Hubbry Logo
logo
Irish Americans
Community hub

Irish Americans

logo
0 subscribers
Read side by side
from Wikipedia

Key Information

Number of Irish Americans
Year Number
1980[7]
40,165,702
1990[8]
38,735,539
2000[9]
30,528,492
2010[10]
34,670,009
2020[11]
38,597,428

Irish Americans (Irish: Gael-Mheiriceánaigh, pronounced [ɡeːlˠ ˈvʲɛɾʲəcɑːnˠi]) are ethnic Irish that live in the United States and are American citizens.[12]

Irish immigration to the United States

[edit]

From the 17th century to the mid-19th century

[edit]
U.S. counties by the percentage of their population self-identifying Scotch-Irish or American ancestry according to the U.S. Census Bureau American Community Survey 2013–2017 5-Year Estimates.[13] Counties where Scotch-Irish and American ancestry combined are greater than the United States as a whole are in full orange.
U.S. states by the percentage of their population self-identifying Irish ancestry according to the U.S. Census Bureau.[13] States where Irish ancestry is greater than the United States as a whole are in full green.
U.S. states where self-identified Irish Americans are overrepresented by the percentage of self-identified Catholics according to the Pew Research Center.[14] States where the percentage of Catholics is greater than the United States as a whole are in full red.
U.S. states where self-identified Irish Americans are over-represented by the percentage of self-identified Protestants (Evangelical or Mainline), according to the Pew Research Center.[15][16] States where the percentage of Protestants is greater than the United States as a whole are in full blue.

Some of the first Irish people to travel to the New World did so as members of the Spanish garrison in Florida during the 1560s. Small numbers of Irish colonists were involved in efforts to establish colonies in the Amazon region, in Newfoundland, and in Virginia between 1604 and the 1630s. According to historian Donald Akenson, there were "few if any" Irish forcibly transported to the Americas during this period.[17]

Irish immigration to the Americas was the result of a series of complex causes. The Tudor conquest and subsequent colonization by English and Scots people during the 16th and 17th centuries had led to widespread social upheaval in Ireland. Many Irish people tried to seek a better life elsewhere.

At the time European colonies were being founded in the Americas, offering destinations for emigration. Most Irish immigrants to the Americas traveled as indentured servants, with their passage paid for a wealthier person to whom they owed labor for a period of time. Some were merchants and landowners, who served as key players in a variety of different mercantile and colonizing enterprises.[17]

In the 1620s significant numbers of Irish laborers began traveling to English colonies such as Virginia on the continent, and the Leeward Islands and Barbados in the Caribbean region.[18]: 56–7 

Half of the Irish immigrants to the United States in its colonial era (1607–1775) came from the Irish province of Ulster and were largely Protestant, while the other half came from the other three provinces (Leinster, Munster, and Connacht).[19]

In the 17th century, immigration from Ireland to the Thirteen Colonies was minimal,[20][21] confined mostly to male Irish indentured servants who were primarily Catholic[21][22] and peaked with 8,000 prisoner-of-war penal transports to the Chesapeake Colonies from the Cromwellian conquest of Ireland in the 1650s (out of a total of approximately 10,000 Catholic immigrants from Ireland to the United States prior to the American Revolutionary War in 1775).[21][23][24][25]

Indentured servitude in British America emerged in part due to the high cost of passage across the Atlantic Ocean.[26][27] Indentured servants followed their patrons to the latter's choice of colonies as destinations.[28]

While the Colony of Virginia established the Anglican Church as the official religion, and passed laws prohibiting the free exercise of Catholicism during the colonial period,[29] the General Assembly of the Province of Maryland enacted laws in 1639 protecting freedom of religion (following the instructions of a 1632 letter from Cecil Calvert, 2nd Baron Baltimore to his brother Leonard Calvert, the 1st Proprietary-Governor of Maryland). The Maryland General Assembly later passed the 1649 Maryland Toleration Act explicitly guaranteeing those privileges for Catholics.[30]

Like the rest of the indentured servant population (who were mostly men) in the Chesapeake Colonies at the time, 40 to 50 percent died before completing their contracts. Conditions were harsh and the Tidewater region had a highly malignant disease environment, with mosquitoes spreading disease. Most of the men did not establish families and died childless because the population of the Chesapeake Colonies, like the Thirteen Colonies in the aggregate, was not sex-balanced until the 18th century. Three-quarters of the immigrants to the Chesapeake Colonies were male (and in some periods, 4:1 or 6:1 male-to-female) and fewer than 1 percent were over the age of 35. As a consequence, the population grew only because of sustained immigration rather than natural increase. Many of those who survived their indentured servitude contracts left the region.[31][32][33]

In 1650, all five Catholic churches with regular services in the eight British American colonies were located in Maryland.[34]

The Province of Carolina did not restrict suffrage to members of the established Anglican church. In contrast to 17th century Maryland, the New England colonies had a variety of policies. Plymouth, Massachusetts Bay and Connecticut Colonies restricted suffrage to members of the established Puritan church. The Colony of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations had no established church, while the former New Netherland colonies (New York, New Jersey, and Delaware) had no established church under the Duke's Laws. The Frame of Government in William Penn's 1682 land grant established free exercise of religion for all Christians in the Province of Pennsylvania.[35][36]

Following the Glorious Revolution (1688–1689), colonial governments disenfranchised Catholics in Maryland, New York, Rhode Island, Carolina, and Virginia.[35] In Maryland, suffrage was restored in 1702.[37]

In 1692, the Maryland General Assembly had established the Church of England as the official state church.[38] In 1698 and 1699, Maryland, Virginia, and Carolina passed laws specifically limiting immigration of Irish Catholic indentured servants.[39] In 1700, the estimated population of Maryland was 29,600,[40] about 2,500 of whom were Catholic.[41]

In the 18th century, emigration from Ireland to the Thirteen Colonies shifted from being primarily Catholic to being primarily Protestant. With the exception of the 1790s, it would remain so until the mid-to-late 1830s,[42][43] with Presbyterians constituting the absolute majority until 1835.[44][45] These Protestant immigrants were principally descended from Scottish and English pastoralists and colonial administrators (often from the South/Lowlands of Scotland and the bordering North of England) who had in the previous century settled the Plantations of Ireland, the largest of which was the Plantation of Ulster.[46][47][48] By the late 18th century, these Protestant immigrants primarily migrated as families rather than as individuals.[49] Most of these Irish Protestants were Ulster Protestants. During the first half of the 18th century, 15,000 Ulster Protestants emigrated to North America, with another 25,000 during the period 1751 to 1775. The reasons for their emigration consisted mainly of: bad harvests, landlords increasing rents as leases fell through, and agrarian violence by Protestant gangs such as the "Hearts of Steel", also known as the "Steelboys", before the American revolution cut off further emigration.[50]

In 1704, the Maryland General Assembly passed a law that banned the Jesuits from proselytizing, baptizing children other than those with Catholic parents, and publicly conducting Catholic Mass. Two months after its passage, the General Assembly modified the legislation to allow Mass to be privately conducted for an 18-month period. In 1707, the General Assembly passed a law which permanently allowed Mass to be privately conducted. During this period, the General Assembly also began levying taxes on the passage of Irish Catholic indentured servants. In 1718, the General Assembly required a religious test for voting that resumed disenfranchisement of Catholics.[51]

However, lax enforcement of penal laws in Maryland (due to its population being overwhelmingly rural) enabled churches on Jesuit-operated farms and plantations to serve growing populations and become stable parishes.[52]

In 1750, of the 30 Catholic churches with regular services in the Thirteen Colonies, 15 were located in Maryland, 11 in Pennsylvania, and 4 in the former New Netherland colonies.[53] By 1756, the number of Catholics in Maryland had increased to approximately 7,000,[54] which increased further to 20,000 by 1765.[52] In Pennsylvania, there were approximately 3,000 Catholics in 1756 and 6,000 by 1765 (the large majority of the Pennsylvania Catholic population was from provinces of southern Germany).[52][54][55]

From 1717 to 1775, though scholarly estimates vary, the most common approximation is that 250,000 immigrants from Ireland emigrated to the Thirteen Colonies.[list 1] By the beginning of the American Revolutionary War in 1775, approximately only 2 to 3 percent of the colonial labor force was composed of indentured servants, and of those arriving from Britain from 1773 to 1776, fewer than 5 percent were from Ireland (while 85 percent remained male and 72 percent went to the Southern Colonies).[65] Immigration during the war came to a standstill except by 5,000 German mercenaries from Hesse who remained in the country following the war.[43] Out of the 115 killed at the Battle of Bunker Hill, 22 were Irish-born. Their names include Callaghan, Casey, Collins, Connelly, Dillon, Donohue, Flynn, McGrath, Nugent, Shannon, and Sullivan.[66]

By the end of the war in 1783, there were approximately 24,000 to 25,000 Catholics in the United States (including 3,000 slaves) out of a total population of approximately 3 million (or less than 1 percent).[40][23][67][68] The majority of the Catholic population in the United States during the colonial period came from England, Germany, and France, not Ireland.[23] Irish historiographers tried and failed to demonstrate Irish Catholics were more numerous in the colonial period than previous scholarship had indicated.[69] By 1790, approximately 400,000 people of Irish birth or ancestry lived in the United States (or greater than 10 percent of the total population of approximately 3.9 million).[19][70] The U.S. Bureau of the Census estimates 2% of the United States population in 1776 was of native Irish heritage.[71] The Catholic population grew to approximately 50,000 by 1800 (or less than 1 percent of the total population of approximately 5.3 million) due to increased Catholic emigration from Ireland during the 1790s.[43][68][72][73]

In the 18th century Thirteen Colonies and the independent United States, while interethnic marriage among Catholics remained a dominant pattern, Catholic-Protestant intermarriage became more common (notably in the Shenandoah Valley where intermarriage among Ulster Protestants and the significant minority of Irish Catholics in particular was not uncommon or stigmatized).[74] While fewer Catholic parents required that their children be disinherited in their wills if they renounced Catholicism, compared to the rest of the US population, this response was more common among Catholic parents that Protestants.[67]

Despite such constraints, many Irish Catholics who immigrated to the United States from 1770 to 1830 converted to Baptist and Methodist churches during the Second Great Awakening (1790–1840).[75][76]

Between the end of the American Revolutionary War in 1783 and the War of 1812, 100,000 immigrants came from Ulster to the United States.[44] During the French Revolutionary Wars (1792–1802) and Napoleonic Wars (1803–1815), there was a 22-year economic expansion in Ireland due to increased need for agricultural products for British soldiers and an expanding population in England. Following the conclusion of the War of the Seventh Coalition and Napoleon's exile to Saint Helena in 1815, there was a six-year international economic depression that led to plummeting grain prices and a cropland rent spike in Ireland.[44][77]

From 1815 to 1845, 500,000 more Irish Protestant immigrants came from Ireland to the United States,[44][78] as part of a migration of approximately 1 million immigrants from Ireland from 1820 to 1845.[77] In 1820, following the Louisiana Purchase in 1804 and the Adams–Onís Treaty in 1819, and acquisition of territories formerly controlled by Catholic European nations, the Catholic population of the United States had grown to 195,000 (or approximately 2 percent of the total population of approximately 9.6 million).[79][80] By 1840, along with resumed immigration from Germany by the 1820s,[81] the Catholic population grew to 663,000 (or approximately 4 percent out of the total population of 17.1 million).[82][83] Following the potato blight in late 1845 that initiated the Great Famine in Ireland, from 1846 to 1851, more than 1 million more Irish immigrated to the United States, 90 percent of whom were Catholic.[42][84]

From 1800 to 1844, Irish emigrants were mainly skilled and economically sufficient Ulster Protestants, including artisans, tradesmen and professionals, and farmers.[85] The Famine and the threat of starvation amongst the Irish Catholic population broke down the psychological barriers that had discouraged them from making the passage to America before. After the second potato blight in 1846, panic over the need to escape their difficult situation in Ireland led many to the belief that "anywhere is better than here". Irish Catholics traveled to England, Canada, and America for new lives. Irish immigration increased dramatically during the period 1845–1849, as ships started transporting Irish emigrants during the autumn and winter periods to meet the demand.[86]

Many of the Famine immigrants to New York City were required quarantine on Staten Island or Blackwell's Island. Weakened by famine and diseases of the poor, who suffered lack of sanitation and crowded shipboard conditions, thousands died from typhoid fever or cholera for reasons directly or indirectly related to the Famine. Doctors did not know how to treat or prevent these.[87]

Despite the small increase in Catholic-Protestant intermarriage following the American Revolutionary War,[67] Catholic-Protestant intermarriage remained uncommon in the United States in the 19th century.[88]

"Scotch-Irish"

[edit]

Historians have characterized the etymology of the term "Scotch-Irish" as obscure.[89] The term itself is misleading and confusing to the extent that even its usage by authors in historic works of literature about the Scotch-Irish (such as The Mind of the South by W. J. Cash) is often incorrect.[90][91][92] Historians David Hackett Fischer and James G. Leyburn note that usage of the term is unique to North American English and it is rarely used by British historians, or in Ireland or Scotland, where Scots-Irish is a term used by Irish Scottish people to describe themselves.[93][94] The first recorded usage of the term was by Elizabeth I of England in 1573 in reference to Gaelic-speaking Scottish Highlanders who crossed the Irish Sea and intermarried with the Irish Catholic natives of Ireland.[89]

While Protestant immigrants from Ireland in the 18th century were more commonly identified as "Anglo-Irish," and while some preferred to self-identify as "Anglo-Irish,"[93] usage of "Scotch-Irish" in reference to Ulster Protestants who immigrated to the United States in the 18th century likely became common among Episcopalians and Quakers in Pennsylvania, where numerous of these immigrants entered through Philadelphia. Records show that usage of the term with this meaning was made as early as 1757 by Anglo-Irish philosopher Edmund Burke.[95][96]

However, multiple historians have noted that from the time of the American Revolutionary War until 1850, the term largely fell out of usage, because most Ulster Protestants identified as "Irish" until large waves of immigration by Irish Catholics both during and after the 1840s Great Famine in Ireland led those Ulster Protestants in America who lived in proximity to the new immigrants to change their self-identification to "Scotch-Irish,"[list 2] Those Ulster Protestants who did not live in proximity to Irish Catholics continued to self-identify as "Irish" or, as time went on, began to identify as being of "American ancestry."[99]

While those historians note that renewed usage of "Scotch-Irish" after 1850 was motivated by anti-Catholic prejudices among Ulster Protestants,[97][98] considering the historically low rates of intermarriage between Protestants and Catholics in both Ireland and the United States,[list 3] as well as the relative frequency of interethnic and interdenominational marriage amongst Protestants in Ulster,[list 4] and despite the fact that not all Protestant migrants from Ireland historically were of Scottish descent,[58] James G. Leyburn argued for retaining its usage for reasons of utility and preciseness,[106] while historian Wayland F. Dunaway also argued for retention for historical precedent and linguistic description.[107]

During the colonial period, Irish Protestant immigrants settled in the southern Appalachian backcountry and in the Carolina Piedmont.[108] They became the primary cultural group in these areas, and their descendants were in the vanguard of westward movement through Virginia into Tennessee and Kentucky, and thence into Arkansas, Missouri and Texas. By the 19th century, through intermarriage with settlers of English and German ancestry, their descendants lost their identification with Ireland. "This generation of pioneers...was a generation of Americans, not of Englishmen or Germans or Scots-Irish."[109] The two groups had little initial interaction in America, as the 18th-century Ulster immigrants were predominantly Protestant and had become settled largely in upland regions of the American interior, while the huge wave of 19th-century Catholic immigrant families settled primarily in the Northeast and Midwest port cities such as Boston, Philadelphia, New York, Buffalo, or Chicago. However, beginning in the early 19th century, many Irish migrated individually to the interior for work on large-scale infrastructure projects such as canals and, later in the century, railroads.[110]

The Irish Protestants settled mainly in the colonial "back country" of the Appalachian Mountain region, and became the prominent ethnic strain in the culture that developed there.[111] The descendants of Irish Protestant settlers had a great influence on the later culture of the Southern United States in particular and the culture of the United States in general through such contributions as American folk music, country and western music, and stock car racing, which became popular throughout the country in the late 20th century.[112]

Charles Carroll, the sole Catholic signer of the U.S. Declaration of Independence, was the descendant of Irish nobility in County Tipperary. Signers Matthew Thornton, George Taylor were born in Ireland and were "Ulster" Scots, while Thomas Lynch Jr., for example, was Protestant; he was of Irish ancestry and retained a strong Irish identity.

Irish immigrants of this period participated in significant numbers in the American Revolution, leading one British Army officer to testify at the House of Commons that "half the rebels (referring to soldiers in the Continental Army) were from Ireland and that half of them spoke Irish."[113] Irish Americans - Charles Carroll, Daniel Carroll, Thomas Lynch Jr., James Duane, Cornelius Harnett, and several more signed the foundational documents of the United States—the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution—and, beginning with Andrew Jackson, served as president.

1790 population of Irish origin by state

[edit]

Estimated Irish American population in the Continental United States as of the 1790 Census.[114]

A 1932 report conducted by the American Council of Learned Societies, in collaboration with the United States Census Bureau, concluded that around 6.3% of the White population was of native Irish descent - separate from those of Anglo-Irish and Scots-Irish descent - by determining ancestry based on distinctly native Irish surnames (such as Murphy, Sullivan and Doherty, for example).[114]

It has been noted by several historians - in particular Kerby A. Miller - that a significant portion, if not the vast majority, of native Irish Americans belonged to the Protestant faith, having converted prior to or after settling in the Thirteen Colonies.

State or Territory
Ireland Ireland Irish
Total
Ulster Irish Free State Free State
# % # % # %
Connecticut 4,180 1.80% 2,555 1.10% 6,735 2.90%
Delaware 2,918 6.30% 2,501 5.40% 5,419 11.70%
 Georgia 6,082 11.50% 2,010 3.80% 8,092 15.30%
Kentucky & TennesseeTenn. 6,513 7.00% 4,838 5.20% 11,351 12.20%
Maine 7,689 8.00% 3,556 3.70% 11,245 11.70%
Maryland 12,102 5.80% 13,562 6.50% 25,664 12.30%
Massachusetts 9,703 2.60% 4,851 1.30% 14,554 3.90%
New Hampshire 6,491 4.60% 4,092 2.90% 10,583 7.50%
New Jersey 10,707 6.30% 5,439 3.20% 16,146 9.50%
 New York 16,033 5.10% 9,431 3.00% 25,464 8.10%
North Carolina 16,483 5.70% 15,616 5.40% 32,099 11.10%
Pennsylvania 46,571 11.00% 14,818 3.50% 61,389 14.50%
Rhode Island 1,293 2.00% 517 0.80% 1,810 2.80%
South Carolina 13,177 9.40% 6,168 4.40% 19,345 13.80%
Vermont 2,722 3.20% 1,616 1.90% 4,338 5.10%
Virginia 27,411 6.20% 24,316 5.50% 51,727 11.70%
Thirteen Colonies 1790 Census Area 190,075 5.99% 115,886 3.65% 305,961 9.64%
Ohio Northwest Territory 307 2.92% 190 1.81% 497 4.73%
New France French America 220 1.10% 135 0.68% 355 1.78%
Spanish Empire Spanish America 60 0.25% 37 0.15% 97 0.40%
United States 190,662 5.91% 116,248 3.60% 306,910 9.51%

Irish Catholics in the South

[edit]

In 1820 Irish-born John England became the first Catholic bishop in the mainly Protestant city of Charleston, South Carolina. During the 1820s and 1830s, Bishop England defended the Catholic minority against Protestant prejudices. In 1831 and 1835, he established free schools for free African American children. Inflamed by the propaganda of the American Anti-Slavery Society, a mob raided the Charleston post office in 1835 and the next day turned its attention to England's school. England led Charleston's "Irish Volunteers" to defend the school. Soon after this, however, all schools for "free blacks" were closed in Charleston, and England acquiesced.[115]

Two pairs of Irish empresarios founded colonies in coastal Texas in 1828. John McMullen and James McGloin honored the Irish saint when they established the San Patricio Colony south of San Antonio; James Power and James Hewetson contracted to create the Refugio Colony on the Gulf Coast. The two colonies were settled mainly by Irish, but also by Mexicans and other nationalities. At least 87 Irish-surnamed individuals settled in the Peters Colony, which included much of present-day north-central Texas, in the 1840s. The Irish participated in all phases of Texas' war of independence against Mexico. Among those who died defending the Alamo in March 1836 were 12 who were Irish-born, while an additional 14 bore Irish surnames. About 100 Irish-born soldiers participated in the Battle of San Jacinto – about one-seventh of the total force of Texians in that conflict.[116]

The Irish Catholics concentrated in a few medium-sized cities, where they were highly visible, especially in Charleston, Savannah and New Orleans.[117][118] They often became precinct leaders in the Democratic Party Organizations, opposed abolition of slavery, and generally favored preserving the Union in 1860, when they voted for Stephen Douglas.[119]

After secession in 1861, the Southern Irish Catholic community supported the Confederate States of America and 20,000 Irish Catholics served in the Confederate States Army. Gleason says:

Support for Irish Confederate soldiers from home was vital both for encouraging them to stay in the army and to highlight to native white southerners that the entire Irish community was behind the Confederacy. Civilian leaders of the Irish and the South did embrace the Confederate national project and most became advocates of a 'hard-war' policy.[120][121]

Irish nationalist John Mitchel lived in Tennessee and Virginia during his exile from Ireland and was one of the Southern United States' most outspoken supporters during the American Civil War through his newspapers the Southern Citizen and the Richmond Enquirer.[122]

Although most began as unskilled laborers, Irish Catholics in the South achieved average or above average economic status by 1900. David T. Gleeson emphasizes how well they were accepted by society:

Native tolerance, however, was also a very important factor in Irish integration [into Southern society].... Upper-class southerners, therefore, did not object to the Irish, because Irish immigration never threatened to overwhelm their cities or states.... The Irish were willing to take on potentially high-mortality occupations, thereby sparing valuable slave property. Some employers objected not only to the cost of Irish labor but also to the rowdiness of their foreign-born employees. Nevertheless, they recognized the importance of the Irish worker to the protection of slavery.... The Catholicism practiced by Irish immigrants was of little concern to Southern natives.[123]

Mid-19th century and later

[edit]
Irish immigration to the United States (1820–1975)[19]
Period Number of
immigrants
Period Number of
immigrants
1820–1830 54,338 1911–1920 146,181
1831–1840 207,381 1921–1930 220,591
1841–1850 780,719 1931–1940 13,167
1851–1860 914,119 1941–1950 26,967
1861–1870 435,778 1951–1960 57,332
1871–1880 436,871 1961–1970 37,461
1881–1890 655,482 1971–1975 6,559
1891–1900 388,416
1901–1910 399,065
Total : 4,720,427

Before the 1800s, Irish immigrants to North America often moved to the countryside. Some worked in the fur trade, trapping and exploring, but most settled in rural farms and villages. They cleared the land of trees, built homes, and planted fields. Many others worked in coastal areas as fishers, on ships, and as dockworkers. In the 1800s, Irish immigrants in the United States tended to stay in the large cities where they landed.[124]

"Leacht Cuimhneacháin na nGael", Irish famine memorial located on Penn's Landing, Philadelphia

From 1820 to 1860, 1,956,557 Irish arrived, 75% of these after the Great Irish Famine (or The Great Hunger, Irish: An Gorta Mór) of 1845–1852, struck.[125] According to a 2019 study, "the sons of farmers and illiterate men were more likely to emigrate than their literate and skilled counterparts. Emigration rates were highest in poorer farming communities with stronger migrant networks."[126]

Of the total Irish immigrants to the U.S. from 1820 to 1860, many died crossing the ocean due to disease and dismal conditions of what became known as coffin ships.[127] Irish immigration had greatly increased beginning in the 1830s due to the need for unskilled labor in canal building, lumbering, and construction works in the Northeast.[127] The large Erie Canal project was one such example where Irishmen were many of the laborers. Small but tight communities developed in growing cities such as Philadelphia, Boston, and New York.

Most Irish immigrants to the United States during this period favored large cities because they could create their own communities for support and protection in a new environment.[128] Cities with large numbers of Irish immigrants included Boston, Philadelphia, and New York, as well as Pittsburgh, Baltimore, Detroit, Chicago, Cleveland, St. Louis, St. Paul, San Francisco, and Los Angeles.

Gravestone in Boston Catholic cemetery erected in memory of County Roscommon native born shortly before the Great Famine

While many Irish did stay near large cities, countless others were part of westward expansion. They were enticed by tales of gold, and by the increasing opportunities for work and land. In 1854, the government opened Kansas Territory to settlers.[129] While many people in general moved to take advantage of the unsettled land, Irish were an important part. Many Irish men were physical laborers. In order to colonize the west, many strong men were needed to build the towns and cities. Kansas City was one city that was built by Irish immigrants.[129] Much of its population today is of Irish descent. Another reason for Irish migration west was the expansion of railroads. Railway work was a common occupation among immigrant men because workers were in such high demand. Many Irish men followed the expansion of railroads, and ended up settling in places that they built in.[130] Since the Irish were a large part of those Americans moving west, much of their culture can still be found today.

Between 1851 and 1920, 3.3 to 3.7 million Irish immigrated to the United States,[131][19] including more than 90 percent of the more than 1 million Ulster Protestant emigrants out of Ireland from 1851 to 1900.[132][84] Following the Great Famine (1845–1852), emigration from Ireland came primarily from Munster and Connacht,[132] while 28 percent of all immigrants from Ireland from 1851 to 1900 continued to come from Ulster. Ulster immigration continued to account for as much as 20 percent of all immigration from Ireland to the United States in the 1880s and 1890s,[84] and still accounted for 19 percent of all immigration from Ireland to the United States from 1900 to 1909 and 25 percent from 1910 to 1914.[133] The Catholic population in the United States grew to 3.1 million by 1860 (or approximately 10 percent of the total U.S. population of 31.4 million),[134][135] to 6.3 million by 1880 (or approximately 13 percent of the total U.S. population of 50.2 million),[136][137] and further to 19.8 million by 1920 (or approximately 19 percent of the total U.S. population of 106 million).[136][138]

The 309 Connemara emigrants, selected by their local clergy as suitable for a new life in America, arrived at Boston June 14, 1880, 11 days after departure from Galway Bay on the SS Austrian, an Allen Line ship. The settling of 'The Connemaras', as they became known, was a new venture prompted by a Liverpool priest, Fr Patrick Nugent renowned for his 'philanthropic and truly patriotic exertions to alleviate the social conditions of his fellow countrymen in England'; and Archbishop John Ireland, of St Paul, Minnesota, who was already settling thousands of Irish Catholics who were trapped in the ghettoes of New York and elsewhere, on rich prairie lands.[139][140]

Thomas Ambrose Butler, an Irish Catholic priest, was a leading voice in urging Irish immigrants to colonize Kansas

However, due to continued immigration from Germany,[141] and beginning in the 1880s, waves of immigration from Italy, Poland, and Canada (by French Canadians) as well as from Mexico from 1900 to 1920,[142] Irish Catholics never accounted for a majority of the Catholic population in the United States through 1920.[143][144] In the 1920s, an additional 220,000 immigrants from Ireland came to the United States,[19] with emigration from Ulster falling off to 10,000 of 126,000 immigrants from Ireland (or less than 10 percent) between 1925 and 1930.[133] Following the Immigration Act of 1924 and the Great Depression,[145][146] from 1930 to 1975, only 141,000 more immigrants came from Ireland to the United States.[19] Improving economic conditions during the Post–World War II economic expansion and the passage of the restrictive Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965 contributed to the decline in mass immigration from Ireland.[146] Due to the early 1980s recession, 360,000 Irish emigrated out of the country, with the majority going to England and many to the United States (including approximately 40,000 to 150,000 on overstayed travel visas as undocumented aliens).[147]

Beginning in the 1970s, surveys of self-identified Irish Americans found that consistent majorities of Irish Americans also self-identified as being Protestant.[148][149] While there was a greater total number of immigrants after immigration from Ireland transitioned to being primarily Catholic in the mid-to-late 1830s,[42][49][44][45] fertility rates in the United States were lower from 1840 to 1970 after immigration from Ireland became primarily Catholic than they were from 1700 to 1840 when immigration was primarily Protestant.[150][151][152] Also, while Irish immigrants to the United States in the early 20th century had higher fertility rates than the U.S. population as a whole, they had lower fertility rates than German immigrants to the United States during the same time period and lower fertility rates than the contemporaneous population of Ireland, and subsequent generations had lower fertility rates than the emigrant generation.[153] This is due to the fact that despite coming from the rural regions of an agrarian society, Irish immigrants in the post-Famine migration generally immigrated to the urban areas of the United States because by 1850 the costs of moving to a rural area and establishing a farm was beyond the financial means of most Irish immigrants.[154] In the 1990s, the Irish economy began to boom again, and by the turn of the 21st century, immigration to Ireland from the United States began to consistently exceed immigration from Ireland to the United States.[155]

Civil War through to the early 20th century

[edit]
Concentration of people born in Ireland in 1870 Census

During the American Civil War, Irish Americans volunteered for the Union Army and at least 38 Union regiments had the word "Irish" in their titles. 144,221 Union soldiers were born in Ireland; additionally, perhaps an equal number of Union soldiers were of Irish descent.[156] Many immigrant soldiers formed their own regiments, such as the Irish Brigade.[157][158][159] However, in proportion to the general population, the Irish were the most underrepresented immigrant group fighting for the Union.[160]

However, conscription was resisted by many Irish as an imposition.[158][159] Two years into the war, the conscription law was passed in 1863, and major draft riots erupted in New York. It coincided with the efforts of the city's dominant political machine, Tammany Hall, to enroll Irish immigrants as citizens so they could vote in local elections.[161] Many such immigrants suddenly discovered they were now expected to fight for their new country.[162] The Irish, employed primarily as laborers, were usually unable to afford the $300 "commutation fee" to procure a replacement for service.[163] Many of the Irish viewed blacks as competition for scarce jobs, and as the reason why the Civil War was being fought.[164] African Americans who fell into the mob's hands were often beaten or killed.[165][166] The Colored Orphan Asylum on Fifth Avenue, which provided shelter for hundreds of children, was attacked by a mob. It was seen as a "symbol of white charity to blacks and of black upward mobility," reasons enough for its destruction at the hands of a predominantly Irish mob which looked upon African Americans as direct social and economic competitors.[167] Fortunately, the largely Irish-American police force was able to secure the orphanage for enough time to allow orphans to escape.[165][168]

30,000 Irish or Irish-descended men joined the Confederate Army.[160] Gleeson wrote that they had higher desertion rates than non-Irish, and sometimes switched sides, suggesting that their support for the Confederacy was tepid.[169] During the Reconstruction era, however, some Irish took a strong position in favor of white supremacy, and some played major roles in attacking blacks in riots in Memphis.[170]

In 1871, New York's Orange Riots broke out when Irish Protestants celebrated the Williamite victory at the Battle of the Boyne by parading through Irish Catholic neighborhoods, taunting the residents who then responded with violence. Police Superintendent James J. Kelso, a Protestant, ordered the parade cancelled as a threat to public safety. Kelso was overruled by the governor, who ordered 5000 militia to protect the marchers.[171] The Catholics attacked but were stopped by the militia and police, who opened fire killing about 63 Catholics.[172]

U.S. President Grover Cleveland twisting the tail of the British Lion as Americans cheer in the Venezuelan crisis of 1895; cartoon in Puck by J.S. Pughe

Relations between the U.S. and Britain were chilly during the 1860s as Americans resented instances of British and Canadian support for the Confederacy during the Civil War. After the war American authorities looked the other way as Irish Catholic "Fenians" plotted and even attempted an invasion of Canada.[173] The Fenians proved a failure,[clarification needed] but Irish Catholic politicians (Who were a growing power in the Democratic Party) demanded more independence for Ireland and made anti-British rhetoric—called "twisting the lion's tail"—a staple of election campaign appeals to the Irish Catholic vote.[174]

American political cartoon by Thomas Nast titled "The Usual Irish Way of Doing Things", depicting a drunken Irishman lighting a powder keg and swinging a bottle. Published 2 September 1871 in Harper's Weekly

Later immigrants mostly settled in industrial towns and cities of the Northeast and Midwest where Irish American neighborhoods had previously been established.[175][176]

The Irish were having a huge impact on America as a whole. In 1910, there were more people in New York City of Irish ancestry than Dublin's whole population, and even today, many of these cities still retain a substantial Irish-American community.[177] The best urban economic opportunities for unskilled Irish women and men included "factory and millwork, domestic service, and the physical labor of public work projects."[178]

During the mid-1900s, immigrants from Ireland were coming to the U.S. for the same reasons as those before them; they came looking for jobs.[179]

Social history in the United States

[edit]

Religion and society

[edit]

Religion has been important to the Irish American identity in America, and continues to play a major role in their communities. Surveys conducted since the 1970s have shown consistent majorities or pluralities of those who self-identify as being of Irish ancestry in the United States as also self-identifying as Protestants.[148][149] The Protestants' ancestors arrived primarily in the colonial era, while Catholics are primarily descended from immigrants of the 19th century. Irish leaders have been prominent in the Catholic Church in the United States for over 150 years. The Irish have been leaders in the Presbyterian and Methodist traditions, as well.[180]

Surveys in the 1990s show that of Americans who identify themselves as "Irish", 51% said they were Protestant and 36% identified as Catholic. In the Southern United States, Protestants account for 73% of those claiming Irish origins, while Catholics account for 19%. In the Northern United States, 45% of those claiming Irish origin are Catholic, while 39% are Protestant.[180]

Irish Roman Catholic and Ulster Protestant relations

[edit]

Between 1607 and 1820, the majority of emigrants from Ireland to America were Protestants[181] who were described simply as "Irish".[182] The religious distinction became important after 1820,[183] when large numbers of Irish Roman Catholics began to emigrate to the United States. Some of the descendants of the colonial Irish Protestant settlers from Ulster began thereafter to redefine themselves as "Scotch Irish", to stress their historic origins, and distanced themselves from Irish Roman Catholics;[184] others continued to call themselves Irish, especially in areas of the South which saw little Irish Roman Catholic immigration. By 1830, Irish diaspora demographics had changed rapidly, with over 60% of all Irish immigrant settlers in the U.S. being Roman Catholics from rural areas of Ireland.[185]

Some Protestant Irish immigrants became active in explicitly anti-Catholic organizations such as the Orange Institution and the American Protective Association. However, participation in the Orange Institution was never as large in the United States as it was in Canada.[186] In the early nineteenth century, the post-Revolutionary republican spirit of the new United States attracted exiled United Irishmen such as Theobald Wolf Tone and others, with the presidency of Andrew Jackson exemplifying this attitude.[187] Most Protestant Irish immigrants in the first several decades of the nineteenth century were those who held to the republicanism of the 1790s, and who were unable to accept Orangeism. Loyalists and Orangemen made up a minority of Irish Protestant immigrants to the United States during this period. Most of the Irish loyalist emigration was bound for Upper Canada and the Canadian Maritime provinces, where Orange lodges were able to flourish under the British flag.[186]

By 1870, when there were about 930 Orange lodges in the Canadian province of Ontario, there were only 43 in the entire eastern United States. These few American lodges were founded by newly arriving Protestant Irish immigrants in coastal cities such as Philadelphia and New York.[188] These ventures were short-lived and of limited political and social impact, although there were specific instances of violence involving Orangemen between Catholic and Protestant Irish immigrants, such as the Orange Riots in New York City in 1824, 1870, and 1871.[189]

The Orange riot of 1871 as depicted in Frank Leslie's Illustrated Newspaper. The view is at 25th Street in Manhattan looking south down Eighth Avenue.

The first "Orange riot" on record was in 1824, in Abingdon Square, New York, resulting from a 12 July march. Several Orangemen were arrested and found guilty of inciting the riot. According to the State prosecutor in the court record, "the Orange celebration was until then unknown in the country." The immigrants involved were admonished: "In the United States the oppressed of all nations find an asylum, and all that is asked in return is that they become law-abiding citizens. Orangemen, Ribbonmen, and United Irishmen are alike unknown. They are all entitled to protection by the laws of the country."[190] The later Orange Riots of 1870 and 1871 killed nearly 70 people, and were fought out between Irish Protestant and Catholic immigrants. After this the activities of the Orange Order were banned for a time, the Order dissolved, and most members joined Masonic orders. After 1871, there were no more riots between Irish Roman Catholics and Protestants.[191]

America offered a new beginning, and "...most descendents of the Ulster Presbyterians of the eighteenth century and even many new Protestant Irish immigrants turned their backs on all associations with Ireland and melted into the American Protestant mainstream."[192]

Catholics

[edit]

Irish priests (especially Dominicans, Franciscans, Augustinians and Capuchins) came to the large cities of the East in the 1790s, and when new dioceses were erected in 1808 the first bishop of New York was an Irishman in recognition of the contribution of the early Irish clergy.[193]

St. Augustine's Church on fire. Anti-Irish, anti-Catholic Nativist riots in Philadelphia in 1844.

Saint Patrick's Battalion (San Patricios) was a group of several hundred immigrant soldiers, the majority Irish, who deserted the U.S. Army during the Mexican–American War because of ill treatment or sympathetic leanings to fellow Mexican Catholics. They joined the Mexican army.[194]

In Boston between 1810 and 1840 there had been serious tensions between the bishop and the laity who wanted to control the local parishes. By 1845, the Catholic population in Boston had increased to 30,000 from around 5,000 in 1825, due to the influx of Irish immigrants. With the appointment of John B. Fitzpatrick as bishop in 1845, tensions subsided as the increasingly Irish Catholic community grew to support Fitzpatrick's assertion of the bishop's control of parish government.[195]

The mass hanging of Irish Catholic soldiers who joined the Mexican army

In New York, Archbishop John Hughes (1797–1864), an Irish immigrant himself, was deeply involved in "the Irish question"—Irish independence from British rule. Hughes supported Daniel O'Connell's Catholic emancipation movement in Ireland, but rejected such radical and violent societies as the Young Irelanders and the National Brotherhood. Hughes also disapproved of American Irish radical fringe groups, urging immigrants to assimilate themselves into American life while remaining patriotic to Ireland "only individually".[196] In Hughes's view, a large-scale movement to form Irish settlements in the western United States was too isolationist and ultimately detrimental to immigrants' success in the New World.[197]

In the 1840s, Hughes campaigned for publicly funded schools for Catholic immigrants from Ireland modelled after the successful Irish public school system in Lowell, Massachusetts. Hughes made speeches denouncing the Public School Society of New York, which mandated that all educational institutions use the King James Bible, an unacceptable proposition to Catholics. The dispute between Catholics and Protestants over the funding of schools led the New York Legislature to pass the Maclay Act in 1842, giving New York City an elective Board of Education empowered to build and supervise schools and distribute the education fund—but with the proviso that none of the money should go to schools which taught religion. Hughes responded by building an elaborate parochial school system that stretched to the college level, setting a policy followed in other large cities. Efforts to get city or state funding failed because of vehement Protestant opposition to a system that rivaled the public schools.[198]

Many Irish Catholics that had made the passage across the Atlantic, especially after the rapid increase in Irish Catholic emigration after the Great Famine in 1845, had formed their own communities inside urban cities. The Irish Roman Catholic community did not share the same patterns of life, coming from a peasant society, as Protestant Americans the same way that the Ulster Protestants did before them and therefore couldn't integrate as easily into American society. They quickly found themselves on the bottom of the socioeconomic ladder due to their lack of skills from agricultural serfdom and lack of funds which resulted in many Catholics moving into Irish ghettos. In 1870, 72% of Irish Americans were concentrated in the urban industrial estates of Massachusetts, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Ohio, and Illinois. Catholics found that urban living suited their lifestyle as a gregarious, community-minded population. Urban areas offered close proximity to other ethnic Irish peoples in their community that rural America couldn't offer.[199]

In the west, Catholic Irish were having a large effect as well. The open west attracted many Irish immigrants. Many of these immigrants were Catholic. When they migrated west, they would form "little pockets" with other Irish immigrants.[129] Irish Roman Catholic communities were made in "supportive, village style neighborhoods centered around a Catholic church and called 'parishes'".[129] These neighborhoods affected the overall lifestyle and atmosphere of the communities. Other ways religion played a part in these towns was the fact that many were started by Irish Catholic priests. Father Bernard Donnelly started "Town of Kansas" which would later become Kansas City. His influence over early stages Kansas City was great, and so the Catholic religion was spread to other settlers who arrived.[129] While not all settlers became Catholics, a great number of the early settlers were Catholic. In other western communities, Irish priests wanted to convert the Native Americans to Catholicism.[129] These Catholic Irish would contribute not only to the growth of Catholic population in America, but to the values and traditions in America.

Officers and men of the Irish-Catholic 69th New York Volunteer Regiment attend church services at Fort Corcoran in 1861.

Jesuits established a network of colleges in major cities, including Boston College, Fordham University in New York, and Georgetown University in Washington, D.C. Fordham was founded in 1841 and attracted students from other regions of the United States, and even South America and the Caribbean. At first exclusively a liberal arts institution, it built a science building in 1886, lending more legitimacy to science in the curriculum there. In addition, a three-year Bachelor of Science degree was created.[200] Boston College, by contrast, was established over twenty years later in 1863 to appeal to urban Irish Roman Catholics. It offered a rather limited intellectual curriculum, however, with the priests at Boston College prioritizing spiritual and sacramental activities over intellectual pursuits. One consequence was that Harvard Law School would not admit Boston College graduates to its law school. Modern Jesuit leadership in American academia was not to become their hallmark across all institutions until the 20th century.[201]

The Irish became prominent in the leadership of the Catholic Church in the U.S. by the 1850s—by 1890 there were 7.3 million Catholics in the U.S. and growing, and most bishops were Irish.[202] As late as the 1970s, when Irish were 17% of American Roman Catholics, they were 35% of the priests and 50% of the bishops, together with a similar proportion of presidents of Catholic colleges and hospitals.[203]

Protestants

[edit]

The Scots-Irish who settled in the back country of colonial America were largely Presbyterians.[204] The establishment of many settlements in the remote back-country put a strain on the ability of the Presbyterian Church to meet the new demand for qualified, college-educated clergy.[205] Religious groups such as the Baptists and Methodists did not require higher education of their ministers, so they could more readily supply ministers to meet the demand of the growing Scots-Irish settlements.[205] By about 1810, Baptist and Methodist churches were in the majority, and the descendants of the Scotch-Irish today remain predominantly Baptist or Methodist.[206] They were avid participants in the revivals taking place during the Great Awakening from the 1740s to the 1840s.[207] They take pride in their Irish heritage because they identify with the values ascribed to the Scotch-Irish who played a major role in the American Revolution and in the development of American culture.[180]

Presbyterians
[edit]

The first Presbyterian community in America was established in 1640 in Southampton, Long Island New York.[208] Francis Makemie, an Irish Presbyterian immigrant later established churches in Maryland and Virginia.[209] Makemie was born and raised near Ramelton, County Donegal, to Ulster Scots parents. He was educated in the University of Glasgow and set out to organize and initiate the construction of several Presbyterian Churches throughout Maryland and Virginia. He founded the first Presbyterian congregation in Snow Hill, Maryland in 1683.[210] By 1706, Makemie and his followers constructed a Presbyterian Church in Rehobeth, Maryland.[211][212] In 1707, after traveling to New York to establish a presbytery, Francis Makemie was charged with preaching without a license by the English immigrant and Governor of New York, Edward Hyde.[213] Makemie won a vital victory for the fight of religious freedom for Scots-Irish immigrants when he was acquitted and gained recognition for having "stood up to Anglican authorities". Makemie became one of the wealthiest immigrants to colonial America, owning more than 5,000 acres and 33 slaves.[214][215]

New Light Presbyterians founded the College of New Jersey, later renamed Princeton University, in 1746 in order to train ministers dedicated to their views. The college was the educational and religious capital of Scots-Irish America.[216] By 1808, loss of confidence in the college within the Presbyterian Church led to the establishment of the separate Princeton Theological Seminary, but deep Presbyterian influence at the college continued through the 1910s, as typified by university president Woodrow Wilson.[217]

Out on the frontier, the Scots-Irish Presbyterians of the Muskingum Valley in Ohio established Muskingum College at New Concord in 1837. It was led by two clergymen, Samuel Wilson and Benjamin Waddle, who served as trustees, president, and professors during the first few years. During the 1840s and 1850s the college survived the rapid turnover of very young presidents who used the post as a stepping stone in their clerical careers, and in the late 1850s it weathered a storm of student protest. Under the leadership of L. B. W. Shryock during the Civil War, Muskingum gradually evolved from a local and locally controlled institution to one serving the entire Muskingum Valley. It is still affiliated with the Presbyterian church.[218]

Brought up in a Scots-Irish Presbyterian home, Cyrus McCormick of Chicago developed a strong sense of devotion to the Presbyterian Church. Throughout his later life, he used the wealth gained through invention of the mechanical reaper to further the work of the church. His benefactions were responsible for the establishment in Chicago of the Presbyterian Theological Seminary of the Northwest (after his death renamed the McCormick Theological Seminary of the Presbyterian Church). He assisted the Union Presbyterian Seminary in Richmond, Virginia. He also supported a series of religious publications, beginning with the Presbyterian Expositor in 1857 and ending with the Interior (later called The Continent), which his widow continued until her death.[219]

Methodists
[edit]

Irish immigrants were the first immigrant group to America to build and organize Methodist churches. Many of the early Irish immigrants who did so came from a German-Irish background. Barbara Heck, an Irish woman of German descent from County Limerick, Ireland, immigrated to America in 1760, with her husband, Paul. She is often considered to be the "Mother of American Methodism."[220] Heck guided and mentored her cousin, Philip Embury, who was also an "Irish Palatine" immigrant.[221] Heck and Embury constructed the John Street Methodist Church, which today is usually recognized as the oldest Methodist Church in the United States.[222] However, another church constructed by prominent Irish Methodist immigrant, Robert Strawbridge, may have preceded the John Street Methodist Church.[223]

Irish Jews

[edit]

While most Irish Americans are from Christian religious backgrounds, some are Irish Jews. A 1927 news article published by The American Hebrew reported that New York City was home to 1,000 Irish American Jews and that several thousand more lived elsewhere in the United States. In the same year, an organization formed in Brooklyn called "The Irish Jews of America" and planned to establish an Irish-American synagogue.[224]

In 1969, an organization of Irish American Jews in New York City called the "Loyal Yiddish Sons of Erin" celebrated when Purim and St. Patrick's Day fell on the same date.[225] Members of the group also celebrated Erev St. Patrick's Day Banquet each year, serving corned beef, green bagels, and green matzo balls.[226]

Women

[edit]
Irish Lass depiction in 1885.

The Irish people were the first of many to immigrate to the U.S. in mass waves, including large groups of single young women between the ages of 16 and 24.[227] Up until this point, free women who settled in the colonies mostly came after their husbands had already made the journey and could afford their trip, or were brought over to be married to an eligible colonist who paid for their journey. Many Irish fled their home country to escape unemployment and starvation during the Great Irish Famine.[228] The richest of the Irish resettled in England, where their skilled work was greatly accepted, but lower class Irish and women could find little work in Western Europe, leading them to cross the Atlantic in search of greater financial opportunities.[229]

Some Irish women resorted to prostitution in large cities such as Boston and New York City. They were often arrested for intoxication, public lewdness, and petty larceny.[230] Most of the single Irish women preferred service labor as a form of income. These women made a higher wage than most by serving the middle and high-class in their own homes as nannies, cooks and cleaners.[original research?] The wages for domestic service were higher than that of factory workers and they lived in the attics of upscale mansions.[citation needed] By 1870, forty percent of Irish women worked as domestic servants in New York City, making them over fifty percent of the service industry at the time.[231]

Prejudices ran deep in the north and could be seen in newspaper cartoons depicting Irish men as hot-headed, violent drunkards.[232] The initial backlash the Irish received in America lead to their self-imposed seclusion, making assimilation into society a long and painful process.[228]

Irish Americans of African American descent

[edit]

Historians of the Irish diaspora have tended to overlook the history of Black Irish Americans. The New Deal's Federal Writers' Project includes many narratives of Irish American slave owners and poor Irish American workers engaging in sexual relations with both enslaved and free Black people, and numerous children were born of mixed Irish and Black heritage.[233]

The African American Irish Diaspora Network is an organization founded in 2020 that is dedicated to Black Irish Americans and their history and culture. Black Irish American activists and scholars have pushed to increase awareness of Black Irish history and advocate for greater inclusion of Black people within the Irish-American community.[234]

In 2021, New York University marked the beginning of Black History Month Ireland by publishing a report on Black and Brown Irish Americans. The report was created to bring visibility to Irish Americans of color and increase awareness of the racial diversity within the Irish-American community.[235]

Language

[edit]

Down to the end of the 19th century a large number of Irish immigrants arrived speaking Irish as their first language. This continued to be the case with immigrants from certain counties even in the 20th century. The Irish language was first mentioned as being spoken in North America in the 17th century. Large numbers of Irish emigrated to America throughout the 18th century, bringing the language with them, and it was particularly strong in Pennsylvania.[236] It was also widely spoken in such places as New York City, where it proved a useful recruiting tool for Loyalists during the American Revolution.[237][238]

Irish speakers continued to arrive in large numbers throughout the 19th century, particularly after the Famine. There was a certain amount of literacy in Irish, as shown by the many Irish-language manuscripts which immigrants brought with them. In 1881 An Gaodhal was founded, being the first newspaper in the world to be largely in Irish. It continued to be published into the 20th century,[239] and now has an online successor in An Gael, an international literary magazine.[240] A number of Irish immigrant newspapers in the 19th and 20th centuries had Irish language columns.

Irish immigrants fell into three linguistic categories: monolingual Irish speakers, bilingual speakers of both Irish and English, and monolingual English speakers.[241] Estimates indicate that there were around 400,000 Irish speakers in the United States in the 1890s, located primarily in New York City, Philadelphia, Boston, Chicago and Yonkers.[242] The Irish-speaking population of New York reached its height in this period, when speakers of Irish numbered between 70,000 and 80,000.[243] This number declined during the early 20th century, dropping to 40,000 in 1939, 10,000 in 1979, and 5,000 in 1995.[244]

According to the 2000 census, the Irish language ranks 66th out of the 322 languages spoken today in the U.S., with over 25,000 speakers. New York state has the most Irish speakers of the 50 states, and Massachusetts the highest percentage.[245]

Daltaí na Gaeilge, a nonprofit Irish language advocacy group based in Elberon, New Jersey, estimated that about 30,000 people spoke the language in America as of 2006. This, the organization claimed, was a remarkable increase from only a few thousand at the time of the group's founding in 1981.[246]

Occupations

[edit]

Before 1800, significant numbers of Irish Protestant immigrants became farmers; many headed to the frontier where land was cheap or free and it was easier to start a farm or herding operation.[247] Many Irish Protestants and Catholics alike were indentured servants, unable to pay their own passage or sentenced to servitude.[248]

After 1840, most Irish Catholic immigrants went directly to the cities, mill towns, and railroad or canal construction sites on the East Coast. In Upstate New York, the Great Lakes area, the Midwest and the Far West, many became farmers or ranchers. In the East, male Irish laborers were hired by Irish contractors to work on canals, railroads, streets, sewers and other construction projects, particularly in New York state and New England. The Irish men also worked in these labor positions in the mid-west. They worked to construct towns where there had been none previously. Kansas City was one such town, and eventually became an important cattle town and railroad center.[129] William Scully (1821-1906), from a wealthy landowning Catholic family in West Tipperary, Ireland, immigrated to Chicago in 1851. He bought up hundreds of thousands of acres of prime Corn Belt farmland in the Midwest, and rented it to tenants. By 1906 he owned and 225,000 acres in Illinois, Kansas, Nebraska, and Missouri, renting it out to 1200 tenants.[249]

Labor positions were not the only occupations for Irish, though. Some moved to New England mill towns, such as Holyoke, Lowell, Taunton, Brockton, Fall River, and Milford, Massachusetts, where owners of textile mills welcomed the new, low-wage workers. They took the jobs previously held by Yankee women known as Lowell girls.[250][251][252] A large percentage of Irish Catholic women took jobs as maids in hotels and private households.[117]

Large numbers of unemployed or very poor Irish Catholics lived in squalid conditions in the new city slums and tenements.[253]

Single, Irish immigrant women quickly assumed jobs in high demand but for very low pay. The majority of them worked in mills, factories, and private households and were considered the bottommost group in the female job hierarchy, alongside African American women. Workers considered mill work in cotton textiles and needle trades the least desirable because of the dangerous and unpleasant conditions. Factory work was primarily a worst-case scenario for widows or daughters of families already involved in the industry.[254]

Unlike many other immigrants, Irish women preferred domestic work because it was constantly in great demand among middle- and upper-class American households.[255] Although wages differed across the country, they were consistently higher than those of the other occupations available to Irish women and could often be negotiated because of the lack of competition. Also, the working conditions in well-off households were significantly better than those of factories or mills, and free room and board allowed domestic servants to save money or send it back to their families in Ireland.[256]

Despite some of the benefits of domestic work, Irish women's job requirements were difficult and demeaning. Subject to their employers around the clock, Irish women cooked, cleaned, babysat and more. Because most servants lived in the home where they worked, they were separated from their communities. Most of all, the American stigma on domestic work suggested that Irish women were failures who had "about the same intelligence as that of an old grey-headed negro." This quote illustrates how, in a period of extreme racism towards African Americans, society similarly viewed Irish immigrants as inferior beings.[257]

Irish immigrants in Kansas City, Missouri, c. 1909

Although the Irish Catholics started very low on the social status scale, by 1900 they had jobs and earnings about equal on average to their neighbors. This was largely due to their ability to speak English when they arrived. The Irish were able to rise quickly within the working world, unlike non-English speaking immigrants.[258] Yet there were still many shanty and lower working class communities in Chicago, Philadelphia, Boston, New York, and other parts of the country.[259]

After 1945, the Catholic Irish consistently ranked at the top of the social hierarchy, thanks especially to their high rate of college attendance, and due to that many Irish American men have risen to higher socio-economic table.[260]

Local government

[edit]

In the 19th century, jobs in local government were distributed by politicians to their supporters, and with significant strength in city hall the Irish became candidates for positions in all departments, such as police departments, fire departments, public schools and other public services of major cities. In 1897 New York City was formed by consolidating its five boroughs. That created 20,000 new patronage jobs. New York invested heavily in large-scale public works. This produced thousands of unskilled and semi-skilled jobs in subways, street railroads, waterworks, and port facilities. Over half the Irish men employed by the city worked in utilities. Across all ethnic groups In New York City, municipal employment grew from 54,000 workers in 1900 to 148,000 in 1930.[261] In New York City, Albany, and Jersey City, about one third of the Irish of the first and second generation had municipal jobs in 1900.[262]

Police

[edit]

By 1855, according to New York Police Commissioner George W. Matsell (1811–1877),[263] almost 17 percent of the police department's officers were Irish-born (compared to 28.2 percent of the city) in a report to the Board of Aldermen;[264] of the NYPD's 1,149 men, Irish-born officers made up 304 of 431 foreign-born policemen.[117] In the 1860s more than half of those arrested in New York City were Irish born or of Irish descent but nearly half of the city's law enforcement officers were also Irish. By the turn of the 20th century, five out of six NYPD officers were Irish born or of Irish descent. As late as the 1960s, 42% of the NYPD were Irish Americans.[265]

Up to the 20th and early 21st century, Irish Catholics continue to be prominent in the law enforcement community, especially in the Northeastern United States. The Emerald Society, an Irish American fraternal organization, was founded in 1953 by the NYPD.[266] When the Boston chapter of the Emerald Society formed in 1973, half of the city's police officers became members.

Teachers

[edit]

Towards the end of the 19th century, schoolteaching became the most desirable occupation for the second generation of female Irish immigrants. Teaching was similar to domestic work for the first generation of Irish immigrants in that it was a popular job and one that relied on a woman's decision to remain unmarried.[267] The disproportionate number of Irish-American Catholic women who entered the job market as teachers in the late 19th century and early 20th century from Boston to San Francisco was a beneficial result of the Irish National school system. Irish schools prepared young single women to support themselves in a new country, which inspired them to instill the importance of education, college training, and a profession in their American-born daughters even more than in their sons.[268]

Evidence from schools in New York City illustrate the upward trend of Irish women as teachers: "as early as 1870, twenty percent of all schoolteachers were Irish women, and...by 1890 Irish females comprised two-thirds of those in the Sixth Ward schools." Irish women attained admirable reputations as schoolteachers, which enabled some to pursue professions of even higher stature.[268]

Nuns

[edit]

Upon arrival in the United States, many Irish women became Catholic nuns and participated in the many American sisterhoods, especially those in St. Louis in Missouri, St. Paul in Minnesota, and Troy in New York. Additionally, the women who settled in these communities were often sent back to Ireland to recruit. This kind of religious lifestyle appealed to Irish female immigrants because they outnumbered their male counterparts and the Irish cultural tendency to postpone marriage often promoted gender separation and celibacy. Furthermore, "the Catholic church, clergy, and women religious were highly respected in Ireland," making the sisterhoods particularly attractive to Irish immigrants.[269]

Nuns provided extensive support for Irish immigrants in large cities, especially in fields such as nursing and teaching but also through orphanages, widows' homes, and housing for young, single women in domestic work.[270] Although many Irish communities built parish schools run by nuns, the majority of Irish parents in large cities in the East enrolled their children in the public school system, where daughters or granddaughters of Irish immigrants had already established themselves as teachers.[271]

Discrimination

[edit]
1862 song (Female version)
1862 song that used the "No Irish Need Apply" slogan. It was copied from a similar London song.[272]

Anti-Irish sentiment was rampant in the United States during the 19th and early 20th Centuries.[273] Rising anti-Catholic and Nativist sentiments among Protestant Americans led to increasing discrimination against Irish Americans in the 1850s. Prejudice against Irish Catholics in the U.S. reached a peak in the mid-1850s with the founding of the Know Nothing Movement, which tried to oust Catholics from public office. After a year or two of local success, the Know Nothing Party vanished.[274]

Catholics and Protestants kept their distance; intermarriage between Catholics and Protestants was uncommon, and strongly discouraged by both Protestant ministers and Catholic priests. As Dolan notes, "'Mixed marriages', as they were called, were allowed in rare cases, though warned against repeatedly, and were uncommon."[275] Rather, intermarriage was primarily with other ethnic groups who shared their religion. Irish Catholics, for example, would commonly intermarry with German Catholics or Poles in the Midwest and Italians in the Northeast.

Irish-American journalists "scoured the cultural landscape for evidence of insults directed at the Irish in America." Much of what historians know about hostility to the Irish comes from their reports in Irish and in Democratic newspapers.[276]

While the parishes were struggling to build parochial schools, many Catholic children attended public schools. The Protestant King James Version of the Bible was widely used in public schools, but Catholics were forbidden by their church from reading or reciting from it.[277] Many Irish children complained that Catholicism was openly mocked in the classroom. In New York City, the curriculum vividly portrayed Catholics, and specifically the Irish, as villainous.[278]

The Catholic archbishop John Hughes, an immigrant to America from County Tyrone, Ireland, campaigned for public funding of Catholic education in response to the bigotry. While never successful in obtaining public money for private education, the debate with the city's Protestant elite spurred by Hughes' passionate campaign paved the way for the secularization of public education nationwide. In addition, Catholic higher education expanded during this period with colleges and universities that evolved into such institutions as Fordham University and Boston College providing alternatives to Irish who were not otherwise permitted to apply to other colleges.

New York Times want ad 1854—the only New York Times ad with NINA for men.

Many Irish work gangs were hired by contractors to build canals, railroads, city streets and sewers across the country.[117] In the South, they underbid slave labor.[279] One result was that small cities that served as railroad centers came to have large Irish populations.[280]

In 1895, the Knights of Equity was founded, to combat discrimination against Irish Catholics in the U.S., and to assist them financially when needed.[281]

Stereotypes

[edit]

Irish Catholics were popular targets of stereotyping in the 19th century. According to historian George Potter, the media often stereotyped the Irish in America as being boss-controlled, violent (both among themselves and with those of other ethnic groups), voting illegally, prone to alcoholism and dependent on street gangs that were often violent or criminal. Potter quotes contemporary newspaper images:

You will scarcely ever find an Irishman dabbling in counterfeit money, or breaking into houses, or swindling; but if there is any fighting to be done, he is very apt to have a hand in it." Even though Pat might "'meet with a friend and for love knock him down,'" noted a Montreal paper, the fighting usually resulted from a sudden excitement, allowing there was "but little 'malice prepense' in his whole composition." The Catholic Telegraph of Cincinnati in 1853, saying that the "name of 'Irish' has become identified in the minds of many, with almost every species of outlawry," distinguished the Irish vices as "not of a deep malignant nature," arising rather from the "transient burst of undisciplined passion," like "drunk, disorderly, fighting, etc., not like robbery, cheating, swindling, counterfeiting, slandering, calumniating, blasphemy, using obscene language, &c.[282]

1882 illustration from Puck depicting Irish immigrants as troublemakers, as compared to those of other nationalities

The Irish had many humorists of their own, but were scathingly attacked in political cartoons, especially those in Puck magazine from the 1870s to 1900; it was edited by secular Germans who opposed the Catholic Irish in politics. In addition, the cartoons of Thomas Nast were especially hostile; for example, he depicted the Irish-dominated Tammany Hall machine in New York City as a ferocious tiger.[283]

The stereotype of the Irish as violent drunks has lasted well beyond its high point in the mid-19th century. For example, President Richard Nixon once told advisor Charles Colson that "[t]he Irish have certain — for example, the Irish can't drink. What you always have to remember with the Irish is they get mean. Virtually every Irish I've known gets mean when he drinks. Particularly the real Irish."[284]

Discrimination against Irish Americans differed depending on gender. For example, Irish women were sometimes stereotyped as "reckless breeders" because some American Protestants feared high Catholic birth rates would eventually result in a Protestant minority. Many native-born Americans claimed that "their incessant childbearing [would] ensure an Irish political takeover of American cities [and that] Catholicism would become the reigning faith of the hitherto Protestant nation."[285] Irish men were also targeted, but in a different way than women were. The difference between the Irish female "Bridget" and the Irish male "Pat" was distinct; while she was impulsive but fairly harmless, he was "always drunk, eternally fighting, lazy, and shiftless". In contrast to the view that Irish women were shiftless, slovenly and stupid (like their male counterparts), girls were said to be "industrious, willing, cheerful, and honest—they work hard, and they are very strictly moral".[286][287]

There were also Social Darwinian-inspired excuses for the discrimination of the Irish in America. Many Americans believed that since the Irish were Celts and not Anglo-Saxons, they were racially inferior and deserved second-class citizenship. The Irish being of inferior intelligence was a belief held by many Americans. This notion was held due to the fact that the Irish topped the charts demographically in terms of arrests and imprisonment. They also had more people confined to insane asylums and poorhouses than any other group. The racial supremacy belief that many Americans had at the time contributed significantly to Irish discrimination.[288]

From the 1860s onwards, Irish Americans were stereotyped as terrorists and gangsters, although this stereotyping began to diminish by the end of the 19th century.[289] This image as terrorists emerged due to the antics of the Fenian Brotherhood and its associated organizations. Expeditions across the border into Canada to battle British forces and the dynamite campaign of the 1880s contributed to American fears of the radical and unstable nature of the Irish and beliefs of racial inferiority.[290]

Contributions to American culture

[edit]

The annual celebration of Saint Patrick's Day is a widely recognized symbol of the Irish presence in America. The largest celebration of the holiday takes place in New York, where the annual St. Patrick's Day Parade draws an average of two million people. The second-largest celebration is held in Boston. The South Boston Parade is one of the United States's oldest, dating back to 1737. Savannah, Georgia, also holds one of the largest parades in the United States.[291][292]

While these archetypal images are especially well known, Irish Americans have contributed to U.S. culture in a wide variety of fields: the fine and performing arts, film, literature, politics, sports, and religion. The Irish-American contribution to popular entertainment is reflected in the careers of figures such as James Cagney, Bing Crosby, Walt Disney, John Ford, Judy Garland,[293] Gene Kelly, Grace Kelly, Tyrone Power, Chuck Connors, Ada Rehan, Jena Malone, and Spencer Tracy. Irish-born actress Maureen O'Hara,[294] who became an American citizen, defined for U.S. audiences the archetypal, feisty Irish "colleen" in popular films such as The Quiet Man and The Long Gray Line. More recently, the Irish-born Pierce Brosnan gained screen celebrity as James Bond. During the early years of television, popular figures with Irish roots included Gracie Allen, Art Carney, Joe Flynn, Jackie Gleason, Luke Gordon, and Ed Sullivan.

The Irish American contribution to politics spans the entire ideological spectrum. Two prominent American socialists, Mary Harris "Mother" Jones and Elizabeth Gurley Flynn, were Irish Americans. In the 1960s, Irish-American writer Michael Harrington became an influential advocate of social welfare programs. Harrington's views profoundly influenced President John F. Kennedy and his brother, Robert F. Kennedy. Meanwhile, Irish-American political writer William F. Buckley emerged as a major intellectual force in American conservative politics in the latter half of the 20th century. Buckley's magazine, National Review, proved an effective advocate of successful Republican candidates such as Ronald Reagan.[295]

Notorious Irish Americans include the legendary New Mexico outlaw Billy the Kid.[296][297] Many historians believe he was born in New York City to Famine-era immigrants from Ireland.[296][297] Mary Mallon, also known as Typhoid Mary, was an Irish immigrant, as was madam Josephine Airey, who also went by the name of "Chicago Joe" Hensley. New Orleans socialite and murderer Delphine LaLaurie, whose maiden name was Macarty, was of partial paternal Irish ancestry. Irish-American mobsters include, amongst others, Dean O'Banion, Jack "Legs" Diamond, Buddy McLean, Howie Winter and Whitey Bulger. Lee Harvey Oswald, the assassin of John F. Kennedy, had an Irish-born great-grandmother by the name of Mary Tonry.[298] Colorful Irish Americans also include Margaret Tobin of RMS Titanic fame, scandalous model Evelyn Nesbit, dancer Isadora Duncan, San Francisco madam Tessie Wall, and Nellie Cashman, nurse and gold prospector in the American West.

Music

[edit]

The wide popularity of Celtic music has fostered the rise of Irish American bands that draw heavily on traditional Irish themes and music. Such groups include New York City's Black 47, founded in the late 1980s, blending punk rock, rock and roll, Irish music, rap/hip-hop, reggae, and soul; and the Dropkick Murphys, a Celtic punk band formed in Quincy, Massachusetts, nearly a decade later. The Decemberists, a band featuring Irish-American singer Colin Meloy, released "Shankill Butchers", a song that deals with the Ulster Loyalist gang of the same name. The song appears on their album The Crane Wife. Flogging Molly, led by Dublin-born Dave King, are relative newcomers building upon this new tradition.[299]

Food

[edit]

Irish immigrants brought many traditional Irish recipes with them when they emigrated to the United States, which they adapted to meet the different ingredients available to them there. Irish Americans introduced foods like soda bread and colcannon to American cuisine.[300] The famous Irish American meal of corned beef and cabbage was developed by Irish immigrants in the U.S., who adapted it from the traditional Irish recipe for bacon and cabbage.[301] Irish beer such as Guinness is widely consumed in the United States, including an estimated 13 million pints on Saint Patrick's Day alone.[302]

Sports

[edit]

Starting with the sons of the famine generation, the Irish dominated baseball and boxing, and played a major role in other sports.

Logo of the Boston Celtics basketball team

Famous in their day were NFL quarterbacks and Super Bowl champions John Elway and Tom Brady, NBA forward Rick Barry,[303] tennis greats Jimmy Connors and John McEnroe, baseball pitcher Nolan Ryan, baseball shortstop Derek Jeter, basketball point guard Jason Kidd, boxing legend Jack Dempsey and Muhammad Ali,[304] world champion pro surfer Kelly Slater, national champion skier Ryan Max Riley, and legendary golfer Ben Hogan.

The Philadelphia Phillies started the tradition of wearing green uniforms on St. Patrick's day.

The Irish dominated professional baseball in the late 19th century, making up a third or more of the players and many of the top stars and managers. The professional teams played in northeastern cities with large Irish populations that provided a fan base, as well as training for ambitious youth.[305] Casway argues that:

Baseball for Irish kids was a shortcut to the American dream and to self-indulgent glory and fortune. By the mid-1880s these young Irish men dominated the sport and popularized a style of play that was termed heady, daring, and spontaneous.... Ed Delahanty personified the flamboyant, exciting spectator-favorite, the Casey-at-the-bat, Irish slugger. The handsome masculine athlete who is expected to live as large as he played.[306]

Irish stars included Charles Comiskey, Connie Mack, Michael "King" Kelly, Roger Connor, Eddie Collins, Roger Bresnahan, Ed Walsh and New York Giants manager John McGraw. The large 1945 class of inductees enshrined in the National Baseball Hall of Fame in Cooperstown included nine Irish Americans.

The Philadelphia Phillies always play at home during spring training on St. Patrick's Day. The Phillies hold the distinction of being the first baseball team to wear green uniforms on St. Patrick's Day. The tradition was started by Phillies pitcher Tug McGraw, who dyed his uniform green the night before March 17, 1981.[307]

Two Irish stars: "Gentleman Jim" Corbett licks John L. Sullivan in 1892

John L. Sullivan (1858–1918), The heavyweight boxing champion, was the first of the modern sports superstars, winning scores of contests – perhaps as many as 200—with a purse that reached the fabulous sum of one million dollars.[308][309]

The Irish brought their native games of handball, hurling and Gaelic football to America. Along with camogie, these sports are part of the Gaelic Athletic Association. The North American GAA organization is still strong, with 128 clubs across its ten divisions.[310]

Entertainment

[edit]
Actor Tom Cruise descends from paternal Irish ("Cruise" and "O'Mara") lineage around County Dublin.[311][312]

Irish Americans have been prominent in comedy. Notable comedians of Irish descent include Jimmy Dore, Jackie Gleason, George Carlin, Bill Burr, Bill Murray, Will Ferrell, Louis C.K., Shane Gillis, Bryan Callen, Pete Holmes, Joe Rogan, Ben Stiller, Chris Farley, Stephen Colbert, Conan O'Brien, Denis Leary (holds dual American and Irish citizenship),[313] Colin Quinn, Charles Nelson Reilly, Bill Maher, Molly Shannon, John Mulaney, Kathleen Madigan, Jimmy Fallon, Des Bishop, and Jim Gaffigan, among others.

Musicians of Irish descent include Billie Eilish, Christina Aguilera, Kelly Clarkson, Kurt Cobain, Bing Crosby, Tori Kelly, Tim McGraw, Mandy Moore, Hilary Duff, Fergie, Jerry Garcia, Judy Garland, Katy Perry, Tom Petty, Pink, Michael McDonald, Bruce Springsteen, Gwen Stefani, Lindsay Lohan, Mariah Carey,[314] George M. Cohan, Paris Hilton,[315][316] Alicia Keys[317] and others.[318]

Holidays

[edit]

Halloween is of Irish origin.[319]

Sense of heritage

[edit]
Irish Republican mural in South Boston, Massachusetts

Many Americans of Irish descent still identify their ethnicity as Irish.[320]

The Chicago River, dyed green for the 2005 St. Patrick's Day celebration

Movements like the Fenian Brotherhood were early examples of a history of the Irish diaspora in America continuing to support Irish independence from the United Kingdom. The Fenian Brotherhood was a specific movement based in the United States that launched several unsuccessful attacks on British-controlled Canada known as the "Fenian Raids" in the 1860s.[321] The Friends of Irish Freedom raised millions of dollars from its inception in 1916 until 1932. The Irish Republican organization Clan na Gael also provided large amounts of money and support for Irish republican movements in Ireland. The Irish American fund-raising organization NORAID (founded by Irish immigrant and former IRA veteran Michael Flannery) received money from Irish American donators, officially stated to support the families of imprisoned or dead Provisional Irish Republican Army members—in 1984, the U.S. Department of Justice succeeded in forcing NORAID to acknowledge the Provisional IRA as its "foreign principal" under the Foreign Agents Registration Act.[322]

Irish heritage organizations, such as the Ancient Order of Hibernians, intend to foster and promote the preservation of Irish culture, including dance, language, music, and sports in the United States.[323]

Many Americans continue to celebrate Saint Patrick’s Day. Traditionally, corned beef and boiled cabbage are served in Irish-American households.[324] This dish is not of direct Irish origin. Instead, it originated in the Northeastern United States. Corned beef’s popularity relative to back bacon among the Irish immigrant population may have been due to corned beef being considered a luxury product in Ireland. In the United States, it was cheap and readily available.[324] It is said that Irish immigrants originally purchased corned beef from Jewish butchers.[325][326]

Some Americans, both of Irish descent and otherwise, have been occasionally criticized over misunderstandings of Irish culture, or a disconnect from the cultural evolution and daily realities of modern Ireland,[327] The term "Plastic Paddy" is occasionally used refer to certain Americans of Irish ancestry, whose ties to Ireland are perceived as tenuous.[328][329][330] However, the term Plastic Paddy is generally a commonplace term that has been used to describe people from multiple countries and is not exclusively used to describe Americans.

Certain American conservatives have also been criticized for making exaggerated claims about the treatment of the Irish within the United States in comparison to the treatment of other minority groups in the United States, particularly in the context of attempting to delegitimize inequalities certain groups may face by comparing the circumstances of the Irish to these groups.[331] Such parties have faced criticisms for exaggerating the oppression of the Irish within the United States relative to the oppression that other disenfranchised groups within the United States faced, not acknowledging the general assimilation of the Irish into the general concept of Whiteness in America,.[332]

Demographics

[edit]

Cities

[edit]
Population density of people born in Ireland, 1870; these were mostly Catholics; the older Scots Irish immigration is not shown.

The vast majority of Irish Catholic Americans settled in large and small cities across the North, particularly railroad centers and mill towns. They became perhaps the most urbanized group in America, as few became farmers.[333] Areas that retain a significant Irish American population include the metropolitan areas of Boston, New York City, Philadelphia, Wyoming Valley, Providence, Hartford, Pittsburgh, Buffalo, Albany, Syracuse, Baltimore, St. Louis, Chicago, Cleveland, San Francisco, Savannah, and Los Angeles, where most new arrivals of the 1830–1910 period settled. As a percentage of the population, Massachusetts has the greatest percentage of people with Irish ancestry, with around 21.2% of the population claiming Irish descent.[334] Likewise the United States' towns and cities with the highest percentage of Irish-descended Americans are in Massachusetts. These are the towns of Scituate, Massachusetts, with 47.5% of its residents being of Irish descent; Milton, Massachusetts, with 44.6% of its 26,000 being of Irish descent; and Braintree, Massachusetts, with 46.5% of its 34,000 being of Irish descent. (Weymouth, Massachusetts, at 39% of its 54,000 citizens, and Quincy, Massachusetts, at 34% of its population of 90,000, are the cities with the highest Irish-descended population within the United States. Squantum, a peninsula in the northern part of Quincy, is the neighborhood with the highest amount of Irish-descended people with the United States, with close to 60% of its 2600 residents claiming Irish descent.)[335]

Philadelphia, Boston, New York, and Chicago have historically had neighborhoods with higher percentages of Irish American residents. Regionally, the most Irish American states are Massachusetts, New Hampshire, Maine, Vermont, Rhode Island, Delaware, Pennsylvania, and Connecticut, according to the U.S. Census Bureau American Community Survey in 2013.[336] In consequence of its unique history as a mining center, Butte, Montana, is also one of the country's most thoroughly Irish American cities.[337] Smaller towns, such as Greeley, Nebraska (population 466), with an estimated 51.7% of the residents identifying as Irish American as of 2009–13[338][339] were part of the Irish Catholic Colonization effort of Bishop O'Connor of New York in the 1880s.[340]

2020 population of Irish ancestry by state

[edit]

As of 2020, the distribution of Irish Americans across the 50 states and DC is as presented in the following table:

Republic of IrelandEstimated Irish American population by stateUnited States[341][342]
State Number Percentage
Alabama 392,052 8.01%
Alaska 71,425 9.69%
Arizona 617,231 8.60%
Arkansas 283,345 9.41%
California 2,331,714 5.93%
Colorado 619,321 10.89%
Connecticut 537,144 15.04%
Delaware 137,609 14.22%
District of Columbia 49,498 7.05%
Florida 1,776,586 8.37%
 Georgia 738,036 7.02%
Hawaii 62,439 4.40%
Idaho 159,301 9.08%
Illinois 1,401,831 11.02%
Indiana 697,417 10.41%
Iowa 409,015 12.98%
Kansas 329,541 11.31%
Kentucky 500,792 11.22%
Louisiana 305,477 6.55%
Maine 223,464 16.67%
Maryland 594,307 9.84%
Massachusetts 1,354,532 19.71%
Michigan 1,017,747 10.20%
Minnesota 560,185 10.00%
Mississippi 201,669 6.76%
Missouri 750,732 12.26%
Montana 144,683 13.63%
Nebraska 229,468 11.93%
Nevada 246,595 8.14%
New Hampshire 278,913 20.58%
New Jersey 1,181,301 13.29%
New Mexico 127,440 6.08%
 New York 2,167,420 11.11%
North Carolina 832,880 8.02%
North Dakota 56,241 7.40%
Ohio 1,480,335 12.68%
Oklahoma 400,967 10.15%
Oregon 460,088 11.02%
Pennsylvania 1,978,043 15.46%
Rhode Island 182,012 17.21%
South Carolina 435,703 8.56%
South Dakota 88,957 10.12%
Tennessee 628,562 9.28%
Texas 1,745,532 6.10%
Utah 185,927 5.90%
Vermont 103,241 16.54%
Virginia 767,238 9.02%
 Washington 759,024 10.10%
West Virginia 232,834 12.88%
Wisconsin 615,730 10.60%
Wyoming 66,585 11.45%
United States 31,518,129 9.65%

Irish-American communities

[edit]

According to the 2010 U.S. Census, the city of Butte, Montana has the highest percentage of Irish Americans per capita of any city in the United States, with around one-quarter of the population reporting Irish ancestry.[343][344] Butte's Irish Catholic population originated with the waves of Irish immigrants who arrived in the city in the late-nineteenth century to work in the industrial mines. By population Boston and Philadelphia have the two largest Irish American populations in the country.

There are Irish neighborhoods scattered all throughout Boston, most notably South Boston. Many of Philadelphia's Irish neighborhoods are located in the Northeast Philadelphia section of the city, particularly in the Fishtown, Mayfair, and Kensington neighborhoods, as well as the South Philadelphia section, most notably the Pennsport ("Two Street" to the locals) neighborhood. There are large Irish populations in the Boston and Philadelphia metropolitan areas as well. The South Side of Chicago, Illinois also has a large Irish community, who refer to themselves as the South Side Irish.[345]

There are approximately 10,000 Irish Travelers living in the United States.[346]

Socioeconomic Demographics/Status

[edit]

In 2023 Irish Americans had a Per Capita Income of $53,408, higher than $43,313 which is the Per Capita Income for the Total Population and higher than $50,675 for all White Americans. Irish Italian American Males and Females had median earnings of $75,488 and $61,660, respectively. This is higher than $63,975 and $52,370 for the Total Population. Irish Americans have a Median Household Income of $88,257 which is higher than the Total Population and all Non-Hispanic Whites despite having a smaller household size (2.29) than the Total Population.[347]

In terms of education Irish Americans are significantly more educated than the Total Population. 96.2% have attained High School Graduate and 44.3% have attained a Bachelor's degree or higher.[347]

64% of Irish Americans are in the work place, with 51.1% working in Management, business, science, and arts occupations. The Irish American Community also has a large population working in Sales and office occupations (19.8%).[347] In terms of industry, a large number of Irish Americans work in Educational services, and health care and social assistance as well as Professional, scientific, and management, and administrative and waste management services and Retail trade. [348]

People

[edit]

In politics and government

[edit]
1928 Democratic Presidential Nominee Al Smith was the first Irish Catholic nominee of a major political party.

By the 1850s, the Irish were already a major presence in the police departments of large cities. In New York City in 1855, of the city's 1,149 policemen, 305 were natives of Ireland. Within 30 years, Irish Americans in the NYPD were almost twice their proportion of the city's population.[117] Both Boston's police and fire departments provided many Irish immigrants with their first jobs. The creation of a unified police force in Philadelphia opened the door to the Irish in that city. By 1860 in Chicago, 49 of the 107 on the police force were Irish. Chief O'Leary headed the police force in New Orleans, and Malachi Fallon was chief of police of San Francisco.[349]

The Irish Catholic diaspora are very well-organized[clarification needed] and since 1850 have produced a majority of the leaders of the U.S. Catholic Church, labor unions, the Democratic Party in larger cities, and Catholic high schools, colleges and universities.[350]

The cities of Milwaukee (Tom Barrett; 2004-) and Detroit (Mike Duggan; 2012-) currently (as of 2018) have Irish American mayors. Pittsburgh mayor Bob O'Connor died in office in 2006. New York City has had at least three Irish-born mayors and over eight Irish American mayors. The most recent one was County Mayo native William O'Dwyer, first elected in 1945.[351][352] Beginning in the 1909 mayoral election, every Democratic candidate for mayor of New York City was a man of Irish descent until 1950, when a special election saw three Italian Americans as the top vote getters.[353]

The Irish Protestant vote has not been studied nearly as much. Historian Timothy J. Meagher argues that by the late 19th century, most of the Protestant Irish "turned their backs on all associations with Ireland and melted into the American Protestant mainstream." A minority insisted on a "Scots-Irish" identity.[354]

In Canada, by contrast, Irish Protestants remained a political force, with many belonging to the Orange Order.[355] It was an anti-Catholic social organization with chapters across Canada. It was most powerful during the late 19th century.[356][357]

Political leanings

[edit]

Al Smith and later John F. Kennedy were political heroes for American Catholics.[358] Al Smith, who had an Irish mother and an Italian-German father, in 1928 became the first Catholic to run for president.[359] From the 1830s to the 1960s, Irish Catholics voted heavily Democratic, with occasional exceptions like the 1920 United States presidential election. Their precincts showed average support levels of 80%.[360] As historian Lawrence McCaffrey notes, "until recently they have been so closely associated with the Democratic party that Irish, Catholic, and Democrat composed a trinity of associations, serving mutual interests and needs. "[361]

American politicians who identify as Irish have been prominent members of both the Republican and Democratic parties. Ronald Reagan, a Republican president, and Joe Biden, a Democrat president, both often spoke of their Irish heritage during their presidencies.[362]

The great majority of Irish Catholic politicians were Democrats, with a few exceptions before 1970 such as Connecticut Senator John A. Danaher and Wisconsin Senator Joseph McCarthy.[363] Today, Irish politicians are associated with both parties. Ronald Reagan boasted of his Irishness. Historically, Irish Catholics controlled prominent Democratic city organizations.[362] Among the most prominent were New York, Philadelphia, Chicago, Boston, San Francisco, Pittsburgh, Jersey City, and Albany.[364] Many served as chairmen of the Democratic National Committee, including County Monaghan native Thomas Taggart, Vance McCormick, James Farley, Edward J. Flynn, Robert E. Hannegan, J. Howard McGrath, William H. Boyle, Jr., John Moran Bailey, Larry O'Brien, Christopher J. Dodd, Terry McAuliffe and Tim Kaine. In Congress, the Irish are represented in both parties; currently, Susan Collins of Maine, Ed Markey of Massachusetts, Dan Sullivan of Alaska, Lisa Murkowski of Alaska, Dick Durbin of Illinois, Patrick Leahy of Vermont, and Maria Cantwell of Washington are Irish Americans serving in the United States Senate. Former Speaker of the House of Representatives and Vice Presidential Candidate Paul Ryan is another prominent Irish-American Republican. Exit polls show that in recent presidential elections Irish Catholics have split about 50–50 for Democratic and Republican candidates.[365] The pro-life faction in the Democratic party includes many Irish Catholic politicians, such as the former Boston mayor and ambassador to the Vatican Ray Flynn and senator Bob Casey, Jr., who defeated Senator Rick Santorum in a high visibility race in Pennsylvania in 2006.[366]

Distribution of Irish Americans according to the 2000 Census

In New York State where fusion voting is practiced, Irish Americans were instrumental in the founding of the Conservative party in opposition to Nelson Rockefeller and other liberal Republicans who dominated the state GOP during the 1960s and 70s.[367] The party, founded by Irish American lawyers J. Daniel Mahoney and Kieran O'Doherty would serve as a vehicle for William F. Buckley when he ran for mayor of New York in 1965 against liberal WASP Republican John V. Lindsay and establishment Democrat Abe Beame. Elsewhere, significant majorities of the local Irish stayed with the Democratic party, such as in Massachusetts and in other parts of Southern New England.[368]

In some heavily Irish small towns in northern New England and central New Jersey the Irish vote is quite Republican, but other places like Gloucester, New Jersey and Butte, Montana retain strongly liberal and Democratic-leaning Irish populations. In the 1984 United States Presidential Election Irish Catholics in Massachusetts voted 56% to 43% for Walter Mondale while their cousins in New York State voted 68% to 32% for Ronald Reagan.[369]

The voting intentions of Irish Americans and other white ethnic groups attracted attention in the 2016 U.S. election. In the Democratic primaries, Boston's Irish were said to break strongly for Hillary Clinton, whose victories in Irish-heavy Boston suburbs may have helped her narrowly carry the state over Bernie Sanders.[370] A 2016 March survey by Irish Central[371] showed that 45% of Irish Americans nationwide supported Donald Trump, although the majority of those in Massachusetts supported Hillary Clinton. An October poll by Buzzfeed showed that Irish respondents nationwide split nearly evenly between Trump (40%) and Clinton (39%), with large numbers either undecided or supporting other candidates (21%), and that the Irish were more supportive of Clinton than all the other West European-descended Americans including fellow Catholic Italian Americans.[372]

In early November 2016, six days before the election, another poll by IrishCentral showed Clinton ahead at 52% among Irish Americans, while Trump was at 40% and the third-party candidates together had 8%; Irish respondents in Massachusetts similarly favored Clinton by majority.[373] In 2017, a survey with 3,181 Irish American respondents (slightly over half being beyond third generation) by Irish Times found that 41% identified as Democrats while 23% identified as Republicans; moreover, 45% used NBC (typically considered left-leaning) for their news while 36% used Fox News (considered right-leaning).[374]

The presence of supporters of Trump among Irish and other white ethnic communities which had once themselves been marginalized immigrants generated controversy, with progressive Irish American media figures admonishing their co-ethnics against "myopia" and "amnesia".[375] However, such criticisms by left leaning pundits were frequently leveled against Irish-American conservatives prior to Trump's presidential run, with one columnist from the liberal online magazine Salon calling Irish-American conservatives "disgusting".[376] In New York City, ongoing trends of suburbanization, gentrification, and the increased tendency of Irish-Americans to vote Republican, as well as the increasingly left wing politics of the Democratic Party, led to the collapse of Irish political power in the city during the 2010s.[377] This trend was exemplified by the defeat of Queens Representative and former House Democratic Caucus Chairman Joe Crowley by democratic socialist Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez in the 2018 Democratic primary.[378][379]

Irish-American justices of the Supreme Court

[edit]

See also

[edit]

Notes

[edit]

References

[edit]

Other sources

[edit]
  • Corrigan, Michael, Confessions of a Shanty Irishman, 2014, Virtual Bookworm, eBook and audio book. ISBN 978-1602642973

Further reading

[edit]
[edit]
Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
Irish Americans are United States residents who claim ancestry from Ireland, numbering approximately 31.5 million individuals or 9.5% of the population as of recent census data, encompassing both Catholic descendants of 19th-century famine-era migrants and earlier Protestant Scotch-Irish settlers from Ulster.[1][2] The Scotch-Irish, primarily Presbyterian immigrants arriving in the 18th century, settled in frontier regions like Appalachia and contributed to early American expansion, distinguishing themselves culturally and religiously from the later, predominantly Catholic waves fleeing the Great Famine of 1845–1852, which drove over one million to U.S. shores amid economic hardship and potato blight.[3][4] Initial Irish Catholic immigrants faced severe nativist discrimination, including "No Irish Need Apply" exclusions and anti-Catholic riots manifested in violence such as the 1831 arson of St. Mary’s Catholic Church in New York City by anti-Catholic nativists targeting the Irish community, as well as the Philadelphia Bible Riots of May-July 1844, yet leveraged urban political machines like Tammany Hall for advancement, fostering patronage networks that propelled figures into mayoral and congressional roles while occasionally entangling communities in corruption scandals.[5][6] Economically, famine-era arrivals started as unskilled laborers in canals, railroads, and factories—building key infrastructure like the transcontinental railroad—but their descendants achieved socioeconomic mobility, attaining above-average homeownership and below-average poverty rates by the late 20th century through education, unions, and entrepreneurship.[7][8] Culturally, Irish Americans popularized St. Patrick's Day parades and preserved traditions like Gaelic sports, while religiously expanding Catholicism's footprint in America, with Irish clergy shaping dioceses in the Northeast and Midwest.[9] Politically, they produced presidents John F. Kennedy and Joe Biden, numerous governors, and influential labor leaders, though historical factionalism between Catholic and Protestant Irish strains persisted, reflecting Ulster divides.[10] Today, concentrated in states like Massachusetts, New York, and California, Irish Americans embody assimilated success, with self-reported ancestry stable despite intermarriage, underscoring resilient ethnic identity amid broader demographic shifts.[1][11]

Historical Immigration and Settlement

Scotch-Irish Pioneers (1600s–Early 1800s)

The Scotch-Irish, also known as Ulster Scots, were predominantly Presbyterian descendants of Scottish settlers in Ulster who began emigrating to the American colonies in significant numbers from the late 1600s, with major waves occurring between 1717 and 1775.[12] [13] These migrants, fleeing economic hardships, religious persecution under Anglican dominance, and tenancy disputes in Ireland, sought land ownership and religious liberty unavailable in the established coastal settlements.[14] Primary entry ports included Philadelphia and New Castle, Delaware, where they arrived in family groups rather than as indentured servants, enabling quicker establishment of independent farms.[15] [16] Pushing westward into the Appalachian backcountry and frontier regions of Pennsylvania, Virginia, and the Carolinas, Scotch-Irish settlers formed isolated communities characterized by self-reliance and clannish solidarity.[17] By the late 18th century, they comprised a substantial portion of the population in upland areas, with estimates indicating 250,000 to 400,000 arrivals contributing to up to 15 percent of residents in certain inland counties or states like Pennsylvania and Virginia.[18] [19] Their preference for rugged terrain stemmed from prior experiences herding cattle in Ulster's hills, fostering a culture of individualism, martial prowess, and resistance to centralized authority, traits honed through frequent conflicts with Native American tribes and regulatory impositions from colonial governments.[14] During the American Revolution, Scotch-Irish frontiersmen played a pivotal role as staunch patriots, forming militias that bolstered the Patriot cause against British forces and Loyalists.[3] The Overmountain Men, largely Scotch-Irish settlers from the Appalachian highlands, marched over 300 miles to decisively defeat British Major Patrick Ferguson's Loyalist army at the Battle of Kings Mountain on October 7, 1780, a victory that halted British momentum in the South and is credited with shifting the war's tide.[20] [21] Armed with long rifles and employing guerrilla tactics, these irregular forces exemplified the group's anti-authoritarian ethos, derived from Presbyterian covenants emphasizing covenantal resistance to tyranny. Their contributions extended to colonial defense against French and Indian threats earlier in the 1700s, solidifying their foundational influence on American expansion westward.[22]

Great Famine and Catholic Mass Migration (1840s–1860s)

The potato blight (Phytophthora infestans), which arrived in Ireland in autumn 1845, destroyed the primary food source for a large segment of the rural Catholic population reliant on potato monoculture for subsistence.[23] Subsequent crop failures in 1846, partial recovery in 1847, and renewed devastation in 1848 and 1852 triggered acute famine conditions, exacerbated by disease epidemics like typhus and relapsing fever, leading to an estimated 1 million excess deaths in Ireland from 1845 to 1852.[24] This demographic collapse, amid a pre-famine population of about 8.5 million, drove survival-oriented emigration, with roughly 2 million departing Ireland between 1845 and 1855, of whom approximately 1.5 million reached the United States—predominantly unskilled Catholic laborers from southern and western provinces.[4][25] Transatlantic voyages on overcrowded, minimally provisioned vessels—derisively termed "coffin ships"—imposed severe hardships, with mortality rates from shipboard diseases reaching 20 percent or higher in the worst cases of 1847, though overall emigrant death rates to North American ports averaged 1-2 percent after quarantine and shipping regulations improved post-1848.[26][27] Upon arrival, primarily at ports like New York (receiving over half of arrivals) and Boston, immigrants clustered in urban enclaves via chain migration networks, where family and community ties directed newcomers to existing settlements.[28] This pattern fueled rapid population growth in eastern seaboard cities: New York's Irish-born numbered 133,000 by 1850, comprising nearly 30 percent of the city's total, while Boston's Irish swelled to over 35,000, or about 35 percent of residents.[29] Economic integration proved challenging, as most arrivals lacked capital or skills beyond manual labor, competing for low-wage jobs in construction, railroads, and domestic service amid industrial expansion.[4] Overcrowded tenements in districts like New York's Five Points or Boston's North End fostered squalid conditions, with high incidences of tuberculosis and cholera; by 1855, Irish immigrants accounted for a disproportionate share of urban poor relief recipients and pauper burials.[28] Labor market tensions ignited nativist backlash, manifested in pre-famine violence such as the 1831 arson of St. Mary’s Catholic Church in New York City by anti-Catholic nativists targeting the Irish community, as well as the Philadelphia Bible Riots of May-July 1844, where Protestant mobs, fueled by anti-Catholic sentiment over public school Bible reading, destroyed Irish Catholic churches and homes, killing at least 20 and displacing thousands—events presaging broader Know-Nothing agitation against the famine-era influx.[30][6][31] This intense discrimination included nativist violence, employment policies symbolized by "No Irish Need Apply" signs, and views of Irish as unassimilable due to their Catholicism and lower-class status, further fueling groups like the Know-Nothings.[32] Such violence underscored causal frictions from sudden demographic shifts, as native-born workers perceived wage suppression and cultural threats from the Catholic majority among arrivals.[33]

Later Inflows and Assimilation (Late 19th–20th Centuries)

Following the peak of the Great Famine migration, Irish immigration to the United States declined markedly in the late 19th century, with annual arrivals dropping below 50,000 by the 1890s due to improving agricultural conditions and land reforms in Ireland, such as the Wyndham Land Act of 1903, which reduced rural poverty.[34] Between 1891 and 1900, approximately 216,000 Irish-born individuals entered, followed by 339,000 from 1901 to 1910, shifting toward urban, semi-skilled workers from cities like Dublin and Belfast rather than rural famine refugees; however, World War I and subsequent U.S. restrictions curtailed flows further, with only 146,000 arriving from 1911 to 1920.[35] The Immigration Act of 1924 imposed national origins quotas based on the 1890 census, allocating Ireland a maximum of 28,567 visas annually—generous relative to southern and eastern European nations but still limiting total post-1924 inflows to under 20,000 per decade amid Irish Free State independence in 1922, which stabilized the economy and diminished push factors.[36] These later migrants increasingly included professionals, such as teachers and engineers, reflecting Ireland's nascent industrialization and reduced reliance on transatlantic emigration for survival. Over generations, descendants of the famine-era Catholic immigrants assimilated by aligning with dominant white Protestant norms, gaining political power such as the election of the first Irish Catholic mayors in major cities like New York (William R. Grace in 1880) and Boston (Hugh O'Brien in 1884), and becoming mainstream by the early 20th century.[37] Assimilation accelerated through military service, which demonstrated Irish American loyalty to the United States and eroded lingering nativist prejudices from earlier waves. In World War I, over 200,000 Irish Americans enlisted, comprising a disproportionate share of infantry units and producing notable leaders like Major General John A. Lejeune, the first Irish Catholic commandant of the U.S. Marine Corps; similarly, in World War II, Irish descendants filled key roles, with figures like Admiral William Leahy serving as chief of staff to presidents Roosevelt and Truman, fostering broader societal acceptance by associating the group with patriotic sacrifice rather than divided allegiances.[38] Postwar, the Servicemen's Readjustment Act of 1944—known as the G.I. Bill—provided veterans with tuition, stipends, and low-interest loans, enabling over 2 million to pursue higher education and homeownership by 1956; for Irish Americans, particularly second- and third-generation urban dwellers, this catalyzed middle-class ascent, with enrollment at institutions like Fordham and Boston College surging and homeownership rates climbing above national averages by the 1950s, as local economies in cities like Chicago and New York transitioned from industrial labor to white-collar professions.[39] Intermarriage rates rose steadily, marking a shift from insular ethnic enclaves to broader integration while retaining cultural markers like Catholicism and familial networks. Early 20th-century data from 1910 censuses show Irish exogamy around 20% for first-generation immigrants, but by the third generation, rates exceeded 50% in many urban areas, driven by shared socioeconomic mobility and declining religious barriers post-Vatican II; this diluted distinct Irish identity demographically yet preserved hybrid heritage through organizations like the Ancient Order of Hibernians, which emphasized adaptive civic participation over isolation.[40] The "melting pot" metaphor, popularized by Israel Zangwill's 1908 play, idealized seamless cultural blending, but for Irish immigrants, it masked initial exclusion and required strategic alignment with dominant norms—often termed "whitening"—involving cultural erasure and reinforcement of hierarchies, though enabling selective assimilation for European groups.[41] Such patterns reflected causal drivers like expanded public education and suburbanization, which prioritized individual advancement over communal segregation, with Irish Americans achieving median incomes surpassing the national average by the 1960s through professional fields rather than machine politics or manual trades.[8]

Demographics and Geographic Distribution

According to the 2020 United States Census, approximately 31.5 million residents self-identified as having Irish ancestry alone, representing 9.5% of the total population, though this figure excludes those reporting Irish heritage in combination with other ancestries, which elevates the total to around 38.6 million or 11.7%.[1][42] Subsequent American Community Survey estimates indicate relative stability, with 30.5 million claiming Irish ancestry alone in 2023, reflecting a modest decline from earlier peaks in self-reporting during the 1980s when over 40 million identified as such.[43] This downward trend in primary identification stems partly from increased multi-ancestry reporting, where respondents list multiple heritages rather than selecting Irish exclusively, diluting singular ethnic claims amid broader demographic shifts.[44] Geographic retention of Irish identification remains strongest in the Northeast and Midwest, with states like New Hampshire reporting 20.4% of residents claiming Irish descent in recent Census data, compared to the national average.[45] Surveys indicate persistent heritage pride among descendants, yet weakening direct ties to contemporary Ireland, as cultural affinity often centers on historical narratives rather than ongoing connections.[46] Key drivers of declining salience include generational assimilation, high rates of exogamy, and cultural drift, where third- and later-generation individuals increasingly prioritize a generalized "white American" identity over specific ethnic labels.[44] Intermarriage patterns, documented in historical and contemporary analyses, accelerate this process by blending ancestries and reducing the transmission of distinct Irish cultural markers across generations.[47] Despite these factors, periodic revivals in ethnic interest—such as through genealogy platforms or cultural events—suggest identification persists as a secondary or symbolic affiliation rather than a primary one.[48]

Regional Concentrations and Urban Enclaves

Irish Americans maintain significant regional concentrations in the Northeastern United States, where states like New Hampshire (20.4%), Massachusetts (18.7%), Vermont (16.4%), and Rhode Island (16.4%) report the highest percentages of residents claiming Irish ancestry based on self-reported data from the American Community Survey.[49] These figures reflect persistent settlement patterns from 19th-century immigration waves, with urban centers such as Boston exhibiting over 21.5% Irish population share in metro areas.[50] Historically, Chicago's South Side formed a key enclave for Irish Catholic laborers in the late 1800s, drawing migrants to industrial jobs near railroads and stockyards.[51] Distinct urban enclaves persist in select locales, including neighborhoods in Queens, New York, where Breezy Point reports 60.3% Irish ancestry and Belle Harbor maintains a strong ethnic presence tied to early 20th-century settlement.[52] In Butte, Montana, a mining boomtown enclave developed from the 1860s influx of Irish workers, comprising up to 25% of the current population with Irish ties and historical peaks near 80% by the 1930s.[53][52] These pockets, once characterized by dense tenement housing and mutual aid societies, have evolved into more dispersed communities, with Gaelic language fluency now below 1% among descendants due to generational assimilation.[54] Post-1950 suburbanization significantly altered these patterns, as federally backed home loans and highway expansion enabled movement from inner-city ghettos to surrounding suburbs, exemplified by Irish Americans in Philadelphia shifting to Delaware County enclaves.[55] Concurrent Sun Belt migration has dispersed populations to states like Florida (692,142 Irish ancestry claimants) and California (803,899), where suburban developments attract retirees and professionals, diluting traditional urban neighborhood cohesion while increasing absolute numbers in non-traditional regions.[2] This outward shift, accelerated by economic mobility after World War II, has transformed once-insular enclaves into more integrated suburban landscapes.[55]

Socioeconomic Indicators

Irish Americans demonstrate socioeconomic outcomes superior to national averages, reflecting substantial intergenerational mobility from 19th-century immigrant poverty. The median household income for households headed by those reporting Irish ancestry stood at approximately $85,000 based on 2021 ACS data, exceeding the U.S. median of $74,580 in 2022.[56][57] Educational attainment among Irish-ancestry adults aged 25 and older reaches approximately 35.4% with a bachelor's degree or higher as of 2021, surpassing the national average of 33.7%.[58] Poverty rates for Irish Americans are approximately 8.1% as of 2021 ACS data, lower than the national 11.5% in 2022.[57] These indicators vary regionally, with higher incomes and attainment concentrated in Northeastern states like Massachusetts and New Hampshire, where Irish descent correlates with median household figures exceeding $100,000 in select metros.[59] Historical data underscore rapid class ascent: Famine-era Irish migrants, arriving with minimal skills and facing urban labor competition, saw their U.S.-born children achieve occupational parity with natives by the late 19th century, evidenced by linked census records showing upward shifts from manual to skilled trades.[60][61] This mobility accelerated in the 20th century, propelled by internal migration to industrial hubs and investments in parochial schooling, which yielded higher literacy and professional entry rates than public systems alone might explain.[62] Early concentrations in cities like New York and Boston entailed temporary reliance on municipal aid amid famine-induced destitution, with critics noting welfare dependencies in overcrowded tenements during the 1850s–1870s.[63] Yet empirical tracking refutes persistent underachievement, as second-generation gains—via kin networks and self-financed education—eclipsed initial setbacks, yielding overrepresentation in mid-century professions and homeownership rates now above national norms.[64][8] Pockets of relative lag persist in rural Appalachian Scotch-Irish descendants, where median incomes trail urban counterparts by 20–30%, attributable to extractive industry declines rather than ancestry per se.[65]

Religious Composition and Institutions

Protestant Heritage and Scotch-Irish Influence

The Protestant heritage among Irish Americans primarily stems from the Scotch-Irish, descendants of Ulster Protestants who migrated to the American colonies starting in the early 18th century, with significant waves from 1717 onward. These settlers, largely Presbyterian in faith, settled in frontier regions such as the Appalachian backcountry, where their Calvinist theology emphasized predestination, hard work, and moral discipline. This religious framework fostered cultural values of self-reliance, individualism, and suspicion of centralized authority, traits honed through their experiences of religious persecution in Ulster and adapted to the rigors of pioneer life.[66][67] Presbyterianism, introduced by figures like Francis Makemie from County Donegal—who is regarded as the father of American Presbyterianism—became a cornerstone of Scotch-Irish identity, influencing the development of Presbyterian denominations in the United States. Modern bodies such as the Presbyterian Church in America (PCA) trace their traditions to these Scotch-Irish roots, maintaining a commitment to confessional standards and congregational autonomy that echo the covenantal theology brought from Ulster. This heritage contributed to the broader evangelical landscape, with Scotch-Irish settlers intermingling in the South and imparting their rigorous moral ethos to movements like revivalism, evident in the lives of prominent evangelists.[68][69] The Scotch-Irish left a lasting imprint on American culture, particularly in Appalachian and Southern traditions, including the origins of country music, which drew from Ulster folk ballads, fiddles, and hymns carried by 18th-century migrants. Their influence extended to evangelical figures like Billy Graham, whose Scotch-Irish ancestry from Carolina pioneers exemplified the moral rigor and frontier piety of this group; Graham's family traced back to Ulster Scots who settled the region before the Revolution. Surveys reveal that approximately 48-51% of self-identified Irish Americans are Protestant, with over half residing in the South and 17% in the Midwest, where their legacy reinforces conservative values, including anti-statist sentiments rooted in historical distrust of overreaching governance.[70][71][72][73][74]

Catholic Ascendancy and Parochial Systems

Following the influx of over one million Irish Catholics during the Great Famine era (1845–1852), the U.S. Catholic population expanded from approximately 1.75 million in 1850—comprising about five percent of the total population and predominantly Irish and German immigrants—to 14 million by 1906, representing seventeen percent.[75] This demographic surge necessitated institutional growth, including the elevation of key dioceses to archdioceses in urban centers with heavy Irish settlement, such as Boston in 1875 and Chicago in 1880, to administer expanding parishes and clergy needs.[35] Irish-born and Irish-descended bishops, leveraging English proficiency and urban concentration, dominated this hierarchy, facilitating the construction of cathedrals and schools amid anti-Catholic nativism.[76] The parochial school system emerged as a cornerstone of this institutional framework, designed to insulate Irish Catholic children from Protestant-influenced public education and preserve doctrinal fidelity. By 1920, over 6,500 Catholic elementary schools enrolled 1.8 million students, many taught by Irish religious orders; enrollment peaked at 4.5 million elementary pupils by the mid-1960s.[77] These schools emphasized rote catechesis, moral formation, and vocational skills, fostering intergenerational loyalty to the Church while providing affordable education to working-class families.[78] Mutual aid societies complemented educational efforts, with the Knights of Columbus—founded on March 29, 1882, by Irish-American priest Father Michael J. McGivney in New Haven, Connecticut—offering fraternal insurance, charity, and a Catholic alternative to Masonic lodges.[79] Initially serving Irish immigrant communities, the organization grew to millions of members, providing death benefits and community support that buffered economic precarity and reinforced ethnic-religious solidarity.[80] Women religious from Irish orders, such as the Sisters of Charity and Mercy, staffed much of the parochial apparatus, prioritizing disciplined pedagogy rooted in convent formation. Their approach stressed corporal correction, uniformity, and piety to instill resilience against secular influences, enabling mass education despite limited resources.[81] These systems yielded strengths in community cohesion, offering social welfare networks that aided upward mobility and cultural retention for Irish Catholics facing exclusion. Parishes functioned as multifunctional hubs—encompassing schools, aid societies, and welfare—sustaining faith transmission across generations in hostile environments.[82] However, the insularity of parochial structures, while protective, engendered criticisms of excessive clannishness and hierarchical opacity, potentially impeding broader societal integration. This inward focus, prevalent in Irish-dominated dioceses, has been linked to delayed accountability in clerical abuse cases; for instance, revelations in Boston's Irish-heavy archdiocese exposed systemic cover-ups enabled by tight-knit clerical networks, as documented in investigative reports on thousands of victims spanning decades. Empirical reviews of U.S. Church scandals indicate that the predominance of Irish-descended clergy in urban sees amplified the perceived institutional failures when abuses surfaced.[83]

Sectarian Tensions and Ecumenical Shifts

In the nineteenth century, longstanding sectarian animosities from Ireland between Catholic and Protestant communities were imported to the United States, where they occasionally fueled clashes between newer Catholic Irish immigrants and established Protestant Irish descendants, including Scotch-Irish Presbyterians. Verbal disputes over religious processions and parades escalated into mob violence in urban centers, as centuries-old tensions manifested in American cities. A prominent example occurred during the Orange Riots in New York City on July 12, 1871, when Protestant Orangemen—commemorating the Battle of the Boyne—marched through predominantly Catholic neighborhoods, provoking attacks from Irish Catholic laborers that left over 60 dead and more than 150 wounded, primarily Catholics.[84][85] Protestant Irish Americans, often aligned with nativist sentiments against the influx of Catholic immigrants, criticized the latter for tribal loyalties to the Vatican and insular parochial networks that hindered assimilation, viewing them as a threat to republican values.[29] Catholic Irish, confronting widespread anti-Catholic hostility from Protestant majorities—including some fellow Irish Protestants—occasionally invoked shared immigrant hardships to bridge divides, though such appeals rarely mitigated Protestant wariness of papal influence.[85] These frictions echoed Ulster divisions, with Protestant Irish Americans decrying Catholic "tribalism" in community organizing, while Catholics emphasized mutual persecution under British rule as a basis for solidarity. During the Troubles in Northern Ireland from 1969 to 1998, these historical rifts resurfaced among Irish Americans, as Catholic descendants disproportionately funded republican paramilitaries like the Provisional IRA via groups such as the Irish Northern Aid Committee (NORAID), raising over $3.6 million by the 1980s to support nationalist aims.[86] Protestant Irish Americans, comprising roughly half of those claiming Irish ancestry, largely opposed IRA violence and favored maintaining Northern Ireland's union with the United Kingdom, seeing republican campaigns as illegitimate aggression against Protestant communities rather than legitimate self-determination.[87] The Second Vatican Council (1962–1965) marked a turning point toward ecumenism, as the Catholic Church's Unitatis Redintegratio decree encouraged dialogue with Protestants, influencing Irish American clergy and laity to prioritize reconciliation over confrontation.[88] This shift coincided with rising interfaith marriages among Irish-descended Americans; by the late twentieth century, Protestant Irish Americans exhibited among the lowest rates of religious endogamy, reflecting broader assimilation and declining sectarian adherence. Secularization further eroded divides, with younger generations prioritizing ethnic heritage over confessional loyalties, though vestiges persist in organizations like Protestant Orange lodges and Catholic Hibernian societies, and in lingering unionist sympathies among some Protestant Irish Americans regarding Northern Ireland.[84]

Occupational and Economic Integration

Early Labor and Industrial Roles

Upon arrival in the United States during the mid-19th century, Irish immigrants overwhelmingly entered the workforce in unskilled manual labor, comprising a significant portion of the labor pool for infrastructure projects and heavy industry. In 1850, famine-era Irish male household heads were 57% more likely than native-born Americans to hold unskilled occupations, reflecting their concentration in low-wage, physically demanding roles such as digging canals, quarrying stone, and laying urban infrastructure.[61] This pattern persisted in urban centers, where Irish workers provided the cheap manpower essential for early industrialization, often enduring hazardous conditions with limited bargaining power.[89] Irish laborers played a pivotal role in railroad construction, particularly on the Central Pacific Railroad during the building of the transcontinental line from 1865 to 1869. As primary early builders, thousands of Irish immigrants performed the grueling tasks of blasting tunnels through the Sierra Nevada and grading tracks under chaotic management and high attrition rates due to dangerous work and inadequate pay.[90] Their efforts enabled the Central Pacific to lay up to ten miles of track in a single day near the 1869 golden spike ceremony, demonstrating resilience in overcoming Sierra obstacles despite frequent strikes over safety and wages.[91] In the anthracite coal regions of Pennsylvania, Irish immigrants dominated mining labor from the 1840s onward, flooding into Schuylkill, Luzerne, and surrounding counties to extract coal under brutal conditions of long hours, low pay, and frequent accidents. By the 1850s, they formed the core of the workforce in these areas, often competing with or clashing against earlier English and Welsh miners amid ethnic tensions.[92] Exploitation by mine operators, including company scrip payments and control over housing, fueled labor unrest, exemplified by the Molly Maguires—a secretive Irish group active in the 1870s that orchestrated assassinations, arson, and sabotage against bosses and informants. Historians debate the Maguires' actions as either heroic resistance to systemic abuse or ethnic terrorism and thuggery, with some evidence suggesting Pinkerton detective exaggerations of their organized role to justify crackdowns, yet court records confirmed at least 20 murders linked to the group between 1863 and 1877.[93][94] While Irish workers advanced early unionization—such as through the Workingmen's Benevolent Association in Pennsylvania's coalfields, which organized strikes for better conditions—they also participated in violent disruptions and, in some cases, served as strike-breakers recruited by employers to undermine native labor actions, reflecting divided loyalties amid economic desperation.[95] These dynamics underscored the Irish contribution to America's industrial expansion, marked by endurance in exploitative environments but punctuated by internal factionalism and coercive tactics that complicated collective bargaining efforts.[96]

Rise in Public Service and Politics

Irish Americans entered municipal public service primarily through urban political machines that controlled patronage appointments in cities like New York, Boston, and Chicago, securing positions in police and fire departments as pathways out of unskilled labor.[37] These machines, such as Tammany Hall, shifted from earlier Protestant dominance to Irish Catholic leadership by the mid-19th century, with figures like Irish-born Richard Croker rising to boss status in the 1880s and using job distribution to build loyalty among immigrants.[97] By 1900, Irish immigrants and their descendants were highly overrepresented in these roles, comprising up to 33% of New York City's police force in 1886 (with many American-born officers of Irish parentage) and dominating organized fire departments nationwide, where their cohesion and physical labor experience proved advantageous.[98][99] The federal Pendleton Civil Service Reform Act of 1883, enacted after the assassination of President Garfield amid spoils system abuses, mandated merit-based exams for government jobs, initially covering 10% of federal positions and expanding thereafter, which opened opportunities for Irish applicants prepared through parochial schools and machine networks.[100] While local patronage persisted in cities, enabling Irish overrepresentation in blue-collar public roles, the reforms encouraged merit ascent, with Irish candidates often excelling due to disciplined study habits fostered in community institutions.[101] This integration stabilized growing urban centers by professionalizing services; Irish-led departments improved response times and infrastructure, such as New York's early fire brigades evolving into structured forces that reduced property losses from conflagrations.[102] Patronage, however, bred cronyism and systemic corruption within these machines, as bosses exchanged jobs for votes, leading to scandals like the Tweed Ring's operations under Tammany in the 1860s–1870s, where William M. Tweed and associates embezzled an estimated $30–200 million through inflated contracts and kickbacks before Tweed's 1873 conviction for forgery and larceny.[103] Irish-dominated iterations continued this pattern, with leaders prioritizing kin and allies over efficiency, resulting in higher municipal debt and graft exposure, though conviction data remains sparse beyond high-profile cases, underscoring patronage's dual role in empowerment and malfeasance.[104] Despite such flaws, the machines' provision of welfare-like aid—food, fuel, and burials—mitigated immigrant destitution and fostered civic order in volatile industrial cities.[105]

Entrepreneurship and Professional Advancement

Irish Americans demonstrated notable entrepreneurial drive from the 19th century onward, exemplified by Cyrus Hall McCormick, whose Scots-Irish ancestors settled in Virginia. McCormick patented the mechanical reaper in 1834 after years of experimentation and legal battles over prior claims, enabling efficient grain harvesting that boosted agricultural productivity and his personal fortune through the founding of what became International Harvester Company by 1902.[106] [107] His success stemmed from persistent innovation amid skepticism and competition, amassing wealth estimated in millions by his death in 1884 without reliance on government subsidies.[108] In urban centers like New York City, Irish immigrant peddlers in the mid-19th century leveraged informal networks and modest capital to transition into larger enterprises, accumulating significant savings despite low initial barriers and prejudice. These individuals, often starting with door-to-door sales of goods like needles or produce, exhibited calculated risk-taking that propelled some into wholesale trade or retail, countering narratives of perpetual labor dependency by highlighting self-generated upward mobility.[109] Empirical records from the era show many achieved financial independence through reinvestment and adaptation, rather than communal aid alone. Contemporary Irish Americans continue this pattern in high-stakes sectors like finance and technology, with figures such as John Malone, of Irish descent, building empires in cable and media through Liberty Media, achieving a net worth exceeding $7 billion as of 2018 via strategic acquisitions and deregulation navigation.[110] Similarly, Jim Kennedy, leading Cox Enterprises in communications and automotive, amassed $9.3 billion by inheriting and expanding a family business founded on entrepreneurial foresight.[110] Analyses of Forbes 400 lists indicate Irish-descent individuals comprise a notable share—around 5% in recent decades—disproportionate to population metrics when factoring initial socioeconomic hurdles, underscoring causal factors like familial emphasis on risk tolerance over collectivist safety nets.[110] These outcomes reflect individual agency in wealth creation, with ethnic networks providing marginal advantages in sectors like banking but secondary to personal acumen.[111]

Cultural Impacts and Heritage Preservation

Literary and Intellectual Contributions

Eugene O'Neill, born in 1888 to Irish immigrant actor James O'Neill and Mary Ellen Quinlan of Irish descent, pioneered modern American drama with works exploring familial dysfunction, addiction, and the immigrant experience's psychological toll.[112] His plays, such as Long Day's Journey into Night (written 1939–1941, published 1956), drew from his upbringing in a nomadic theatrical family marked by his mother's morphine addiction and his father's fixation on a single role, reflecting the grit of Irish American striving amid personal erosion rather than romanticized exile.[112] O'Neill's realism critiqued both the old world's lingering shadows—evident in characters grappling with Irish Catholic guilt and fate—and America's hollow promises of reinvention, as in The Iceman Cometh (1939), where pipe dreams underscore failed assimilation.[113] His 1936 Nobel Prize in Literature, awarded for the "power, honesty and deep-felt emotions" of his dramatic oeuvre, marked the first for an American playwright and elevated Irish American voices in global literary discourse.[114] F. Scott Fitzgerald, born in 1896 to an Irish Catholic family in St. Paul, Minnesota, chronicled the Jazz Age's allure and disillusionment, infusing narratives with themes of class ascent and ethnic assimilation drawn from his "half black Irish" self-perception.[115] In The Great Gatsby (1925), protagonist Jay Gatsby embodies the Irish diaspora's opportunistic pursuit of reinvention—from Midwestern obscurity to elite circles—yet critiques the era's moral vacuity and barriers to full acceptance, mirroring Fitzgerald's own tensions between Irish heritage and WASP aspirations.[116] His works, including This Side of Paradise (1920), portray youthful ambition tempered by cultural displacement, avoiding perpetual grievance by emphasizing individual agency in opportunity's grasp, though laced with melancholy over unattainable status.[117] Other Irish American writers extended these motifs into naturalistic portrayals of urban working-class life. James T. Farrell's Studs Lonigan trilogy (1932–1935) depicts a Chicago Irish youth's descent amid economic hardship and ethnic insularity, critiquing both parochial homeland echoes and America's industrial grind without idealizing victimhood.[118] Mary McCarthy, of Irish Catholic descent, advanced intellectual critique through essays and novels like Memories of a Catholic Girlhood (1957), dissecting mid-20th-century assimilation's intellectual costs with sharp, empirical detachment from both Irish familial piety and American conformism.[119] These contributions collectively grounded the "exile" archetype in causal pursuits of prosperity, influencing American literature's turn toward unflinching realism over sentimentality.

Music, Entertainment, and Folklore

Irish American musical traditions evolved from 18th-century immigrant folk practices, blending fiddle tunes, ballads, and dance music into broader American genres. Scotch-Irish settlers in Appalachia contributed foundational elements to old-time and bluegrass music, including modal scales, drone accompaniments, and reels that trace back to Ulster Presbyterian hymnody and piping.[70][120] By the 20th century, recording technology amplified these influences, with Irish American artists adapting jigs and airs into country and folk forms, as seen in the 1920s commercialization of tunes like "Sally Goodin."[121] In urban centers, later Catholic Irish immigrants preserved session-based traditions of uilleann pipes, tin whistle, and bodhrán, fostering groups like Green Fields of America, founded in 1977 to revive authentic storytelling through song amid mainstream dilutions.[122] The 1980s rise of Celtic punk, pioneered by the Pogues' fusion of Irish folk with punk aggression, inspired Irish American bands such as Dropkick Murphys, who incorporated accordion-driven reels into Boston's punk scene starting in 1996, bridging heritage with contemporary rebellion.[123] Irish Americans shaped early Hollywood, with figures like James Cagney (born 1899) embodying tough, loquacious archetypes in films such as The Public Enemy (1931), drawing from immigrant stock character tropes.[124] John Wayne, of Scotch-Irish descent from County Antrim via his great-great-grandfather Robert Morrison (emigrated 1798), portrayed an Irish American returning home in The Quiet Man (1952), romanticizing rural brawls and courtship but reinforcing sentimental stereotypes of boisterous masculinity.[125][126] Such depictions often veered into maudlin excess, prioritizing comedic pugilism over nuanced cultural depth, as critiqued in analyses of pre-1960s Irish-themed cinema.[127] Folklore preservation efforts emphasize ceili gatherings and fleadh festivals, modeled on Irish models but adapted in the U.S. since the 1950s to transmit oral histories, sean-nós singing, and step dancing through community organizations.[128] These contrast with St. Patrick's Day's American commercialization, which by the 1920s shifted from religious observance to parades and green-dyed excess, amplifying binge-drinking stereotypes detached from Ireland's subdued family feasts.[129] Authentic heritage groups decry this as diluting ancestral resilience narratives into performative revelry, prioritizing commercial spectacle over substantive cultural continuity.[130]

Culinary and Sporting Traditions

Irish American cuisine features adaptations of traditional Irish dishes to available ingredients and economic realities in the United States. In Ireland, salted pork or bacon paired with cabbage was a common working-class meal, but 19th-century Irish immigrants substituted corned beef brisket, which was cheaper and more abundant due to cattle slaughter in urban packing centers like New York and influenced by Jewish kosher practices in delis. This shift occurred prominently during the post-Famine migration waves of the 1840s–1850s and solidified as a St. Patrick's Day staple by the late 19th century, diverging from rural Irish norms where beef preservation was less feasible amid land scarcity.[131][132] Pub culture among Irish Americans preserved communal bonding rituals from Ireland but amplified health risks through heavy alcohol consumption. Saloons and later Irish pubs served as social anchors for laborers, fostering networks amid urban isolation, yet contributed to elevated rates of alcoholism and related disorders. Historical data from the 1930s onward show disproportionate Irish American psychiatric admissions for alcohol issues in U.S. institutions, with surveys indicating 40% of Irish American households reported drinking problems by the late 20th century. Cirrhosis mortality correlated directly with per capita alcohol intake, particularly from spirits, exacerbating liver disease prevalence in immigrant communities where binge patterns persisted as cultural markers.[133][134][135] Sporting traditions emphasized physical outlets for community identity and socioeconomic mobility. Gaelic football clubs, organized under the United States GAA since the early 20th century, maintain over 130 teams across divisions, drawing on Ireland's Gaelic Athletic Association to host annual nationals and preserve the sport's rules emphasizing skill and endurance. Boxing provided an upward path for many Irish American youths from tenements, with figures like John L. Sullivan— the first recognized heavyweight champion from 1882 to 1892—exemplifying immigrant grit in bare-knuckle and gloved eras, followed by successors who leveraged prizefighting for fame and financial escape.[136][137] Contemporary evolutions blend tradition with commercialization, as Irish pubs proliferated to around 4,000 in the U.S. by the 21st century, globalizing motifs like Guinness pours and live sessions while often standardizing interiors via export kits that dilute authentic rural pub variances. This expansion aided Irish whiskey revival through diaspora demand but risks commodifying heritage into tourist tropes, detached from original agrarian contexts.[138]

Discrimination, Stereotypes, and Controversies

Nativist Backlash and Anti-Catholic Prejudice

The influx of predominantly Catholic Irish immigrants during the Great Famine of the 1840s, numbering over 1.5 million arrivals by 1860, intensified nativist sentiments rooted in Protestant fears of divided loyalties, as Catholics were perceived to prioritize papal authority over American republicanism.[139][140] This apprehension stemmed from observable cultural differences, including the immigrants' adherence to hierarchical ecclesiastical structures incompatible with individualistic Protestant norms, alongside economic competition in urban labor markets where Irish workers undercut wages.[141] The American Party, known as the Know-Nothing Party, formalized these prejudices in the 1850s, advocating platforms to extend naturalization periods from five to 21 years, restrict Catholic office-holding, and limit immigration to curb perceived threats from Irish Catholics, whom party rhetoric accused of papal conspiracies to subvert Protestant America.[141][142] The party achieved electoral success, capturing governorships and legislatures in states like Massachusetts and Delaware by 1855, capitalizing on urban Protestant voters' alarm over Irish-dominated wards in cities such as New York and Boston.[143] These tensions erupted in violence, exemplified by the New York City Draft Riots of July 13–16, 1863, where Irish longshoremen and laborers, facing conscription into the Union Army under the Enrollment Act—exempted only by a $300 commutation fee unaffordable to most—initiated protests that devolved into anti-Black pogroms, resulting in an estimated 120 deaths, primarily African Americans lynched by Irish mobs. Irish participation reflected not mere victimhood but active exacerbation through clannish group dynamics, as rioters targeted Black competitors for jobs and interracial institutions, burning the Colored Orphan Asylum and killing figures like the abolitionist William Jones.[144][145] Stereotypes of Irish as brutish and simian, depicted in 19th-century cartoons such as those in Punch magazine portraying them with ape-like features and exaggerated jaws, drew from pseudoscientific racial hierarchies predating full Darwinian application but amplified by observations of Irish gang violence in slums like New York's Five Points.[146] Groups like the Whyos and Dead Rabbits, formed from Irish immigrant networks, engaged in turf wars, extortion, and public brawls, reinforcing perceptions of clannishness—tight-knit, kin-based loyalties prioritizing group solidarity over civic integration—which fueled nativist claims of inherent unassimilability rather than purely economic envy.[95][147] Such behaviors, including ritualistic violence and resistance to authority, provided empirical basis for caricatures, distinguishing them from unfounded bias by aligning with documented patterns of disorder in Irish enclaves.[148]

Persistent Stereotypes and Internal Critiques

Persistent stereotypes of Irish Americans include associations with excessive alcohol consumption, rooted in 19th-century observations of high drunkenness rates among immigrants. Temperance reformers, such as Father Theobald Mathew, who led a major abstinence campaign from 1838 onward, highlighted alcoholism as prevalent in Irish communities, with data from urban centers like New York showing Irish-born individuals comprising a disproportionate share of public intoxication arrests—up to 50% in some periods despite being 25% of the population.[149] This stereotype persisted, reinforced by socioeconomic factors like poverty and saloon culture in immigrant enclaves, though later analyses attribute it partly to cultural displacement rather than inherent traits.[133] Another enduring trope is the "plastic Paddy," a term originating in Ireland to deride Irish Americans for superficial or exaggerated expressions of heritage, such as donning leprechaun attire on St. Patrick's Day or claiming distant ancestry as full cultural authenticity. Irish commentators have criticized this as performative identity, disconnected from contemporary Ireland's realities, with figures like writers in the Irish Times noting it undermines genuine diaspora ties by prioritizing commercialized symbols over substantive engagement.[150] The label gained traction in the late 20th century amid globalization, reflecting Irish resentment toward American commodification of Celtic motifs, though some diaspora advocates have reclaimed it to affirm voluntary ethnic pride.[151] Internal critiques within Irish American circles have questioned an overreliance on the Great Famine narrative as a foundational victimhood story, arguing it overshadows pre-1845 structural issues like unchecked population growth—from 6.8 million in 1821 to over 8 million by 1841—driven by potato monoculture and land fragmentation without diversification into other crops or industries. Historians note this emphasis, seen in memorials and curricula, can eclipse Irish agency in economic vulnerabilities, such as tenant farmers' failure to adopt sustainable practices amid British land policies, fostering a selective memory that prioritizes external blame.[152] Such self-reflection appears in scholarly works urging a broader view of emigration drivers beyond famine alone. Criticism has also targeted Irish American support for the Provisional IRA via organizations like NORAID, founded in 1970, which raised millions—estimated at $3-5 million annually by the 1980s—ostensibly for prisoner families but widely documented as facilitating arms purchases and operations deemed terrorist by British and U.S. authorities. Internal voices, including some Irish American commentators, have labeled this as misguided enablement of violence, prolonging the Troubles and alienating moderate nationalists, with declassified reports confirming funds' role in sustaining IRA campaigns despite NORAID's humanitarian claims.[153][154] These stereotypes of indiscipline or volatility find counterbalance in Irish Americans' documented success in regimented fields, such as law enforcement, where by 1900 they held over 70% of New York City police positions, demonstrating organizational rigor amid urban challenges. This pattern of advancement through structured roles refutes blanket laziness claims, attributing resilience to adaptive work ethics forged in immigration hardships.[155]

Political Missteps and Modern Disconnects

Irish American-dominated political machines, such as Tammany Hall in New York City, were marred by systemic graft that eroded institutional integrity and public resources. From the mid-19th to mid-20th centuries, Tammany's influence fostered widespread corruption, including rigged contracts and embezzlement schemes that permeated city government and law enforcement.[156] This machine's operations, often justified as patronage for immigrant communities, instead prioritized personal enrichment, as evidenced by scandals under leaders like William M. "Boss" Tweed, whose regime involved rampant bribery and fraud until his 1873 imprisonment.[157] Such practices highlighted the perils of ethnic-based solidarity, where loyalty to group insiders enabled abuses that disadvantaged broader constituencies, including working-class Irish voters meant to benefit from the system. In the 20th century, Irish American leadership in labor unions occasionally mirrored these patterns of abuse, with officials leveraging positions for extortion and embezzlement amid mafia infiltration of organized labor. Instances of union racketeering, including bribery and fund misappropriation, underscored how entrenched power structures could devolve into self-serving enterprises rather than genuine advocacy for workers.[158] These missteps, while not universal, reveal causal trade-offs in ethnic mobilization: short-term gains in representation often fostered insular networks prone to corruption, diluting long-term credibility and reform efforts within Irish American communities. Contemporary surveys indicate a growing generational disconnect, with 77% of Irish Americans tracing ancestry to emigrants over three generations prior, fostering superficial engagement with Ireland's history amid diluted familial ties.[159] This detachment manifests in critiques of U.S. celebrations like St. Patrick's Day as overly commercialized and ahistorical, emphasizing revelry over nuanced reflection on events such as Ireland's 1921 partition, which entrenched divisions between the Republic and Northern Ireland.[160] Moreover, sanitized heritage narratives overlook empirical realities like Irish immigrants' participation in Southern slavery; records from antebellum Louisiana document Irish enslavers holding dozens of people, while others served as plantation overseers enforcing the system.[161][162] Such oversights question the costs of uncritical ethnic solidarity, potentially perpetuating selective memory that impedes rigorous historical reckoning.

Political Engagement and Influence

Machine Politics and Democratic Loyalty

Irish Americans dominated urban political machines in the late 19th and early 20th centuries, with Tammany Hall in New York City under their control for over 50 years from the mid-1800s, leveraging immigrant networks to secure votes through patronage systems that distributed public jobs and services.[37] These machines exemplified bossism, where leaders like those in Tammany exchanged tangible aid—such as coal during winters or legal help for new arrivals—for unwavering electoral loyalty, showcasing organizational savvy in mobilizing poor voters but prioritizing clientelist ties over meritocratic governance.[163] The political ascent peaked with Alfred E. Smith's Democratic presidential nomination in 1928, the first for an Irish Catholic by a major party, reflecting machine-honed influence in nominating conventions despite his ultimate defeat amid nativist opposition.[164] This momentum culminated in John F. Kennedy's 1960 presidential victory, symbolizing the full assimilation of Irish Americans into national power structures as the first Catholic commander-in-chief, built on decades of urban machine groundwork.[165] Irish American loyalty to the Democratic Party remained robust, with historical presidential voting patterns showing overwhelming support—often 70% or more—sustained by the party's defense of Catholic immigrants against nativism and its expansion of welfare programs under Franklin D. Roosevelt's New Deal, policies shaped in part by machine advocates like Tammany figures who traded bloc votes for social provisions.[166] [167] Yet this ethnic solidarity fostered critiques of dependency, as bloc voting entrenched patronage economies that distributed resources based on political fealty rather than individual merit or market-driven advancement, perpetuating cycles of reliance on state largesse over self-sufficient entrepreneurship evident in other immigrant groups.[163]

Military Service and Conservative Strains

Irish Americans have demonstrated notable military service across U.S. conflicts, often exceeding proportional representation relative to population. During the American Civil War (1861–1865), over 150,000 Irish-born individuals served in the Union Army, forming prominent units such as the Irish Brigade, which saw heavy action at battles like Fredericksburg.[168] Approximately 40,000 Irish Americans fought for the Confederacy, including in Louisiana regiments, reflecting divided loyalties tied to regional settlement rather than uniform ethnic allegiance.[169] This participation, driven by desires for economic opportunity, citizenship validation, and opposition to perceived threats like nativism, marked a disproportionate enlistment in urban immigrant communities compared to native-born volunteers.[170] In World War II, Irish Americans continued this pattern of loyal service, enlisting in significant numbers despite pockets of isolationist sentiment influenced by anti-British historical grievances.[170] Their contributions extended to later conflicts, with Irish Americans comprising a disproportionate share of Medal of Honor recipients—estimated at 58% of the 3,464 awards through 2009, far exceeding their roughly 10% of the U.S. population.[171] This valor underscores a cultural emphasis on martial honor, countering any stereotypes of pacifism by highlighting empirical records of frontline sacrifice and leadership in units from the Revolution through Vietnam.[172] Distinct conservative strains within Irish American military culture, particularly among Scotch-Irish descendants (Ulster Protestant emigrants), manifest in a tradition of hawkishness rooted in frontier self-reliance and martial heritage. Scotch-Irish settlers in Appalachia and the South forged a worldview emphasizing armed individualism and distrust of centralized authority, contributing to early American military ethos during the Revolutionary War and French and Indian War.[173] This group exhibited a "warlike" disposition shaped by centuries of border conflicts in Ulster, fostering support for robust defense policies and personal honor codes that prioritize decisive action over restraint. In modern contexts, Appalachian Scotch-Irish communities sustain higher affinity for Republican stances on military strength and Second Amendment rights, viewing firearms as extensions of ancestral vigilance against threats.[174] Such traits link to broader patterns of GOP alignment in these regions, where cultural hawkishness favors interventionist responses to aggression over isolationism.[175]

Recent Partisan Evolutions and Policy Stances

Beginning in the 1980s, Irish American voters, particularly working-class Catholics, exhibited a notable shift away from their longstanding Democratic allegiance, influenced by economic policies and cultural conservatism under President Ronald Reagan. This realignment, often termed "Reagan Democrats," included significant portions of Irish descent communities in industrial heartlands, where union members and ethnic enclaves prioritized anti-inflation measures, tax cuts, and opposition to perceived liberal overreach on social issues over traditional party loyalty. By 1980, approximately half of the AFL-CIO membership, which encompassed many Irish American laborers, supported Reagan, marking a fracture in the Democratic coalition that had sustained Irish political machines since the New Deal era.[176] This partisan diversification persisted into the 21st century, with Scotch-Irish Protestants—concentrated in Appalachia and the South—emerging as a conservative bulwark, their cultural emphasis on individualism and skepticism of centralized authority aligning with Republican platforms since the Reagan years. In the 2020 presidential election, Irish Americans split with roughly 39% supporting Donald Trump, reflecting growing Republican leanings among white Catholics, a demographic overlapping heavily with Irish heritage. Exit polls indicated white Catholics favored Trump by margins approaching parity or slight leads in key states, driven by economic grievances and reservations about Democratic cultural policies. By the 2024 election, this trend accelerated, as Irish American voters in areas like Philadelphia shifted Republican, contributing to Trump's victories amid broader white Catholic support exceeding 50% nationally per exit polls.[177][178][179] On policy, Irish Americans' Catholic heritage fosters strong pro-life convictions, rooted in doctrinal opposition to abortion, which increasingly conflicts with the Democratic Party's platform post-Roe v. Wade overturn. Surveys of Irish Americans in the 2020s reveal persistent adherence to traditional teachings, with many viewing unrestricted abortion access as incompatible with faith, even as Ireland liberalized its laws in 2018—a divergence highlighting U.S. ethnic Catholics' resistance to secular progressivism. Regarding immigration, heritage voters express wariness toward open borders, citing job competition and cultural dilution, sentiments echoing 19th-century nativism that once targeted Irish arrivals themselves; Irish American Republican leaders have articulated support for stricter enforcement against illegal entries while distinguishing legal pathways exploited by past Irish migrants.[180][181] In 2024, economic priorities—such as inflation control and wage stagnation—overrode ethnic identity or foreign policy ties like U.S.-Ireland relations, propelling Irish descent voters toward Trump in swing states, where exit data showed Catholics prioritizing pocketbook issues over abstract heritage appeals. This evolution underscores a broader decoupling from identity-based voting, with 2023 surveys indicating Irish Americans nearly evenly split between parties (48% Democrat, 38% Republican), prioritizing pragmatic concerns over historical Democratic bonds.[182][180]

Notable Figures and Legacy

Leaders in Government and Law

Charles Carroll of Carrollton, a descendant of Irish Catholic gentry, signed the Declaration of Independence in 1776 and served as a delegate to the Continental Congress from 1776 to 1778, later becoming one of Maryland's first U.S. senators from 1789 to 1792.[183] His advocacy for religious tolerance and property rights amid anti-Catholic sentiments underscored early Irish American influence in foundational governance.[184] Irish Americans have been disproportionately represented on the U.S. Supreme Court, with approximately twenty justices claiming Irish ancestry, including early appointees like William Paterson, born in Ireland in 1745 and nominated by George Washington in 1793.[185] Notable figures include Pierce Butler, appointed in 1923, who dissented in cases expanding federal power, such as Morehead v. New York ex rel. Tipaldo (1936), defending states' rights and federalism.[186] William J. Brennan Jr., serving from 1956 to 1990, shaped civil liberties jurisprudence through opinions favoring judicial activism, including in Baker v. Carr (1962), which enabled federal courts to intervene in legislative redistricting.[187] This judicial legacy reflects both conservative restraint and progressive expansion, often informed by immigrant-rooted emphases on legal equity. Robert F. Kennedy, of Irish Catholic lineage, exemplified prosecutorial vigor as U.S. Attorney General from 1961 to 1964, spearheading efforts against organized crime, including the conviction of Teamsters leader Jimmy Hoffa on jury tampering charges in 1964 after extensive investigations into labor racketeering.[188][189] His Justice Department filed 57 voting rights cases and over 100 school desegregation suits, enforcing federal authority in the South despite resistance from segregationist officials.[189] Yet, Kennedy's appointment by his brother, President John F. Kennedy, fueled accusations of nepotism and politicized law enforcement, with critics arguing it prioritized family loyalty over merit in high office.[190] While many Irish American legal figures advanced rule-of-law principles, some faced scrutiny for partisan excesses; for instance, urban prosecutors tied to Democratic machines occasionally wielded discretion selectively, as evidenced by delayed corruption probes in cases like those involving Tammany Hall successors, prioritizing political alliances over impartiality.[184] Such instances highlight tensions between ethnic solidarity and institutional accountability in wielding public power.

Innovators in Business and Science

Irish Americans have demonstrated a penchant for entrepreneurial innovation in business and science, often rising from modest origins to pioneer advancements through persistent experimentation and calculated risk. This pattern reflects the adaptive resilience forged in immigrant experiences, where overcoming resource constraints fostered inventive problem-solving. Notable examples include leaders who scaled enterprises via operational efficiencies and scientists who secured patents for transformative technologies. Jack Welch (1935–2020), born to Irish American parents in Peabody, Massachusetts, exemplifies self-made business acumen.[191] As CEO of General Electric from 1981 to 2001, he implemented rigorous performance metrics and divestitures, expanding the company's revenue from $26.8 billion to $130 billion and market value from $14 billion to $410 billion by emphasizing boundaryless innovation and Six Sigma quality processes.[192] Welch's approach prioritized merit-based decisions over tenure, yielding annualized shareholder returns of 21.6 percent during his tenure.[192] In modern finance, Brian Moynihan, raised in an Irish Catholic family of eight children in Marietta, Ohio, ascended to CEO of Bank of America in 2010.[193] From a legal background at FleetBoston, he steered the institution through regulatory scrutiny and digital transformation post-2008 crisis, achieving consistent profitability with 2023 assets exceeding $3.1 trillion and net income of $26.5 billion.[194] Moynihan's strategy integrated acquisitions like Merrill Lynch while focusing on risk management and client-centric tech investments. Thomas Fogarty, an Irish American from Cincinnati, Ohio, revolutionized medical devices as a cardiovascular surgeon and inventor.[195] In 1969, he patented the balloon embolectomy catheter (U.S. Patent 3,435,826), enabling minimally invasive removal of arterial blood clots and reducing surgical mortality from over 50 percent to under 10 percent in early applications.[196] Fogarty amassed over 100 patents and founded ventures like Fogarty Engineering, commercializing tools that facilitated millions of endovascular procedures annually by enhancing precision and recovery times.[195]

Cultural Icons and Reformers

Eugene O'Neill, born in 1888 to Irish immigrant parents, emerged as a pioneering American playwright whose works delved into themes of familial strife and existential despair, earning him the Nobel Prize in Literature in 1936 for plays like Long Day's Journey into Night, which drew from his own turbulent upbringing.[197] His innovations in dramatic form, including extended monologues and psychological realism, elevated U.S. theater beyond commercial fare, influencing generations of writers despite his personal struggles with alcoholism mirroring the stereotypes he critiqued.[198] John Ford, born in 1894 in Maine to Irish immigrant parents from County Galway and Limerick, directed over 140 films, including Westerns such as Stagecoach (1939) and The Searchers (1956), which defined the genre through visual motifs of vast landscapes and moral reckonings rooted in his heritage.[199] Winning four Academy Awards for Best Director between 1935 and 1952, Ford infused his oeuvre with Irish-American values of loyalty and community, as seen in The Quiet Man (1952), a romanticized portrayal of rural Ireland that grossed over $3 million domestically despite critical mixed reception for its stereotypes.[200] Among Protestant Scotch-Irish figures, Davy Crockett (1786–1836), descended from Ulster settlers via Huguenot lines who migrated through Ireland, became a folk icon as a Tennessee frontiersman, congressman, and Alamo defender, his tall tales of bear hunting and survival shaping American mythology in Davy Crockett almanacs that sold tens of thousands of copies in the 1830s.[201] In reform, Mary Harris Jones (1837–1930), Irish-born and immigrating during the Famine, organized coal miners and textile workers as "Mother Jones," leading the 1903 "March of the Mill Children" from Philadelphia to New York to expose child labor abuses affecting over 2 million minors under age 16 in 1900 census data.[202] Her radical union tactics, including strikes against child exploitation in Pennsylvania's anthracite fields where fatalities exceeded 500 annually in the 1890s, advanced the United Mine Workers while clashing with corporate interests, though her opposition to women's suffrage highlighted tensions within progressive circles.[203] Leonora Barry (1849–1930), an Irish-American factory worker turned Knights of Labor organizer in 1884, investigated sweatshop conditions, testifying to Congress in 1889 on women's wages averaging $4–6 weekly amid 14-hour days, and advocated temperance to counter alcohol's role in domestic violence documented in her reports from New York and Pennsylvania mills.[204] Her efforts, blending labor rights with moral reform, influenced the 1890s push for protective legislation, yet faced resistance from Catholic hierarchies wary of temperance's Protestant associations. Irish-American reformers shaped Prohibition debates (1919–1933) by highlighting alcohol's causal links to poverty and crime—Irish immigrant arrest rates for drunkenness reached 20–30% in urban police logs from 1890–1910—but personal failings among advocates, including relapse rates over 50% in some temperance societies per 1920s surveys, underscored enforcement challenges amid cultural saloon reliance in Irish enclaves.[205] Labor radicals like Jones opposed bans, viewing them as distractions from wage exploitation, contributing to uneven reform legacies where union gains outlasted sobriety campaigns.

References

User Avatar
No comments yet.