upon the subordinated society.[1] Scholarly analyses emphasize that colonialism differs from mere conquest by its emphasis on long-term institutional control and integration of the territory into the colonizer's economic or political system, rather than transient military occupation.[10][11] Central to colonialism is the distinction between the ruling power and the ruled, where the latter remains politically separate yet economically and socially dependent, often for centuries.[10] This control manifests in varied forms, including settler colonialism, characterized by large-scale migration and displacement of native populations to create homogeneous extensions of the metropole (as in the British settlement of North America or Australia), and exploitation colonialism, focused on resource extraction and indirect rule with minimal settler presence (as in the Belgian Congo under King Leopold II from 1885 to 1908).[1] Empirical evidence from historical records shows that by 1914, European colonial powers controlled approximately 84% of the Earth's land surface outside Europe, underscoring the scale of such dominion.[2] These mechanisms relied on superior military technology, disease-induced demographic collapses among indigenous groups (e.g., up to 90% population decline in the Americas post-1492 due to Old World pathogens), and ideological justifications rooted in civilizational superiority.[1] Definitions of colonialism vary slightly across academic traditions, but consensus holds on its core as foreign domination sustained over extended periods, distinct from internal expansion or voluntary federation.[12] For instance, political theorists like Margaret Kohn describe it as leading to "one of the most important developments in the modern world," involving not just territorial acquisition but the reconfiguration of sovereignty and identity in colonized regions.[13] This process often entailed the denial of self-determination to subject peoples, enforced through administrative structures like viceroyalties or chartered companies, as evidenced in the Portuguese Estado da Índia established in 1505.[14] While some sources highlight its role in global economic integration via trade networks, others note the causal link to underdevelopment in affected regions through resource drain and institutional disruption, though causal attribution remains debated due to confounding pre-colonial factors.[11][1]Distinctions from Imperialism and Related Concepts
Colonialism and imperialism are frequently conflated in modern discourse, yet a distinction persists in historical and scholarly analysis, with colonialism denoting the concrete practice of establishing and maintaining settlements in foreign territories under direct metropolitan control, often involving population transfer and resource extraction, whereas imperialism refers to the broader policy, ideology, or process of extending a state's power and dominion over other regions through various means, including but not limited to colonization.[15][16] This differentiation emphasizes colonialism as a subset or mechanism within imperialism: the former entails physical occupation and governance of territories, typically overseas, to exploit labor, land, or commodities, as seen in European ventures from the 15th century onward, while the latter can manifest without settlement, via economic penetration, military suzerainty, or cultural hegemony, such as Britain's informal empire in Latin America during the 19th century through trade dominance rather than direct rule.[1][17] Contemporary scholarship, influenced by postcolonial theory, often treats the terms as synonymous or subordinates one to the other, arguing that both stem from capitalist expansion and racial hierarchies, yet critics maintain this erases analytical precision; for instance, imperialism's animating power derives from metropolitan elites imposing indirect or formal control "from above and afar," distinct from colonialism's ground-level dynamics of displacement and administration.[18][19] Imperialism thus encompasses non-colonial forms, like tributary empires in antiquity (e.g., the Achaemenid Empire's vassal states circa 500 BCE, which extracted tribute without mass settlement) or 20th-century U.S. interventions in the Americas via the Monroe Doctrine (1823), prioritizing spheres of influence over territorial colonization.[16] In contrast, colonialism presupposes enduring presence, as in Spanish holdings in the Americas post-1492, where encomienda systems integrated indigenous labor into imperial economies under settler oversight.[1] Within colonialism itself, subtypes highlight further nuances: settler colonialism involves large-scale migration displacing indigenous populations to claim land as a permanent extension of the metropole, exemplified by British Australia (from 1788) or U.S. westward expansion (Manifest Destiny, 1845), aiming for demographic replacement rather than mere extraction; exploitation colonialism, conversely, focuses on resource and labor plunder with minimal settler influx, as in Belgian Congo (1885–1908) under Leopold II, where forced labor yielded rubber quotas exceeding 10 million kilograms annually by 1900, prioritizing profit over population transfer.[20] These differ from empire-building, a contiguous or federated expansion (e.g., Roman Empire's incorporation of provinces like Gaul by 50 BCE through assimilation and legions, not overseas colonies), or expansionism, which denotes territorial growth without the extractive or ideological overlay of imperialism, such as Russia's Siberian advances (16th–19th centuries) driven by fur trade and security.[17] Such distinctions underscore causal mechanisms: colonialism's sustainability hinged on demographic and administrative investment, risking rebellion if mismanaged, unlike imperialism's flexibility in proxy control.[18]Historical Development
Ancient and Pre-Modern Colonialism
Ancient colonialism encompassed the establishment of overseas settlements by Mediterranean civilizations, primarily for trade, resource extraction, and relief of population pressures, distinct from later large-scale European empires but sharing elements of domination and cultural dissemination. Phoenician, Greek, and Roman efforts from the late Bronze Age through the classical period involved founding autonomous or affiliated outposts that facilitated commerce in metals, timber, and dyes while extending influence over indigenous populations.[21] [22] These ventures often arose from maritime prowess and competition among city-states, leading to hybrid societies where settlers intermingled with locals, though power imbalances favored the colonizers in securing economic advantages. Phoenician colonization began around 1100 BCE, with trading emporia evolving into territorial settlements across the western Mediterranean. Key foundations included Utica in North Africa circa 1100 BCE, Carthage in 814 BCE under Tyrian leadership, and Gadir (modern Cádiz) in Iberia between 1100 and 800 BCE, alongside outposts in Cyprus, Sardinia, Sicily, and Malta. These colonies prioritized access to silver, tin, and iron ores, as well as murex dye production, establishing networks that bypassed overland routes controlled by emerging Near Eastern empires. While not centrally directed like modern states, these settlements maintained loose ties to Tyre and Sidon, exporting goods and technologies that influenced subsequent Greek and Carthaginian expansions.[23] [24] Greek colonization intensified during the Archaic period from approximately 800 to 480 BCE, prompted by land scarcity, internal strife, and oracle-guided migrations from poleis like Corinth, Megara, and Miletus. Early sites included Pithekoussai off Italy around 770 BCE and Cumae circa 750 BCE, followed by Syracuse in Sicily in 734 BCE founded by Corinthians, and Massalia (Marseille) around 600 BCE by Phocaeans. Further colonies dotted Magna Graecia in southern Italy, the Black Sea (e.g., Sinope circa 800 BCE for grain and fisheries), and North Africa, often comprising mixed settler groups who established self-governing cities with cultural and religious links to their metropoleis but political independence. Interactions with natives involved trade, enslavement, and occasional conflict, fostering Hellenization while adapting local practices for agricultural and mercantile gains.[25] [22] Roman colonialism, emerging in the Republic era from the 5th century BCE, emphasized military settlements to secure frontiers and reward veterans, differing from Greek models by stronger legal and administrative ties to Rome. Early maritime colonies like Ostia around 350 BCE guarded coasts, while inland foundations such as Signia in 495 BCE housed citizens in conquered Latin territories. Post-Punic Wars, colonies proliferated in Hispania (e.g., Emerita Augusta in 25 BCE), Gaul, and Africa, granting settlers full Roman rights and imposing Latin as an administrative language. These outposts, numbering over 100 by the 1st century CE, facilitated taxation, road networks, and cultural assimilation, often displacing or integrating indigenous elites under Roman dominance.[26] Pre-modern colonialism in medieval Europe featured Norse expansions from the 8th to 11th centuries CE, blending raiding with permanent settlement across the North Atlantic and British Isles. Initiated by Norwegians, Danes, and Swedes amid climatic improvements and overpopulation, key establishments included the Faroe Islands around 800 CE, Iceland settled from 874 CE by figures like Ingólfr Arnarson, and Greenland's Eastern and Western Settlements from 985 CE under Erik the Red. A brief North American outpost at L'Anse aux Meadows (Vinland) circa 1000 CE by Leif Erikson evidenced transatlantic reach, though abandoned due to hostile encounters and logistics. In Europe, Norse groups formed the Danelaw in England by 878 CE and Normandy via the 911 CE treaty, evolving into Norman conquests that imposed feudal structures on Sicily and England in 1066 CE, marking a transition toward organized territorial control. These ventures exploited fisheries, timber, and farmland, with sagas documenting adaptation to harsh environments and conflicts with Inuit or Celtic natives.[27] [28]Early Modern Expansion (15th–18th Centuries)
The early modern expansion of European colonialism began in the 15th century, driven by advances in navigation, such as the caravel ship and astrolabe, and motivations including access to Asian spices, gold, and the propagation of Christianity amid rivalry with the Ottoman Empire's control of overland routes. Portugal led initial efforts under Prince Henry the Navigator, who sponsored voyages along Africa's west coast starting with the 1415 conquest of Ceuta to secure trade and counter Muslim influence.[29] By 1434, Portuguese explorers had rounded Cape Bojador, establishing fortified trading posts (feitorias) for gold, ivory, and slaves, with the Guinea coast yielding an estimated 1,000 slaves annually by mid-century.[30] Bartolomeu Dias reached the Cape of Good Hope in 1488, and Vasco da Gama arrived in Calicut, India, in 1498, opening direct sea routes to Asia and establishing bases like Goa in 1510.[31] Spain entered the fray with Christopher Columbus's 1492 voyage, funded by Ferdinand II of Aragon and Isabella I of Castile, landing in the Bahamas on October 12 and initiating claims over the Caribbean islands, which Columbus believed were the outskirts of Asia.[32] Subsequent expeditions mapped the Americas, with Vasco Núñez de Balboa crossing Panama to sight the Pacific in 1513. The 1494 Treaty of Tordesillas, mediated by Pope Alexander VI, drew a north-south line 370 leagues west of the Cape Verde Islands, granting Spain rights to lands west (including most of the Americas) and Portugal to the east (encompassing Africa, India, and later Brazil, discovered by Pedro Álvares Cabral in 1500).[33] Spanish conquistadors exploited this division: Hernán Cortés conquered the Aztec Empire from 1519 to 1521, allying with indigenous rivals and leveraging smallpox epidemics that killed up to 90% of native populations in affected regions, reducing central Mexico's inhabitants from an estimated 25 million in 1519 to 1 million by 1600.[34] Francisco Pizarro subdued the Inca Empire in 1532–1533, securing vast silver mines like Potosí, which produced over 40,000 tons of silver by 1800, fueling Europe's economy.[32] Northern European powers joined in the 17th century, challenging Iberian dominance through chartered companies and privateering. The Dutch established the Vereenigde Oostindische Compagnie (VOC) in 1602, which captured Portuguese holdings in Asia, including parts of the Spice Islands, and founded Batavia (Jakarta) in 1619 as a trade hub controlling nutmeg and clove monopolies.[35] England chartered the East India Company in 1600, gaining footholds in India via Surat in 1612, while founding Jamestown in Virginia in 1607 for tobacco cultivation using indentured labor transitioning to African slaves.[36] France established Quebec in 1608 under Samuel de Champlain, focusing on fur trade with indigenous allies, and expanded into the Caribbean with Martinique and Guadeloupe by 1635 for sugar plantations.[36] The Atlantic slave trade intensified to support plantation economies, with Portugal initiating transatlantic shipments; King Ferdinand of Spain authorized 50 African slaves to the Americas in 1510, and by 1526, Portuguese vessels completed the first direct voyage from Africa to Brazil.[37] Over the 16th century, an estimated 300,000 Africans were transported, primarily by Portugal to Brazil and Spanish colonies, where they comprised up to 10% of the workforce by 1550 amid native depopulation from disease and exploitation.[38] By the 18th century, competition escalated, with the Asiento de Negros granting monopolies for slave deliveries to Spanish America, totaling over 1 million by 1700 across European carriers, underpinning mercantilist wealth accumulation through triangular trade routes exchanging European goods for African labor and American commodities.[39] Colonial administrations imposed encomienda systems in Spanish territories, granting laborers to settlers, though often devolving into forced labor, while northern powers emphasized commercial outposts over large-scale settlement until later.[34]19th-Century High Imperialism
The era of high imperialism, spanning roughly from 1875 to 1914, marked the zenith of European colonial expansion, driven primarily by the demands of the Second Industrial Revolution for raw materials, secure markets, and investment opportunities. Industrial powers such as Britain, France, and newly unified Germany sought to secure sources of commodities like rubber, minerals, and cotton to fuel manufacturing, while excess capital sought profitable outlets abroad amid slowing domestic returns. This period saw a shift from informal influence to formal annexation, with European states claiming nearly 90% of Africa's territory by 1900, excluding Ethiopia and Liberia.[40][41] A pivotal event was the Berlin Conference of 1884–1885, convened by German Chancellor Otto von Bismarck to regulate European claims in Africa and avert conflict among powers. Attended by representatives from 14 nations, including Britain, France, Portugal, and the United States, the conference established rules for effective occupation, requiring powers to demonstrate control over claimed territories through treaties or military presence, and formalized free navigation on the Congo and Niger rivers. Outcomes accelerated the Scramble for Africa, leading to rapid partitions: France acquired vast West African holdings, Britain consolidated Egypt in 1882 and expanded into East Africa, Germany seized territories like German South West Africa (now Namibia) and Tanganyika, while King Leopold II of Belgium personally controlled the Congo Free State, an area 76 times larger than Belgium, exploiting it for ivory and rubber through forced labor systems that caused millions of deaths.[42][43] In Asia, high imperialism involved consolidating existing footholds and new incursions; Britain formalized control over India via the British Raj after the 1857 rebellion, while France completed the conquest of Indochina by 1885, and spheres of influence were imposed on China following the Opium Wars, with Germany acquiring Kiaochow Bay in 1898. Economic mechanisms included chartered companies and direct administration, fostering infrastructure like over 40,000 miles of railways in British India by 1914 and extensive telegraph networks in Africa to facilitate resource extraction and administration. These developments integrated colonies into global trade, boosting European GDP growth—British exports to empire rose from 15% in 1870 to 44% by 1913—though benefits accrued disproportionately to metropoles, with colonial economies oriented toward primary exports and limited industrialization.[41][44][45] Ideological justifications drew on social Darwinism and nationalism, portraying expansion as a civilizing mission to spread Christianity, commerce, and governance to "backward" societies, as articulated by figures like Rudyard Kipling in "The White Man's Burden" (1899). However, empirical outcomes included both modernization—such as vaccination campaigns reducing disease mortality—and severe disruptions, including famines in India exacerbated by export-focused agriculture and genocidal campaigns like the German suppression of the Herero and Nama in 1904–1908, which killed up to 100,000. By 1914, European empires controlled approximately 84% of the globe's land surface, setting the stage for inter-imperial rivalries contributing to World War I.[40][41]20th-Century Colonialism and World Wars
Entering the 20th century, European colonial empires controlled approximately 84% of the Earth's land surface outside Europe, with Britain, France, Germany, Belgium, Portugal, and the Netherlands administering vast territories in Africa, Asia, and the Pacific.[46] These empires provided essential resources and manpower that became critical during the World Wars. In World War I, colonial subjects supplied raw materials, food, and financial support to metropolitan efforts, while at least four million non-white troops from Allied and Central Powers territories served in combat and labor roles.[47] The British Empire alone mobilized over three million soldiers and laborers from its dominions and colonies, including significant contingents from India, Africa, and the Caribbean, which fought in theaters from Europe to the Middle East.[48] The war's conclusion in 1918 redistributed German and Ottoman colonies through the League of Nations mandate system, transferring territories such as German East Africa (to Britain) and Togoland (divided between France and Britain) to Allied administration rather than outright annexation, though in practice these operated similarly to colonies.[49] France and Britain expanded their holdings, with France gaining mandates over Syria and Lebanon, and Britain over Palestine, Transjordan, and Iraq, incorporating them into imperial frameworks.[50] This reconfiguration temporarily strengthened victorious empires, but wartime mobilization exposed colonial subjects to metropolitan ideals of self-determination, fueling early nationalist movements, such as in India where promises of reform post-war were unmet, leading to unrest like the 1919 Amritsar Massacre. During the interwar period, colonial administrations maintained extractive economies, with forced labor and resource exports sustaining metropolitan recovery amid the Great Depression. World War II intensified reliance on colonies; the British Empire contributed manpower and materiel pivotal from 1939 to 1942, including over 2.5 million troops from India alone and raw materials from African territories like rubber, minerals, and foodstuffs. French colonies under Vichy control supplied resources to Axis powers until Allied liberation, while Japan seized European holdings in Southeast Asia, exploiting oil from Dutch East Indies and rubber from Malaya to fuel its war machine.[51] These contributions strained imperial control, as colonial troops gained combat experience and exposure to anti-colonial ideologies, while the wars' devastation—financial bankruptcy, infrastructure damage, and loss of over 10 million European lives—eroded the capacity to suppress growing independence demands.[52] By 1945, colonial empires spanned similar extents as in 1914 but faced unprecedented internal challenges, setting the stage for postwar dissolution.[53]Decolonization Era (1945–1975)
The Decolonization Era from 1945 to 1975 marked the rapid dismantling of European colonial empires, driven primarily by the exhaustion of metropolitan powers after World War II, rising nationalist movements, and geopolitical pressures from the United States and Soviet Union, which opposed continued European dominance to expand their own influence. European countries like Britain, France, and the Netherlands faced severe economic strain and military overextension, rendering sustained colonial administration untenable without domestic support.[52] [54] Nationalist leaders, often educated in Western institutions, mobilized mass resistance, leveraging wartime promises of self-determination such as those in the Atlantic Charter.[52] In Asia, decolonization began swiftly: India achieved independence on August 15, 1947, through negotiations amid communal violence that partitioned the subcontinent into India and Pakistan, resulting in over 1 million deaths and 14 million displaced. Indonesia declared independence in 1945, securing it by 1949 after a four-year conflict with Dutch forces involving guerrilla warfare and U.S. diplomatic pressure on the Netherlands. French Indochina saw the Viet Minh defeat France at Dien Bien Phu in 1954, leading to the Geneva Accords that divided Vietnam and granted independence to Laos and Cambodia, though this sowed seeds for further conflict. By 1960, most Asian colonies had transitioned to sovereignty, often via negotiated transfers rather than outright conquest.[54] [52] Africa experienced a surge in independences, particularly the "Year of Africa" in 1960 when 17 nations, including Nigeria, Senegal, and Mali, gained autonomy from France and Britain. Ghana's 1957 independence under Kwame Nkrumah set a precedent for peaceful transitions in British West Africa. However, violent struggles defined cases like the Algerian War (1954–1962), where the Front de Libération Nationale (FLN) waged asymmetric warfare against France, culminating in over 1 million casualties, widespread torture, and France's eventual withdrawal in 1962 after domestic political crisis. Portugal resisted until the 1974 Carnation Revolution prompted withdrawals from Angola, Mozambique, and Guinea-Bissau by 1975, often amid civil wars. The United Nations' 1960 Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples accelerated the process by affirming self-determination as a right, though enforcement relied on great power consensus.[52] [55] Overall, approximately 36 new states emerged in Asia and Africa between 1945 and 1960, with the total exceeding 80 by the era's end, fundamentally reshaping global demographics and power structures.[52] [56] Many newly independent states inherited arbitrary borders and weak institutions, leading to ethnic conflicts, authoritarian regimes, and economic stagnation; for instance, Congo's 1960 independence rapidly devolved into civil war and foreign interventions, highlighting the challenges of rapid state-building without robust governance foundations. Superpower rivalry during the Cold War often filled colonial vacuums with proxy conflicts, as in Angola and Vietnam, prolonging instability rather than fostering development. Empirical assessments indicate that while political sovereignty was achieved, sustained economic growth proved elusive in many cases, with per capita incomes in sub-Saharan Africa declining relative to global averages post-independence due to mismanagement, corruption, and commodity dependence.[57] [58]Post-Colonial and Contemporary Manifestations
Following formal decolonization, which largely concluded by 1975 with the independence of Portuguese colonies such as Angola and Mozambique, many former colonies experienced persistent economic dependencies on their ex-metropoles, manifesting as neo-colonialism through indirect mechanisms like debt, aid conditionality, and trade structures. These dependencies often preserved unequal exchange, where primary commodity exports from the Global South financed manufactured imports from the North, limiting industrialization and perpetuating vulnerability to global price fluctuations.[4] Empirical analyses indicate that post-colonial trade patterns retained colonial-era monopsony, with exports from many African and Asian states concentrated in former imperial markets, constraining diversification.[59] A prominent example is the CFA franc zone, encompassing 14 nations in West and Central Africa, where the currency remains pegged to the euro and historically required central banks to deposit 50% of foreign reserves with the French Treasury until partial reforms in 2019–2020.[60] This arrangement, inherited from colonial monetary unions, ensures currency stability but correlates with subdued economic growth rates averaging 3–4% annually in CFA countries from 2000–2020, compared to higher volatility but faster expansion in non-pegged peers, while facilitating French corporate dominance in sectors like mining and agriculture.[61] Critics, including African economists, contend it enforces fiscal discipline favoring French interests over local investment, as evidenced by the zone's external reserves exceeding €20 billion held in France as of 2018, yet regional integration remains limited.[62] Reforms mandating reserve deposits to regional banks have not eliminated French oversight via the European Central Bank, sustaining accusations of enduring influence.[63] International financial institutions amplified these dynamics through structural adjustment programs (SAPs) from the 1980s onward, applied to over 100 developing countries via IMF and World Bank loans conditioning aid on privatization, trade liberalization, and fiscal austerity.[64] Cross-national studies reveal SAPs reduced poverty reduction elasticity by imposing cuts to social spending, with participating countries experiencing 1–2% lower GDP growth in the short term (1980–1990s) and heightened inequality, as measured by Gini coefficients rising by 5–10 points in sub-Saharan Africa.[65] [66] While IMF evaluations attribute partial growth recoveries (e.g., 0.5–1% annual gains post-1990s) to policy stabilization, independent assessments link persistent underdevelopment to eroded public services and increased external debt, reaching 100% of GDP in many low-income states by 2000.[67] [68] Contemporary manifestations extend to resource extraction and geopolitical leverage, where multinational firms from former colonial powers—such as British and French companies in African mining—control 60–80% of output in nations like the Democratic Republic of Congo and Zambia, repatriating profits amid local revenue losses estimated at $1.7 trillion globally from 2000–2018 via illicit flows.[69] Military pacts, including French bases in Djibouti and the Sahel hosting 5,000–7,000 troops as of 2023, underpin these arrangements, ostensibly for counterterrorism but enabling intervention in resource-rich zones.[70] In Asia, analogous patterns appear in debt-financed infrastructure, though often reframed as South-South cooperation, with Western NGOs and bilateral aid influencing policy in ways echoing colonial paternalism, as seen in conditional support for governance reforms tied to extractive concessions.[71] Cultural and institutional legacies further embed these influences, with English and French dominating legal, educational, and administrative systems in 80% of former colonies, facilitating elite ties to metropoles but hindering vernacular innovation.[72] Migration flows, driven by these disparities, result in remittances exceeding $80 billion annually to sub-Saharan Africa by 2022, yet brain drain depletes skilled labor, reinforcing dependency cycles.[73] Empirical legacies include elevated civil violence risks in settler-colonial heirs, with colonial boundary arbitrariness correlating to 20–30% higher conflict incidence post-1945.[74] These patterns underscore causal continuities from extractive governance, though local agency and global shifts, such as rising intra-African trade (15% of total by 2023), challenge absolute determinism.[75]Motivations and Mechanisms
Economic Drivers
The economic drivers of colonialism were rooted in mercantilist doctrines prevalent in Europe from the 16th to 18th centuries, which emphasized accumulating precious metals like gold and silver to enhance national power and wealth through a favorable balance of trade.[76] Under mercantilism, colonies served as exclusive suppliers of raw materials—such as timber, sugar, and tobacco—to the metropole at low costs, while functioning as protected markets for exporting manufactured goods, thereby minimizing imports from rivals and maximizing exports.[77] This system, enforced through policies like Britain's Navigation Acts of 1651 and subsequent measures, restricted colonial trade to vessels of the mother country and imposed tariffs on foreign goods to shield domestic industries.[76] European states viewed colonial expansion as essential for economic dominance, with colonies treated as extensions of national wealth extraction rather than self-sustaining entities.[78] In the early modern period, the quest for direct access to lucrative Asian spices—pepper, nutmeg, cloves, and cinnamon—drove initial explorations, as European demand far exceeded supply controlled by Middle Eastern intermediaries and the Venetian monopoly.[79] Portugal's voyages, beginning with Vasco da Gama's 1498 route to India, aimed to bypass Ottoman-controlled land paths and secure these high-value commodities, which could yield profits up to 14,000% on initial investments in some cases.[80] Similarly, Spain's conquests in the Americas from 1492 onward targeted gold and silver; the Potosí silver mines in Bolivia alone produced an estimated 45,000 tons of silver between 1545 and 1800, fueling Spain's economy and global trade.[81] These pursuits were explicitly profit-oriented, with monarchs granting explorers like Christopher Columbus licenses promising shares of discovered riches.[82] Joint-stock companies revolutionized colonial economics by pooling investor capital for high-risk ventures, granting monopolies, and wielding quasi-sovereign powers including military force to enforce trade dominance. The Dutch East India Company (VOC), chartered in 1602 as the world's first publicly traded multinational, controlled spice trade from Indonesia, achieving annual profits exceeding 18% in peak years through fortified trading posts and conquests like the 1623 Banda Islands massacre to secure nutmeg exclusivity.[83] The English East India Company (EIC), established in 1600, similarly expanded into textiles, tea, and opium in India and China, generating revenues that by 1757 funded territorial control via private armies.[84] These entities limited investor liability to share capital, enabling sustained operations that integrated trade with territorial acquisition for resource monopolies.[85] By the 19th century, amid industrialization, economic imperatives shifted toward securing raw materials for factories—cotton from India and the American South, rubber from Africa—and establishing captive markets to absorb surplus goods, as seen in Britain's opium trade forcing open Chinese ports after 1839.[86] Plantation economies, reliant on coerced labor including the transatlantic slave trade peaking at 12.5 million Africans forcibly transported by 1867, produced cash crops like sugar, which comprised 80% of Britain's colonial import value in the 18th century.[87] These drivers prioritized metropolitan enrichment, often at the expense of local economies, substantiating mercantilism's zero-sum view of global wealth.[88]Geopolitical and Military Imperatives
European colonial expansion was propelled by the imperative to control maritime trade routes and strategic chokepoints, enabling powers to project naval force and deny advantages to competitors. Portugal's early 16th-century Estado da Índia exemplified this, with fortified enclaves at Goa (1510), Hormuz (1507), and Malacca (1511) securing dominance over Indian Ocean commerce and circumventing Ottoman land monopolies on Asian spices.[89] These positions facilitated naval victories, such as at Diu in 1509, where Portuguese galleons overwhelmed a Gujarat-Ottoman alliance, establishing de facto control over key sea lanes until Dutch incursions in the 17th century.[90] In the 19th century, geopolitical rivalry intensified, with colonies acquired preemptively to preserve Europe's balance of power amid industrial and nationalist pressures. The Scramble for Africa from circa 1880 reflected fears that territorial vacuums would empower adversaries; Britain seized Egypt in 1882 to protect the Suez Canal's link to India, while France linked Algerian holdings to the Niger to forestall British encirclement.[91] The Berlin Conference (1884–1885), initiated by Germany to regulate claims and avert war among attendees including Britain, France, and Portugal, partitioned the continent's unclaimed regions, prioritizing European stability over indigenous sovereignty.[92] Military necessities underscored these pursuits, as overseas bases sustained global naval operations critical for deterrence and commerce protection. Alfred Thayer Mahan's 1890 analysis linked sea power to colonial networks, arguing they generated wealth cycles reinforcing fleets; Britain's Gibraltar (secured 1713) guarded Mediterranean exits, Aden (1839) the Red Sea approach, and Singapore (1819) the Malacca Strait, forming a chain of coaling stations indispensable for steam-era mobility.[93] [94] Such assets not only projected force but secured raw materials like rubber and quinine, vital for sustaining expeditionary armies against both rivals and local resistance.[95]Ideological and Cultural Rationales
European colonial powers in the Age of Discovery frequently invoked religious imperatives to legitimize territorial expansion and subjugation, framing conquest as a divine mandate to propagate Christianity. In 1493, Pope Alexander VI issued the papal bull Inter Caetera, granting Spain exclusive rights to colonize and evangelize lands west of a meridian 100 leagues west of the Azores and Cape Verde Islands, thereby providing doctrinal sanction for the conquest of the Americas under the rationale of converting indigenous populations to Catholicism.[2] This religious justification intertwined with the Spanish Requerimiento of 1513, a proclamation read to native peoples demanding submission to the Spanish crown and the Catholic Church, with refusal interpreted as grounds for enslavement and seizure of lands as punishment for idolatry.[96] Portuguese explorers similarly received papal endorsement through bulls like Romanus Pontifex (1455), authorizing the subjugation of African coastal regions to combat Islam and facilitate missionary work, which underpinned the establishment of trading forts and early slave raids.[96] By the 19th century, as secular ideologies gained prominence amid Enlightenment influences and declining overt religious fervor, colonial rationales shifted toward a "civilizing mission" predicated on European cultural and moral superiority. French imperial doctrine formalized this in the mission civilisatrice, articulated by figures like Jules Ferry in his 1885 speech to the French Chamber of Deputies, asserting that colonization fulfilled a duty to extend republican values, education, and infrastructure to "inferior races" in Algeria, West Africa, and Indochina, where assimilation policies aimed to transform subjects into French citizens through language and legal imposition.[97] British justifications echoed this paternalism, exemplified by Rudyard Kipling's 1899 poem "The White Man's Burden," which portrayed imperialism as a sacrificial obligation for advanced civilizations to uplift "sullen peoples, half-devil and half-child" in places like India and Africa by suppressing local customs deemed barbaric, such as widow-burning or intertribal warfare, while introducing railways, sanitation, and administrative order.[98] These cultural rationales increasingly drew on pseudoscientific frameworks, including Social Darwinism, which applied evolutionary principles to human societies to argue that European dominance reflected natural selection's favor toward industrially advanced, racially "fit" populations. Proponents like Cecil Rhodes invoked such ideas in the late 19th century to defend British expansion in southern Africa, claiming it accelerated global progress by extending Anglo-Saxon governance and Christianity to stagnant regions.[99] While these ideologies masked self-interested exploitation, they genuinely motivated administrators and missionaries who documented efforts to eradicate practices like human sacrifice in the Congo or infanticide in Fiji as moral imperatives, often citing measurable outcomes such as rising literacy rates under colonial education systems by the early 20th century.[100]Forms and Variations
Settler Colonialism
Settler colonialism refers to a distinct form of colonial expansion in which immigrant populations establish permanent settlements with the intent to supplant indigenous societies, transforming the territory into a homeland for the settlers and their descendants.[101] Unlike extractive colonialism, which prioritizes resource removal while maintaining minimal European presence, settler colonialism seeks demographic replacement and land control, often through policies of elimination that include displacement, assimilation, or extermination of native groups.[102] This process is characterized as a structure enduring beyond initial conquest, embedding settler dominance in institutions, laws, and economies.[103] Prominent historical instances occurred in the Americas, Australia, Canada, and New Zealand during the 17th to 19th centuries. In North America, English settlers in regions like Virginia (founded 1607) and Massachusetts (Plymouth 1620) expanded through land grants and conflicts, reducing indigenous land holdings from near-total control to fragmented reservations by the late 1800s; for example, the U.S. Indian Removal Act of 1830 forcibly relocated tens of thousands of Native Americans, resulting in approximately 4,000 Cherokee deaths during the Trail of Tears.[102] Spanish colonization in Latin America from the 1490s integrated some indigenous labor but prioritized settler societies in areas like Mexico and Peru, where encomienda systems granted land and tribute rights, leading to indigenous population declines estimated at 80-90% from 50-100 million in 1492 to under 10 million by 1600, primarily due to Old World diseases like smallpox.[104] In Australia, British settlement began in 1788 under the doctrine of terra nullius, declaring the continent legally unoccupied despite Aboriginal presence; by 1901, indigenous populations had fallen from around 750,000 to 93,000 due to violence, disease, and dispossession, with settlers claiming over 90% of arable land for pastoralism.[105] Mechanisms of settler colonialism included legal frameworks favoring immigrants, such as homesteading laws in the U.S. (e.g., Homestead Act of 1862 distributing 270 million acres) and crown grants in Australia, alongside military campaigns and broken treaties.[102] Indigenous resistance, like the Maori Wars in New Zealand (1845-1872), occasionally secured partial recognition, as in the Treaty of Waitangi (1840), but overall, settler majorities achieved sovereignty; New Zealand's European population grew from a few hundred in 1800 to over 1 million by 1900, comprising 56% of the total.[103] Empirical data indicate that while intentional violence contributed—e.g., U.S. wars killing 30,000-100,000 natives between 1775-1890—disease epidemics caused the bulk of demographic collapse, with causal factors rooted in biological vulnerability rather than solely deliberate policy.[104] Scholarly analyses, often from indigenous studies, emphasize eliminatory intent, though primary records show mixed motives including economic opportunity and security.[101] Long-term legacies include enduring land tenure disparities and cultural erosion; in Canada, reserves encompass only 0.2% of land despite treaties covering larger areas, while settler economies industrialized on appropriated resources.[103] These patterns contrast with non-settler colonies like India, where European populations remained under 0.1% and rule was extractive without replacement.[105] Academic discourse on settler colonialism, prevalent since the 2000s, draws from theorists like Patrick Wolfe, but empirical verification relies on archival demographics and legal histories rather than interpretive frameworks alone.[101]Extractive and Plantation Colonialism
Extractive colonialism refers to systems where colonial powers prioritized the removal of raw materials and labor surplus from territories with minimal investment in sustainable local institutions or infrastructure, often establishing "extractive states" that concentrated power to facilitate resource outflows to the metropole.[106] This approach contrasted with settler models by limiting European migration and focusing on coerced indigenous or imported labor for commodities like minerals, rubber, and timber.[107] A prime example was the Belgian Congo under King Leopold II's personal rule from 1885 to 1908, where the territory's vast rubber reserves were exploited through a concession system granting monopolies to private companies backed by the Force Publique militia.[108] Enforcement involved punitive quotas, hostage-taking of villages, and hand amputations for non-compliance, resulting in widespread demographic collapse estimated at several million deaths from violence, starvation, and disease.[108] Similar extractive practices occurred in the Dutch East Indies under the Cultivation System (1830–1870), where Javanese peasants were compelled to allocate 20% of their land and labor to export crops like sugar and coffee, generating revenues equivalent to a third of the Netherlands' national budget by the 1840s.[109] This system, implemented via local elites (priyayi) to minimize administrative costs, extracted surplus through fixed prices far below market rates, leading to soil degradation and famines, such as the 1840s Java cholera epidemic that killed over 100,000.[107] In Portuguese Angola, extractive colonialism targeted ivory, rubber, and beeswax from the late 19th century, using corvée labor under the "shooting license" system where taxes were payable only in commodities, fostering cycles of debt and forced migration.[110] Plantation colonialism, a subset emphasizing monocultural estates for high-value exports, relied on large-scale coerced labor to produce cash crops such as sugar, tobacco, cotton, and indigo, transforming tropical regions into specialized production zones integrated into global trade networks.[111] Originating with Portuguese sugar plantations in Madeira and São Tomé in the 15th century, the model expanded to the Americas, where by the 17th century, Caribbean islands like Barbados hosted over 300 sugar works employing 20,000 enslaved Africans by 1660, exporting sugar that comprised 80% of England's colonial re-exports.[112] In the British Americas, tobacco plantations in Virginia and Maryland utilized smaller slaveholdings of 10–20 workers per estate, yielding 30 million pounds annually by 1770, while cotton plantations in the U.S. South exploded post-1793 gin invention, producing 4 million bales by 1860 from 4 million enslaved laborers.[113] Brazilian sugar estates, established from 1530, dominated global production until the 17th century, with Bahia's engenhos processing cane via water-powered mills and slave gangs, fueling Portugal's economy through transatlantic exchanges.[114] These systems generated substantial metropolitan wealth—British sugar imports rose tenfold from 380,000 hundredweight in the early 1700s to millions by century's end, underpinning industrial capital accumulation—yet imposed severe human and ecological costs, including soil exhaustion, dependency on single crops, and labor regimes that treated workers as disposable assets.[114] The transatlantic slave trade supplied 12.5 million Africans to New World plantations between 1500 and 1866, with mortality rates exceeding 15% during Middle Passage voyages, while post-arrival conditions on sugar estates yielded life expectancies under 10 years for field slaves due to overwork and malnutrition.[115] Despite biases in academic narratives emphasizing exploitation—often amplified by institutions with ideological leanings toward anti-colonial critiques—empirical records confirm profitability drove expansion, with plantation output forming the backbone of European commerce until abolition shifts in the 19th century.[108] Long-term legacies include uneven infrastructure from export routes but persistent institutional extractiveness hindering diversification.[44]Indirect Rule and Protectorates
Indirect rule was a colonial administrative strategy primarily employed by the British Empire, whereby governance was exercised through existing indigenous political structures and local rulers rather than direct European control. This approach delegated authority to traditional leaders, such as emirs in Northern Nigeria, who collected taxes, enforced laws, and maintained order under the oversight of British residents or district officers.[116] The system minimized the need for extensive British administrative personnel, reducing costs and administrative burdens in vast territories.[117] The policy's origins trace to Frederick Lugard's experiences in India and East Africa, particularly the Buganda Agreement of 1900, which formalized British influence over the Kingdom of Buganda through its kabaka while preserving local hierarchies.[116] Lugard, as High Commissioner of Northern Nigeria from 1900, implemented indirect rule systematically after the 1903 conquest of Sokoto Caliphate territories, extending it southward by 1914 upon the amalgamation of Nigeria's protectorates.[118] In his 1922 publication The Dual Mandate in British Tropical Africa, Lugard articulated the rationale: colonial powers held a dual obligation to exploit resources for metropolitan benefit while advancing native welfare through minimal interference in customary systems.[119] Empirical assessments indicate indirect rule facilitated stability in ethnically diverse regions by aligning with precolonial centralization levels, though it often empowered unrepresentative warrant chiefs in decentralized societies like Igboland, entrenching authoritarianism.[120] Protectorates complemented indirect rule by establishing formal protector-protectorate relationships, where the protecting power assumed responsibility for external defense and diplomacy while allowing internal self-governance via local elites.[121] In the British Empire, this status applied to territories like the Northern Nigeria Protectorate (proclaimed 1900) and Uganda Protectorate (1894), where treaties with rulers ceded foreign affairs control but retained domestic autonomy under indirect oversight.[117] Similar arrangements existed in Asia, such as the Malay states (e.g., Perak Treaty of 1874), where British Residents advised sultans on policy without abolishing native courts.[122] French usage differed, often imposing more assimilationist elements in protectorates like Tunisia (1881) and Morocco (1912), though still retaining some monarchical structures.[120] In practice, protectorates under indirect rule achieved administrative efficiency, as seen in Northern Nigeria where emirs administered justice via alkali courts, collecting over 80% of revenues locally by the 1920s with fewer than 50 British officers for millions of subjects.[116] However, this preserved precolonial inequalities and resisted reforms, contributing to post-independence challenges like elite capture in governance, as evidenced by comparative studies showing indirect rule correlated with weaker state centralization in formerly decentralized areas.[120] Unlike direct rule in French West Africa, which centralized bureaucracy and eroded local institutions, British indirect methods in protectorates like Sierra Leone (1896–1961) sustained ethnic divisions but enabled rapid pacification post-conquest.[123] Overall, these mechanisms prioritized fiscal prudence and order over transformative governance, influencing long-term institutional persistence.[124]Empirical Impacts
Economic Growth and Trade Networks
European colonial expansion from the 16th century onward established extensive transoceanic trade networks that connected Europe, Africa, Asia, and the Americas, fundamentally reshaping global commerce and contributing to accelerated economic growth in metropolitan powers. Atlantic trade, particularly following the discovery of the New World in 1492, enabled countries with coastal access—such as Portugal, Spain, the Netherlands, Britain, and France—to realize substantial gains through the export of commodities like silver, spices, sugar, and later cotton, which fueled industrialization and urbanization. Empirical analyses indicate that this trade accounted for a significant portion of Western Europe's post-1500 economic divergence, with Atlantic-oriented economies experiencing per capita income growth rates up to 0.2-0.3% annually higher than inland counterparts, driven by inflows of New World silver and Asian goods that expanded money supplies and stimulated domestic markets.[125] Chartered trading companies exemplified the institutional mechanisms underpinning these networks, monopolizing routes and generating profits that reinvested into European economies. The Dutch East India Company (VOC), founded in 1602 as the world's first publicly traded multinational, dominated spice trade from Indonesia, yielding average annual dividends of 18% between 1602 and 1696, which underpinned the Dutch Golden Age by financing shipping, banking, and fiscal innovations. Similarly, the British East India Company, established in 1600, expanded tea, textiles, and opium trades, contributing an estimated 5-10% to Britain's national income by the 18th century through triangular commerce involving Asia and the Americas. These entities lowered transaction costs via fortified outposts and naval protection, doubling intra-empire trade volumes between 1870 and 1913 compared to non-colonial baselines.[126][127][128] In colonized regions, integration into these networks often prioritized extractive exports over local development, yet fostered some economic expansion through specialization in cash crops and minerals. Plantations in the Caribbean and Americas shifted indigenous and enslaved labor toward monocultures like tobacco, sugar, and cotton, boosting export values—for instance, British colonial sugar production rose from negligible levels in 1650 to supplying 80% of Europe's consumption by 1800, integrating peripheral economies into global division of labor. However, causal assessments reveal limited spillovers to broad-based growth in many African and Asian colonies, where metropolitan policies maximized resource outflows, constraining domestic reinvestment and yielding dependency patterns rather than sustained per capita gains.[129][4] Overall, these networks multiplied global trade volumes severalfold from 1500 to 1800, laying foundations for modern globalization despite uneven distributional effects.[130]Institutional Legacies and Governance
Colonial administrations transplanted European-style governance structures, including centralized bureaucracies, codified legal systems, and property rights frameworks, which shaped post-independence state capacities in many territories. In settler colonies like those in North America and Australia, Europeans established institutions emphasizing checks on executive power and secure property rights, fostering long-term economic and political stability. Extractive colonies, particularly in tropical regions with high European settler mortality rates, received institutions prioritizing revenue extraction over broad inclusivity, often relying on local intermediaries under indirect rule. These differences persisted, influencing modern governance metrics such as rule of law and government effectiveness.[131][3] Empirical analysis exploiting variation in pre-colonial settler mortality rates—lower in temperate zones, higher in disease-prone tropics—demonstrates that locations with inclusive colonial institutions exhibit higher GDP per capita today, with institutional quality explaining up to 75% of income differences among former colonies. Daron Acemoglu, Simon Johnson, and James A. Robinson's 2001 study found that where mortality was low (e.g., under 100 deaths per 1,000 settlers annually), colonizers invested in protective institutions like independent judiciaries; high-mortality areas (over 250 per 1,000) saw extractive setups, correlating with weaker post-colonial governance and lower growth rates of 1-2% annually in institutional quality-adjusted models. This "reversal of fortune" pattern holds after controlling for geography and initial prosperity, underscoring causal persistence of institutional endowments over cultural or resource factors.[3][131] Comparisons between British and French colonial models reveal divergent legacies in Africa and Asia. British indirect rule, implemented in over 70% of sub-Saharan African territories by 1930, delegated authority to pre-existing chiefs and ethnic structures, preserving local hierarchies but enabling post-independence continuity in decentralized governance and reducing outright state collapse risks. French direct rule, applied more uniformly (e.g., in Senegal and Algeria), dismantled indigenous polities in favor of assimilationist bureaucracies, leading to centralized but brittle post-colonial states prone to coups—evident in 15 French colonies experiencing regime changes by 1970 versus 8 British ones. Yet, British systems sometimes entrenched corruption among local elites, as chiefs gained unchecked revenue powers without accountability, contributing to uneven rule-of-law scores in places like Nigeria.[132][133] Legal system transplants further mediated governance outcomes: former British colonies adopted common law traditions emphasizing judicial precedent and adaptability, associating with 0.5-1 standard deviation higher scores in World Bank rule-of-law indicators compared to civil law origins from French or Portuguese rule. This stems from common law's flexibility in enforcing contracts, which supported private sector growth and constrained arbitrary executive actions post-independence. In contrast, civil law's codified rigidity, rooted in state-centric Napoleonic models, correlated with weaker judicial independence in Latin America and Africa, facilitating authoritarian consolidation. These effects endure, with legal origin explaining 20-30% of variance in contemporary corruption perceptions indices across 150 countries.[134][135] Overall, colonial governance legacies facilitated state-building in inclusive contexts—evidenced by higher democracy scores in low-mortality ex-colonies—but exacerbated fragility where extractive institutions predominated, interacting with local ethnic fractionalization to hinder effective administration. Studies confirm that better-paid colonial governors (e.g., British salaries averaging £5,000 annually in the 1920s versus French equivalents) invested in durable bureaucracies, yielding 15-20% higher institutional persistence metrics today. However, post-colonial agency often amplified or distorted these foundations, as leaders in weakly institutionalized states repurposed central apparatuses for patronage rather than public goods provision.[136][137]Technological and Infrastructural Advancements
Colonial powers constructed extensive transportation and communication networks in their territories to enable resource extraction, military mobility, and administrative control, resulting in the introduction of modern infrastructure absent in pre-colonial systems. In India under British rule, the railway network expanded from 838 miles in 1860 to 15,842 miles by 1880, primarily linking inland regions to ports like Bombay, Calcutta, and Madras for efficient goods transport.[138] This system, initiated with the first 20-mile line from Bombay to Thana in 1853, facilitated economic integration and long-term urbanization patterns.[139] Similar developments occurred in Africa, where colonial railroads, such as those in British East Africa and the Belgian Congo, connected resource-rich interiors to coastal export points, totaling over 40,000 kilometers by 1930 across the continent and promoting path-dependent urban growth around rail hubs.[140] Roads and ports underwent parallel modernization; in colonial India, early efforts included dak roads for mail and troop movement from the late 18th century, evolving into metaled highways totaling thousands of miles by the early 20th century.[141] European colonies in Southeast Asia and Africa saw port expansions, such as Manila's upgrades under Spanish and American rule from 1880 to 1908, incorporating lighthouses and dredging to handle steamship traffic.[142] Telegraph lines, introduced in the 1860s, spanned India by over 10,000 miles by 1880, linking administrative centers and enabling rapid crisis response, while similar networks in French West Africa connected Dakar to interior outposts by the 1890s. These infrastructures, though extractive in intent, embedded durable engineering standards that outlasted colonial rule. Technological transfers included steam-powered machinery, modern surveying, and sanitation systems adapted for colonial needs. In Asia and Africa, European colonizers disseminated railway engineering, bridge construction, and irrigation techniques, such as India's extensive canal networks built from the 1830s onward, which irrigated millions of acres and boosted agricultural productivity.[143] Mining technologies, including steam pumps and rail haulage, were applied in African colonies like the Gold Coast, enhancing output of gold and diamonds from the late 19th century. Medical and public health innovations, such as quinine prophylaxis against malaria, were deployed to sustain European presence but also reduced endemic disease burdens in urban colonial centers. Empirical analyses indicate these introductions accelerated technological diffusion, with colonial railways contributing up to 1.5% annual GDP growth in India from 1860 to 1912 through lowered transport costs.[143] However, adoption was uneven, concentrated along export corridors rather than uniformly benefiting hinterlands.[107]Health, Demography, and Disease Dynamics
The arrival of Europeans in the Americas initiated a catastrophic demographic collapse among indigenous populations primarily due to exposure to Old World diseases such as smallpox, measles, influenza, and typhus, to which Amerindians lacked immunity. Estimates indicate that between 1492 and 1600, approximately 56 million indigenous people perished, representing a population reduction of up to 90% in affected regions.[144][145] This "Great Dying" facilitated European settlement by depopulating vast territories, with pre-contact populations in the Americas estimated at 50-100 million declining to around 5-10 million by the mid-17th century.[146] In contrast, disease dynamics in Afro-Eurasian colonies were less demographically devastating, as local populations possessed partial immunity from prior Eurasian epidemics, though new strains and vectors still caused significant mortality. The Columbian Exchange transmitted diseases bidirectionally, with syphilis originating in the Americas and spreading to Europe, but Old World pathogens like plague and tuberculosis exacerbated vulnerabilities in densely populated Asian and African regions without triggering total collapse.[147] Colonial records document recurrent epidemics, such as cholera outbreaks in India during the 19th century, yet overall population trajectories shifted toward growth after initial disruptions, aided by gradual immunological adaptation and administrative responses.[148] European colonial administrations introduced biomedical interventions that mitigated disease burdens and spurred demographic recovery. Vaccination campaigns, beginning with Edward Jenner's smallpox method adopted in British India from the early 1800s, reduced mortality from epidemics; by the late 19th century, routine inoculations in colonies like Fiji and India curbed outbreaks that previously killed millions.[149][150] In Africa, quinine prophylaxis enabled control of malaria among European troops and settlers from the mid-19th century, indirectly lowering transmission rates through reduced human-vector contact in controlled areas.[151] Sanitation reforms, including urban water systems and quarantine protocols in cities like Bombay and Calcutta, decreased infant and child mortality, contributing to fertility outpacing death rates.[148] These measures underpinned population expansions in non-settler colonies. India's population grew from approximately 165 million in 1700 to 359 million by 1950, with accelerated increases during the British Raj (1858-1947) despite famines, reflecting declining mortality from infectious diseases.[152] In sub-Saharan Africa, colonial-era populations stagnated or declined initially due to slave trade residuals and rinderpest epizootics in the 1890s, but rebounded modestly from 1890 onward, reaching sustained growth by the 1920s through imported veterinary and public health practices.[153][154] Life expectancy in British India hovered around 25-30 years in the early 20th century, low by European standards but indicative of stabilization amid endemic threats, with targeted interventions like anti-malarial efforts yielding localized gains.[155] Demographic shifts also involved migration and labor dynamics, with coerced movements amplifying disease transmission but eventually integrating hygienic standards from metropolitan models. In settler colonies like Australia, indigenous populations declined by 50-90% post-contact due to similar viral introductions, yet total colonial populations exploded through European immigration and higher survival rates enabled by imported medicine.[156] Overall, while initial phases emphasized mortality shocks, colonial health regimes—prioritizing economic viability—fostered long-term demographic resilience via empirical public health applications, though unevenly distributed across racial lines.[157]Social and Cultural Dimensions
Population Movements and Labor Systems
, the Caribbean, and North America, where enslaved labor generated substantial export revenues for European powers.[159] In settler colonies, European migration provided a mix of voluntary and indentured workers. Between 1500 and 1800, roughly 2.5 million Europeans migrated to the Americas, including indentured servants who comprised up to 75% of arrivals in British North America during the 17th century, often serving 4-7 year terms before gaining land or freedom.[160] Mass voluntary emigration accelerated in the 19th century, with over 50 million Europeans moving to the Americas, Australia, and New Zealand between 1815 and 1930, driven by economic opportunities and land availability in colonies like the United States and Australia, where arrivals tripled the population during gold rushes from 1851 to 1860.[161][162] Post-slavery abolition in the British Empire (1833-1838), indentured labor from Asia sustained plantation economies. From 1834 to 1917, Britain transported about 1.5 million Indians to colonies including Mauritius (one-third of total), Trinidad, Guyana, and Fiji, under contracts typically lasting 5-10 years with provisions for return passage, though high mortality and deceptive recruitment rendered conditions akin to bondage.[163] Chinese "coolie" labor, involving coercive contracts, supplied around 150,000 to Cuba and 100,000 to Peru between the 1840s and 1870s for guano mining and sugar production, with voyage death rates exceeding 20% in some cases due to overcrowding and abuse.[164] In African colonies, forced labor systems extracted resources without large-scale translocation. The Belgian Congo Free State (1885-1908) imposed corvée labor for rubber collection, compelling millions of Congolese through quotas enforced by violence, contributing to demographic collapses estimated at several million excess deaths from exhaustion, famine, and reprisals.[165] Portuguese Angola maintained indigenous forced labor until formal abolition in 1962, with annual quotas affecting hundreds of thousands for cotton and diamond extraction, often under private concessions that blurred lines between taxation and slavery.[166]| Migration Type | Origin | Primary Destinations | Estimated Scale | Time Period |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Transatlantic Slavery | West/Central Africa | Americas (Brazil, Caribbean, North America) | 12.5 million embarked | 1501-1866[158] |
| European Settler/Indentured | Europe | North America, Australia | 50+ million (19th c. peak) | 1500-1930[161] |
| Indian Indenture | India | Mauritius, Caribbean, Fiji | 1.5 million | 1834-1917[163] |
| Chinese Coolie Trade | China | Cuba, Peru, Southeast Asia | 250,000+ to Americas | 1840s-1870s[164] |