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Crucifixion of Jesus
Crucifixion of Jesus
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Crucifixion of Jesus
Map
DateAD 30/33
LocationJerusalem, Judaea, Roman Empire
TypeExecution by crucifixion
CauseCondemnation before the Sanhedrin trial and Pilate's court, resulting in public calls for Jesus' death
ParticipantsRoman army (executioners)
Outcome
DeathsJesus

The crucifixion of Jesus was the death of Jesus by being nailed to a cross.[note 1] It occurred in 1st-century Judaea, most likely in AD 30 or AD 33. The event is described in the four canonical gospels, referred to in the New Testament epistles, and later attested to by other ancient sources. Scholars nearly universally accept the historicity of Jesus' crucifixion,[1] although there is no consensus on the details.[2][3][4] According to the canonical gospels, Jesus was arrested and tried by the Sanhedrin, and then sentenced by Pontius Pilate to be scourged, and finally crucified by the Romans.[5][6][7]

Jesus was stripped of his clothing and offered vinegar mixed with myrrh or gall (likely posca)[8] to drink. At Golgotha, he was then hung between two convicted thieves and, according to the Gospel of Mark, was crucified at the third hour (9 a.m.), and died by the ninth hour of the day (at around 3:00 p.m.). During this time, the soldiers affixed a sign to the top of the cross stating "Jesus of Nazareth, King of the Jews" which, according to the Gospel of John, was written in three languages (Hebrew, Latin, and Greek). They then divided his garments among themselves and cast lots for his seamless robe, according to the Gospel of John. The Gospel of John also states that, after Jesus' death, one soldier (named in extra-Biblical tradition as Longinus) pierced his side with a spear to be certain that he had died, then blood and water gushed from the wound. The Bible describes seven statements that Jesus made while he was on the cross, as well as several supernatural events that occurred.

Collectively referred to as the Passion, Jesus' suffering and redemptive death by crucifixion are the central aspects of Christian theology concerning the doctrines of salvation and atonement.[9]

New Testament narratives

[edit]

Paul is the earliest surviving source (apart from the gospels) to document Jesus' crucifixion.[10] Scholars have used Paul's chronology as evidence for the date of the crucifixion.[11] However, the earliest detailed accounts of the death of Jesus are contained in the four canonical gospels.[12] In the Synoptic Gospels, Jesus predicts his death in three separate places.[13] All four gospel accounts conclude with an extended narrative of Jesus' arrest, initial trial at the Sanhedrin and final trial at Pilate's court, where Jesus is flogged, condemned to death, is led to the place of crucifixion initially carrying his cross before Roman soldiers induce Simon of Cyrene to carry it, and then Jesus is crucified, entombed, and resurrected from the dead. In each gospel account these five events in the life of Jesus are treated with more intense detail than any other portion of that Gospel's narrative. Scholars note that the reader receives an almost hour-by-hour account of what is happening.[14]: p.91 

A depiction of the Raising of the Cross, by Sebastiano Mazzoni, 17th century, Ca' Rezzonico

After arriving at Golgotha, Jesus was offered wine mixed with myrrh or gall to drink. Both the Gospel of Mark and the Gospel of Matthew record that he refused this. He was then crucified and hanged between two convicts. According to some translations of the original Greek, the convicts may have been bandits or Jewish rebels.[15] According to the Gospel of Mark, he endured the torment of crucifixion from the third hour (between approximately 9 a.m. and noon),[16] until his death at the ninth hour, corresponding to about 3 p.m.[17] The soldiers affixed a sign above his head stating "Jesus of Nazareth, King of the Jews" which, according to the Gospel of John, was in three languages (Hebrew, Latin, and Greek), and then divided his garments and cast lots for his seamless robe. According to the Gospel of John, the Roman soldiers did not break Jesus' legs, as they did to the two crucified convicts (breaking the legs hastened the onset of death), as Jesus was dead already. Each gospel has its own account of Jesus' last words, seven statements altogether.[18]

Bronzino's depiction of the crucifixion with three nails, no ropes, and a hypopodium standing support, c. 1545

All four gospel accounts state that, following Jesus' death, Joseph of Arimathea requested Jesus' body and buried it in a rock-cut tomb.[19] The Gospel of Matthew alone suggests that Joseph provided his own tomb for this purpose.[20]

The three Synoptic Gospels describe Simon of Cyrene bearing the cross,[21] a crowd of people mocking Jesus[22] along with the other two crucified men,[23] darkness from the sixth to the ninth hour,[24] and the temple veil being torn from top to bottom.[25] The Synoptic Gospels also mention several witnesses, including a centurion,[26] and several women who watched from a distance,[27] two of whom were present during the burial.[28]

The Gospel of Luke is the only gospel to omit the detail of the sour wine mix that was offered to Jesus on a reed,[29] while only Mark and John describe Joseph actually taking the body down off the cross.[30]

There are several details that are only mentioned in a single gospel account. For instance, only Matthew mentions an earthquake, resurrected saints who went to the city, and that Roman soldiers were assigned to guard the tomb,[31] while Mark is the only one to state the time of the crucifixion (the third hour, or 9 a.m. – although it was probably as late as noon)[32] and the centurion's report of Jesus' death.[33] Luke's unique contributions to the narrative include Jesus' words to the women who were mourning, one criminal's rebuke of the other, the reaction of the multitudes who left "beating their breasts", and the women preparing spices and ointments before resting on the Sabbath.[34] John is also the only one to refer to the request that the legs be broken and the soldier's subsequent piercing of Jesus' side (as fulfillment of Old Testament prophecy), as well as that Nicodemus assisted Joseph with burial.[35]

According to the First Epistle to the Corinthians,[36] Jesus was raised from the dead ("on the third day" counting the day of crucifixion as the first) and, according to the canonical gospels, appeared to his disciples on different occasions before ascending to heaven.[37] The account given in Acts of the Apostles says that Jesus remained with the apostles for 40 days, whereas the account in the Gospel of Luke makes no clear distinction between the events of Easter Sunday and the Ascension.[38][39] Most biblical scholars agree that the author of Luke also wrote the Acts of the Apostles as a follow-up volume to the Gospel of Luke account, and the two works must be considered as a whole.[40]

In Mark, Jesus is crucified along with two rebels, and the sun goes dark or is obscured for three hours.[41] Jesus calls out to God, then gives a shout and dies.[41] The curtain of the Temple is torn in two.[41] Matthew follows Mark, but mentions an earthquake and the resurrection of saints.[42] Luke also follows Mark, although he describes the rebels as common criminals, one of whom defends Jesus, who in turn promises that he (Jesus) and the criminal will be together in paradise.[43] Luke portrays Jesus as impassive in the face of his crucifixion.[44] John includes several of the same elements as those found in Mark, though they are treated differently.[45]

Textual comparison

[edit]

The comparison below is based on the New International Version.

Matthew Mark Luke John
Way of the Cross 27:32–33 15:21–22 23:26–32 19:17
Soldiers had Simon of Cyrene carry Jesus' cross. Soldiers had Simon of Cyrene carry Jesus' cross. Soldiers had Simon of Cyrene carry Jesus' cross. "They"[46] had Jesus carry the cross.
Jesus said to wailing women: "Don't weep for me, but for yourselves and your children."
Crucifixion 27:34–36 15:23–25 23:33–34 19:18, 23–24
Jesus tasted wine mixed with gall, refused to drink more. Jesus refused to drink wine mixed with myrrh.
Soldiers crucified Jesus, cast lots for his clothes and kept watch. Soldiers crucified Jesus and cast lots for his clothes. Soldiers crucified Jesus and cast lots for his clothes. "They"[46] crucified Jesus and four soldiers each took a garment, casting lots over the undergarment (this fulfilled a prophecy).
Jesus: "Father, forgive them, for they don't know what they're doing."[47]
This happened at nine in the morning on the day of Passover (14:12, 15:25). This happened at "about noon" on the Day of Preparation before Passover (19:14, 31)
Mocking 27:37–44 15:26–32 23:35–43 19:19–22, 25–27
Sign: "This is Jesus, the king of the Jews". Sign: "The king of the Jews". Sign: "This is the king of the Jews". Sign: "Jesus of Nazareth, the king of the Jews".
High priests complained to Pilate: "Don't write "King of the Jews", but that this man claimed to be king of the Jews." Pilate: "Quod scripsi, scripsi."
Passersby, high priests, teachers of the law, elders and both rebels mocked Jesus. Passersby, high priests, teachers of the law and both rebels mocked Jesus. The people's rulers, soldiers (offered wine vinegar) and one criminal mocked Jesus.
The other criminal defended him, and asked Jesus to remember him. Jesus' mother Mary, Mary of Clopas and Mary Magdalene stood near the cross.
Jesus told Mary: "That is your son", and told the beloved disciple: "That is your mother."
Jesus: "Truly I tell you, today you will be with me in paradise."
Death 27:45–56 15:33–41 23:44–49 19:28–37
At noon, a three-hour-long darkness came across the land. At noon, a three-hour-long darkness came across the land. About noon, a three-hour-long darkness came across the land.
About three, Jesus cried out loud: "Eli, Eli, lema sabachtani?" At three, Jesus cried out loud: "Eloï, Eloï, lema sabachtani?" To fulfill Scripture, Jesus said: "I am thirsty."
Bystander offered Jesus wine vinegar, others said: "Now let's see if Elijah saves him." Bystander offered Jesus wine vinegar and said: "Now let's see if Elijah comes to take him down." "They" let Jesus drink wine vinegar.
Jesus said: "It is finished," and died.
Jesus cried out again and died. Jesus cried out loud and died. Jesus called out loud: "Father, into your hands I commit my spirit," and died.
Temple curtain ripped, earthquake. Temple curtain ripped. (Before death) Temple curtain ripped.
Tombs broke open, many dead came back to life and appeared to many people in Jerusalem.
Centurion and soldiers terrified: "Surely he was the Son of God." Centurion: "Surely this man was the Son of God." Centurion: "Surely this was a righteous man."
Soldiers broke the legs of the other two crucified men, but not Jesus' legs (this fulfilled a prophecy), but did pierce his side with a spear (this fulfilled another prophecy).
Bystanders beat their chest and went away.
Many women from Galilee looked on from a distance, including Mary Magdalene, Mary, mother of James and Joseph[48] and the mother of Zebedee's sons. From a distance, the women from Galilee looked on, including Mary Magdalene, Mary, mother of James and Joses and Salome.[48] Those who know him, including the Galilean women, stood at a distance.

Other accounts and references

[edit]

Historicity

[edit]
Crucifixion of Jesus of Nazareth, medieval illustration from the Hortus deliciarum of Herrad of Landsberg, 12th century

In scholarship on the historical Jesus, the baptism of Jesus and his crucifixion are considered to be the two most certain historical facts about Jesus.[78][79][4][80][81][note 2] Various criteria are used to determine the historicity of the elements of the New Testamentical narratives, and help to establish the crucifixion of Jesus as a historical event.[80] The criterion of embarrassment argues that Christians would not have invented the painful death of their leader.[80] The criterion of multiple attestation is the confirmation by more than one source,[82] including multiple non-Christian sources,[note 3] and the criterion of coherence argues that it fits with other historical elements.[82]

Although scholars agree on the historicity of the crucifixion, they differ on the reason and context for it.[83] For example, both E. P. Sanders and Paula Fredriksen support the historicity of the crucifixion, but contend that Jesus did not foretell his own crucifixion and that his prediction of the crucifixion is a "church creation".[84]: 126  On the other hand, Michael Patrick Barber argues that the Historical Jesus predicted his violent death.[85] Tucker Ferda argues that the Historical Jesus did believe he might die.[86] Geza Vermes also views the crucifixion as a historical event, but provides his own explanation and background for it.[84] Bart Ehrman states that Jesus portrayed himself as the leader of the future Kingdom and that a number of criteria- the criterion of multiple attestation and criterion of dissimilarity - establishes the crucifixion of Jesus as an enemy of state.[87]

Although almost all ancient sources relating to crucifixion are literary, in 1968, an archeological discovery just northeast of Jerusalem uncovered the body of a crucified man dated to the 1st century, which provided good confirmatory evidence that crucifixions occurred during the Roman period roughly according to the manner in which the crucifixion of Jesus is described in the gospels.[88] The crucified man was identified as Yehohanan ben Hagkol and probably died about AD 70, around the time of the Jewish revolt against Rome. The analyses at the Hadassah Medical School estimated that he died in his late 20s.[89][90] Another relevant archaeological find, which also dates to the 1st century AD, is an unidentified heel bone with a spike discovered in a Jerusalem gravesite, now held by the Israel Antiquities Authority and displayed in the Israel Museum.[91]

Details

[edit]

Chronology

[edit]

There is no consensus regarding the exact date of the crucifixion of Jesus, although it is generally agreed by biblical scholars that it was on a Friday on or near Passover (Nisan 14), during the governorship of Pontius Pilate (who ruled AD 26–36).[92] Various approaches have been used to estimate the year of the crucifixion, including the canonical Gospels, the chronology of the life of Paul, as well as different astronomical models. Scholars have provided estimates in the range AD 30–33,[93][94][95][11] with Rainer Riesner stating that "the fourteenth of Nisan (7 April) of the year 30 AD is, apparently in the opinion of the majority of contemporary scholars as well, far and away the most likely date of the crucifixion of Jesus."[96] Another preferred date among scholars is Friday, 3 April, AD 33.[97][98]

The consensus of scholarship is that the New Testament accounts represent a crucifixion occurring on a Friday, but a Thursday or Wednesday crucifixion have also been proposed.[99] Some scholars explain a Thursday crucifixion based on a "double sabbath" caused by an extra Passover sabbath falling on Thursday dusk to Friday afternoon, ahead of the normal weekly Sabbath.[100] Some have argued that Jesus was crucified on Wednesday, not Friday, on the grounds of the mention of "three days and three nights" in Matthew 12:40 before his resurrection, celebrated on Sunday. Others have countered by saying that this ignores the Jewish idiom by which a "day and night" may refer to any part of a 24-hour period, that the expression in Matthew is idiomatic, not a statement that Jesus was 72 hours in the tomb, and that the many references to a resurrection on the third day do not require three literal nights.[101] Furthermore, a few scholars have made the case that Matthew used the phrase "the heart of the earth" to refer to Jerusalem, and thus the period includes the entirety of the time Jesus spent in Jerusalem following his return from Bethany on Thursday, which lasted exactly three days and three nights.[102][103]

In Mark 15:25 crucifixion takes place at the third hour (9 a.m.) and Jesus' death at the ninth hour (3 p.m.).[104] In John 19:14 Jesus is still before Pilate at the sixth hour.[105] Scholars have presented a number of arguments to deal with the issue, some suggesting a reconciliation, e.g., based on the use of Roman timekeeping in John, since Roman timekeeping began at midnight and this would mean being before Pilate at the sixth hour was 6 a.m., yet others have rejected the arguments.[105][106][107] Several scholars have argued that the modern precision of marking the time of day should not be read back into the gospel accounts, written at a time when no standardization of timepieces, or exact recording of hours and minutes was available, and time was often approximated to the closest three-hour period.[105][108][109]

Path

[edit]
Andrea di Bartolo, Way to Calvary, c. 1400. The cluster of halos at the left are the Virgin Mary in front, with the Three Marys.

The three Synoptic Gospels refer to a man called Simon of Cyrene whom the Roman soldiers order to carry the cross after Jesus initially carries it but then collapses,[110] while the Gospel of John just says that Jesus "bears" his own cross.[111]

Luke's gospel also describes an interaction between Jesus and the women among the crowd of mourners following him, quoting Jesus as saying "Daughters of Jerusalem, do not weep for me, but weep for yourselves and for your children. For behold, the days are coming when they will say, 'Blessed are the barren and the wombs that never bore and the breasts that never nursed!' Then they will begin to say to the mountains, 'Fall on us,' and to the hills, 'Cover us.' For if they do these things when the wood is green, what will happen when it is dry?"[112]

The Gospel of Luke has Jesus address these women as "daughters of Jerusalem", thus distinguishing them from the women whom the same gospel describes as "the women who had followed him from Galilee" and who were present at his crucifixion.[113]

Traditionally, the path that Jesus took is called Via Dolorosa (Latin for "Way of Grief" or "Way of Suffering") and is a street in the Old City of Jerusalem. It is marked by nine of the fourteen Stations of the Cross. It passes the Ecce Homo Church and the last five stations are inside the Church of the Holy Sepulchre.

There is no reference to a woman named Veronica in the Gospels,[114] but sources such as Acta Sanctorum describe her as a pious woman of Jerusalem who, moved with pity as Jesus carried his cross to Golgotha, gave him her veil that he might wipe his forehead.[115][116][117][118]

Location

[edit]
A diagram of the Church of the Holy Sepulchre and the historical site

The precise location of the crucifixion remains a matter of conjecture, but the biblical accounts indicate that it was outside the city walls of Jerusalem,[119] accessible to passers-by[120] and observable from some distance away.[121] Eusebius identified its location only as being north of Mount Zion,[122] which is consistent with the two most popularly suggested sites of modern times.

Calvary as an English name for the place is derived from the Latin word for skull (calvaria), which is used in the Vulgate translation of "place of a skull", the explanation given in all four Gospels of the Aramaic word Gûlgaltâ (transliterated into the Greek as Γολγοθᾶ (Golgotha)), which was the name of the place where Jesus was crucified.[123] The text does not indicate why it was so designated, but several theories have been put forward. One is that as a place of public execution, Calvary may have been strewn with the skulls of abandoned victims (which would be contrary to Jewish burial traditions, but not Roman). Another is that Calvary is named after a nearby cemetery (which is consistent with both of the proposed modern sites). A third is that the name was derived from the physical contour, which would be more consistent with the singular use of the word, i.e., the place of "a skull". While often referred to as "Mount Calvary", it was more likely a small hill or rocky knoll.[124]

The traditional site, inside what is now occupied by the Church of the Holy Sepulchre in the Christian Quarter of the Old City, has been attested since the 4th century. A second site (commonly referred to as Gordon's Calvary[125]), located further north of the Old City near a place popularly called the Garden Tomb, has been promoted since the 19th century.

People present

[edit]
Crucifixion by Agnolo Gaddi, between 1390 and 1396, depicting several women at the crucifixion

The Gospels describe various women at the crucifixion, some of whom are named. According to Mark, many women were present, among them Mary Magdalene, Mary, mother of James and Mary of Clopas,[126] commonly known as "the Three Marys". The Gospel of Matthew also mentions several women being present, among them Mary Magdalene, Mary, mother of James and the mother of Zebedee's children.[127] Although a group of women is mentioned in Luke, neither is named.[128] The Gospel of John speaks of women present, among them the mother of Jesus, Mary Magdalene and Mary of Clopas.[129]

Aside from these women, the three Synoptic Gospels speak of the presence of others: "the chief priests, with the scribes and elders",[130] two crucified criminals, to Jesus' right and left,[131] "the soldiers",[132] "the centurion and those who were with him, keeping watch over Jesus",[133] passers-by,[134] "bystanders",[135] "the crowds that had assembled for this spectacle",[136] and "his acquaintances".[128] The two criminals are described as λῃσταί (variously translated as robbers, rebels or thieves) and further discussed in the Gospel of Luke as the penitent thief and the impenitent thief.[137]

The Gospel of John mentions the soldiers[138] and "the disciple whom Jesus loved", who is with the women.[139]

The Gospels also tell of the arrival, after the death of Jesus, of Joseph of Arimathea (in the four Gospels)[140] and of Nicodemus (only in John).[141]

Method and manner

[edit]
Crucifixion of Jesus on a two-beamed cross, from the Sainte Bible (1866)
Torture stake, a simple wooden torture stake. Image by Justus Lipsius.

Most Christians believe the gibbet on which Jesus was executed was the traditional two-beamed cross.[142] Jehovah's Witnesses hold the distinctive view that a single upright stake was used.[143] The Greek and Latin words used in the earliest Christian writings are ambiguous. The Koine Greek terms used in the New Testament are stauros (σταυρός) and xylon (ξύλον). The latter means wood (a live tree, timber or an object constructed of wood); in earlier forms of Greek, the former term meant an upright stake or pole, but in Koine Greek it was used also to mean a cross.[142] The Latin word crux was also applied to objects other than a cross.[144]

Early Christian writers who speak of the shape of the particular gibbet on which Jesus died invariably describe it as having a cross-beam. For instance, the Epistle of Barnabas, which was certainly earlier than 135,[145] and may have been of the 1st century AD,[146] the time when the gospel accounts of the death of Jesus were written, likened it to the letter T (the Greek letter tau, which had the numeric value of 300),[147] and to the position assumed by Moses in Exodus 17:11–12.[148] Justin Martyr (100–165) explicitly says the cross of Christ was of two-beam shape: "That lamb which was commanded to be wholly roasted was a symbol of the suffering of the cross which Christ would undergo. For the lamb, which is roasted, is roasted and dressed up in the form of the cross. For one spit is transfixed right through from the lower parts up to the head, and one across the back, to which are attached the legs of the lamb."[149] Irenaeus, who died around the end of the 2nd century, speaks of the cross as having "five extremities, two in length, two in breadth, and one in the middle, on which [last] the person rests who is fixed by the nails."[150]

The assumption of the use of a two-beamed cross does not determine the number of nails used in the crucifixion and some theories suggest three nails while others suggest four nails.[151] Throughout history, larger numbers of nails have been hypothesized, at times as high as 14 nails.[152] These variations are also present in the artistic depictions of the crucifixion.[153] In Western Christianity, before the Renaissance usually four nails would be depicted, with the feet side by side. After the Renaissance most depictions use three nails, with one foot placed on the other.[153] Nails are almost always depicted in art, although Romans sometimes just tied the victims to the cross.[153] The tradition also carries to Christian emblems, e.g. the Jesuits use three nails under the IHS monogram and a cross to symbolize the crucifixion.[154]

The placing of the nails in the hands, or the wrists is also uncertain. Some theories suggest that the Greek word cheir (χείρ) for hand includes the wrist and that the Romans were generally trained to place nails through Destot's space (between the capitate and lunate bones) without fracturing any bones.[155] Another theory suggests that the Greek word for hand also includes the forearm and that the nails were placed near the radius and ulna of the forearm.[156] Ropes may have also been used to fasten the hands in addition to the use of nails.[157]

Another issue of debate has been the use of a hypopodium as a standing platform to support the feet, given that the hands may not have been able to support the weight. In the 17th century Rasmus Bartholin considered a number of analytical scenarios of that topic.[152] In the 20th century, forensic pathologist Frederick Zugibe performed a number of crucifixion experiments by using ropes to hang human subjects at various angles and hand positions.[156] His experiments support an angled suspension, and a two-beamed cross, and perhaps some form of foot support, given that in an Aufbinden form of suspension from a straight stake (as used by the Nazis in the Dachau concentration camp during World War II), death comes rather quickly.[158]

Words of Jesus spoken from the cross

[edit]
Crucifixion, seen from the Cross, by James Tissot, c. 1890, Brooklyn Museum

The Gospels describe various last words that Jesus said while on the cross,[159] as follows:

Mark / Matthew

[edit]

The only words of Jesus on the cross mentioned in the Mark and Matthew accounts, this is a quotation of Psalm 22. Since other verses of the same Psalm are cited in the crucifixion accounts, some commentators consider it a literary and theological creation. Geza Vermes noted the verse is cited in Aramaic rather than the usual Hebrew, and that by the time of Jesus, this phrase had become a proverbial saying in common usage.[163] Compared to the accounts in the other Gospels, which he describes as "theologically correct and reassuring", he considers this phrase "unexpected, disquieting and in consequence more probable".[164] He describes it as bearing "all the appearances of a genuine cry".[165] Raymond Brown likewise comments that he finds "no persuasive argument against attributing to the Jesus of Mark/Matt the literal sentiment of feeling forsaken expressed in the Psalm quote".[166]

Luke

[edit]
  • "Father, forgive them; for they do not know what they are doing."[167] [Some early manuscripts do not have this]
  • "Truly I tell you, today you will be with me in Paradise."[168]
  • "Father, into your hands I commend my spirit."[169]

The Gospel of Luke does not include the aforementioned exclamation of Jesus mentioned in the Matthew and Mark accounts.[170]

John

[edit]
  • "Woman, here is your son ... Here is your mother."[171]
  • "I am thirsty."[172]
  • "It is finished."[173]

The words of Jesus on the cross, especially his last words, have been the subject of a wide range of Christian teachings and sermons, and a number of authors have written books specifically devoted to the last sayings of Christ.[174][175][176][177][178][179]

Reported extraordinary occurrences

[edit]

The synoptics report various miraculous events during the crucifixion.[180][181] Mark mentions a period of darkness in the daytime during Jesus' crucifixion, and the Temple veil being torn in two when Jesus dies.[41] Luke follows Mark;[43] as does Matthew, additionally mentioning an earthquake and the resurrection of dead saints.[42] No mention of any of these appears in John.[182]

Darkness

[edit]
Christ on the Cross, 1870, by Carl Heinrich Bloch, showing the skies darkened

In the synoptic narrative, while Jesus is hanging on the cross, the sky over Judaea (or the whole world) is "darkened for three hours," from the sixth to the ninth hour (noon to mid-afternoon). There is no reference to darkness in the Gospel of John account, in which the crucifixion does not take place until after noon.[183]

Some ancient Christian writers considered the possibility that pagan commentators may have mentioned this event and mistook it for a solar eclipse, pointing out that an eclipse could not occur during the Passover, which takes place during the full moon when the moon is opposite the sun rather than in front of it. Christian traveler and historian Sextus Julius Africanus and Christian theologian Origen refer to Greek historian Phlegon, who lived in the 2nd century AD, as having written "with regard to the eclipse in the time of Tiberius Caesar, in whose reign Jesus appears to have been crucified, and the great earthquakes which then took place".[184]

Sextus Julius Africanus further refers to the writings of historian Thallus: "This darkness Thallus, in the third book of his History, calls, as appears to me without reason, an eclipse of the sun. For the Hebrews celebrate the Passover on the 14th day according to the moon, and the passion of our Saviour falls on the day before the Passover; but an eclipse of the sun takes place only when the moon comes under the sun."[185] Christian apologist Tertullian believed the event was documented in the Roman archives.[186]

Colin Humphreys and Graeme Waddington of Oxford University considered the possibility that a lunar, rather than solar, eclipse might have taken place.[187][188] They concluded that such an eclipse was visible in Jerusalem on the date of April 3, AD 33, that its peak was at 5:15 pm Jerusalem time, but that it was visible after sundown (the beginning of the Sabbath and of Passover) for half an hour. Some of the oldest manuscripts of Luke say "the sun was eclipsed" (23:45) at the time of the crucifixion. The authors suggest that this may be due to a scribe changing the word "moon" to "sun" to explain the darkness, or else that the word "eclipsed" just meant darkened or hidden, as in a passage of the Sibylline Oracles. Historian David Henige dismisses this explanation[which?] as "indefensible".[189] More objectively, astronomer Bradley Schaefer later found that the lunar eclipse would not have been visible at moonrise due to the brightness of the sky, and the umbra (the part that would be red) would not have been visible before it disappeared a few minutes later.[190][191]

In an edition of the BBC Radio 4 programmed In Our Time entitled Eclipses, Frank Close, Emeritus Professor of Physics at the University of Oxford, stated that certain historical sources say that on the night of the Crucifixion "the moon had risen blood red," which indicates a lunar eclipse. He went on to confirm that as Passover takes place on the full moon calculating back shows that a lunar eclipse did in fact take place on the night of Passover on Friday, 3 April 33 AD which would have been visible in the area of modern Israel, ancient Judaea, just after sunset.[192]

Modern biblical scholarship treats the account in the synoptic gospels as a literary creation by the author of the Mark Gospel, amended in the Luke and Matthew accounts, intended to heighten the importance of what they saw as a theologically significant event, and not intended to be taken literally.[193] This image of darkness over the land would have been understood by ancient readers, a typical element in the description of the death of kings and other major figures by writers such as Philo, Dio Cassius, Virgil, Plutarch and Josephus.[194] Géza Vermes describes the darkness account as typical of "Jewish eschatological imagery of the day of the Lord", and says that those interpreting it as a datable eclipse are "barking up the wrong tree".[195]

Temple veil, earthquake and resurrection of dead saints

[edit]

The synoptic gospels state that the veil of the temple was torn from top to bottom.

The Gospel of Matthew mentions an account of earthquakes, rocks splitting, and the opening of the graves of dead saints, and describes how these resurrected saints went into the holy city and appeared to many people.[196]

In the Mark and Matthew accounts, the centurion in charge comments on the events: "Truly this man was the Son of God!"[197] or "Truly this was the Son of God!".[198] The Gospel of Luke quotes him as saying, "Certainly this man was innocent!"[199][200]

The historian Sextus Julius Africanus in the early-3rd century wrote, describing the day of the crucifixion, "A most terrible darkness fell over all the world, the rocks were torn apart by an earthquake, and many places both in Judaea and the rest of the world were thrown down. In the third book of his Histories, Thallos dismisses this darkness as a solar eclipse. ..."[201]

A widespread earthquake of magnitude at least 5.5 has been confirmed to have taken place in the region between AD 26 and 36. This earthquake was dated by counting varves (annual layers of sediment) between the disruptions in a core of sediment from En Gedi caused by it and by an earlier known quake in 31 BC.[202] The authors concluded that either this was the earthquake in Matthew and it occurred more or less as reported, or else Matthew "borrowed" this earthquake which actually occurred at another time or simply inserted an "allegorical fiction".

Medical aspects

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A number of theories to explain the circumstances of the death of Jesus on the cross have been proposed by physicians and Biblical scholars. In 2006, Matthew W. Maslen and Piers D. Mitchell reviewed over 40 publications on the subject with theories ranging from cardiac rupture to pulmonary embolism.[203]

Bronzino's Deposition of Christ

In 1847, based on the reference in the Gospel of John (John 19:34) to blood and water coming out when Jesus' side was pierced with a spear, physician William Stroud proposed the ruptured heart theory of the cause of Christ's death which influenced a number of other people.[204][205]

The cardiovascular collapse theory is a prevalent modern explanation and suggests that Jesus died of profound shock. According to this theory, the scourging, the beatings, and the fixing to the cross left Jesus dehydrated, weak, and critically ill and this led to cardiovascular collapse.[206]

Writing in the Journal of the American Medical Association, physician William Edwards and his colleagues supported the combined cardiovascular collapse (via hypovolemic shock) and exhaustion asphyxia theories, assuming that the flow of water from the side of Jesus described in the Gospel of John[207] was pericardial fluid.[208]

In his book The Crucifixion of Jesus, physician and forensic pathologist Frederick Zugibe studied the likely circumstances of the death of Jesus in great detail.[209][210] Zugibe carried out a number of experiments over several years to test his theories while he was a medical examiner.[211] These studies included experiments in which volunteers with specific weights were hanging at specific angles and the amount of pull on each hand was measured, in cases where the feet were also secured or not. In these cases the amount of pull and the corresponding pain was found to be significant.[211]

Pierre Barbet, a French physician, and the chief surgeon at Saint Joseph's Hospital in Paris,[212] hypothesized that Jesus relaxed his muscles to obtain enough air to utter his last words, in the face of exhaustion asphyxia.[213] Some of Barbet's theories, such as the location of nails, are disputed by Zugibe.

Orthopedic surgeon Keith Maxwell not only analyzed the medical aspects of the crucifixion, but also looked back at how Jesus could have carried the cross all the way along Via Dolorosa.[214][215]

In 2003, historians F. P. Retief and L. Cilliers reviewed the history and pathology of crucifixion as performed by the Romans and suggested that the cause of death was often a combination of factors. They also state that Roman guards were prohibited from leaving the scene until death had occurred.[216]

Theological significance

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Adoration of the Mystic Lamb (detail of the Ghent Altarpiece, Jan van Eyck, c. 1432). Christ is represented as the sacrificial Lamb of God.

Christians believe that Jesus' death was instrumental in restoring humankind to relationship with God.[217][218] Christians believe that through Jesus' death and resurrection[219][220] people are reunited with God and receive new joy and power in this life as well as eternal life. Thus the crucifixion of Jesus along with his resurrection restores access to a vibrant experience of God's presence, love and grace as well as the confidence of eternal life.[221]

Christology

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The accounts of the crucifixion and subsequent resurrection of Jesus provide a rich background for Christological analysis, from the canonical Gospels to the Pauline epistles.[222] Christians believe Jesus' suffering was foretold in the Old Testament, such as in Psalm 22, and Isaiah 53 prophecy of the suffering servant.[223]

In Johannine "agent Christology" the submission of Jesus to crucifixion is a sacrifice made as an agent of God or servant of God, for the sake of eventual victory.[224][225] This builds on the salvific theme of the Gospel of John which begins in John 1:29 with John the Baptist's proclamation: "The Lamb of God who takes away the sins of the world".[226][227]

A central element in the Christology presented in the Acts of the Apostles is the affirmation of the belief that the death of Jesus by crucifixion happened "with the foreknowledge of God, according to a definite plan".[228] In this view, as in Acts 2:23, the cross is not viewed as a scandal, for the crucifixion of Jesus "at the hands of the lawless" is viewed as the fulfillment of the plan of God.[228][229]

Paul's Christology has a specific focus on the death and resurrection of Jesus. For Paul, the crucifixion of Jesus is directly related to his resurrection and the term "the cross of Christ" used in Galatians 6:12 may be viewed as his abbreviation of the message of the gospels.[230] For Paul, the crucifixion of Jesus was not an isolated event in history, but a cosmic event with significant eschatological consequences, as in 1 Corinthians 2:8.[230] In the Pauline view, Jesus, obedient to the point of death (Philippians 2:8) died "at the right time" (Romans 4:25) based on the plan of God.[230] For Paul the "power of the cross" is not separable from the resurrection of Jesus.[230] Furthermore, Paul highlighted the idea that Jesus on the cross defeated the spiritual forces of evil "Kosmokrator", literally 'the rulers of this world' (used in plural in Ephesians 6:12), thus highlighting the idea of victory of light over darkness, or good over evil, through Christ.[231]

Belief in the redemptive nature of Jesus' death predates the Pauline epistles, to the earliest days of Christianity and the Church of Jerusalem.[232] The Nicene Creed's statement that "for our sake he was crucified" is a reflection of this core belief's formalization in the 4th century.[233]

John Calvin supported the "agent of God" Christology and argued that in his trial in Pilate's Court Jesus could have successfully argued for his innocence, but instead submitted to crucifixion in obedience to the Father.[234][235] This Christological theme continued into the 20th century, both in the Eastern and Western Christianity. In Eastern Christianity, Sergei Bulgakov argued, the crucifixion of Jesus was "pre-eternally" determined by the Father before the creation of the world, to redeem humanity from the disgrace caused by the fall of Adam.[236] In Western Christianity, Karl Rahner elaborated on the analogy that the blood of the Lamb of God (and the water from the side of Jesus) shed at the crucifixion had a cleansing nature, similar to baptismal water.[237]

Atonement

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Penitent by Niccolò Frangipane, 1574

Jesus' death and resurrection underpin a variety of theological interpretations as to how salvation is granted to humanity. These interpretations vary widely in how much emphasis they place on the death and resurrection as compared to Jesus' words.[238] According to the substitutionary atonement view, Jesus' death is of central importance, and Jesus willingly sacrificed himself after his resurrection as an act of perfect obedience as a sacrifice of love which pleased God.[239] By contrast, the moral influence theory of atonement focuses much more on the moral content of Jesus' teaching, and sees Jesus' death as a martyrdom.[240] Since the Middle Ages there has been conflict between these two views within Western Christianity. Evangelical Protestants typically hold a substitutionary view and in particular hold to the theory of penal substitution. Liberal Protestants typically reject substitutionary atonement and hold to the moral influence theory of atonement. Both views are popular within the Roman Catholic Church, with the satisfaction doctrine incorporated into the idea of penance.[239]

In the Roman Catholic tradition this view of atonement is balanced by the duty of Roman Catholics to perform the Acts of Reparation to Jesus Christ[241] which in the encyclical Miserentissimus Redemptor of Pope Pius XI were defined as "some sort of compensation to be rendered for the injury" with respect to the sufferings of Jesus.[242] Pope John Paul II referred to these acts of reparation as the "unceasing effort to stand beside the endless crosses on which the Son of God continues to be crucified."[243]

Among Eastern Orthodox Christians, another common view is Christus Victor.[244] This holds that Jesus was sent by God to defeat death and Satan. Because of his perfection, voluntary death, and resurrection, Jesus defeated Satan and death, and arose victorious. Therefore, humanity was no longer bound in sin, but was free to rejoin God through the repentance of sin and faith in Jesus.[245]

The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints teaches that the crucifixion of Jesus was part of the atonement and a "redeeming ransom" both for the effect of the fall of Adam upon all humankind and "for the personal sins of all who repent, from Adam to the end of the world."[246]

Deicide

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The Catholic Church denounces the idea of Jewish deicide, believing that all sinners are the authors and ministers of Jesus' crucifixion, and admonishes Christians that their own guilt is greater when they sin with knowledge of Jesus, than when others sin without it.[247][248]

Denial

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Docetism

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In Christianity, Docetism is the doctrine that the phenomenon of Jesus, his historical and bodily existence, and above all the human form of Jesus, was mere semblance without any true reality.[249] Docetists denied that Jesus could have truly suffered and died, as his physical body was illusory, and instead saw the crucifixion as something that only appeared to happen.[250]

Nag Hammadi manuscripts

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According to the First Revelation of James in the Nag Hammadi library, Jesus appeared to James after apparently being crucified and stated that another person had been inflicted in his place:

The master appeared to him. He stopped praying, embraced him, and kissed him, saying, "Rabbi, I've found you. I heard of the sufferings you endured, and I was greatly troubled. You know my compassion. Because of this I wished, as I reflected upon it, that I would never see these people again. They must be judged for what they have done, for what they have done is not right." The master said, "James, do not be concerned for me or these people. I am the one who was within me. Never did I suffer at all, and I was not distressed. These people did not harm me. Rather, all this was inflicted upon a figure of the rulers, and it was fitting that this figure should be [destroyed] by them."[251]

Islam

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Most Islamic traditions categorically deny that Jesus physically died, either on a cross or another manner. This denial is asserted in the Quran, which states:

And [for] their saying, "Indeed, we have killed the Messiah, Jesus the son of Mary, the messenger of Allah." And they did not kill him, nor did they crucify him; but rather, it was made to appear to them so. And indeed, those who differ over it are in doubt about it. They have no knowledge of it except the following of assumption. And they did not kill him, for certain. (157) Rather, Allah raised him to Himself. And ever is Allah Exalted in Might and Wise. (158)

Islamic traditions teach that Jesus ascended to Heaven without being put on the cross, but that God transformed another person to appear exactly like him and to be then crucified instead of him. An ancient antecedent of this view is attested in an account by Irenaeus of the doctrine of the 2nd-century Alexandrian Gnostic Basilides, in which Irenaeus refutes what he believes to be a heresy denying the death.[253]

Gnosticism

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Some scriptures identified as Gnostic reject the atonement of Jesus' death by distinguishing the earthly body of Jesus and his divine and immaterial essence. According to the Second Treatise of the Great Seth, Yaldabaoth (the Creator of the material universe) and his Archons tried to kill Jesus by crucifixion, but only killed their own man (that is the body). While Jesus ascended from his body, Yaldabaoth and his followers thought Jesus to be dead.[254][255] In Apocalypse of Peter, Peter talks with the savior whom the "priests and people" believed to have killed.[256]

Manichaeism, which was influenced by Gnostic ideas, adhered to the idea that not Jesus, but somebody else was crucified instead.[257]: 41  Jesus suffering on the cross is depicted as the state of light particles (spirit) within matter instead.[258]

According to Bogomilism, the crucifixion was an attempt by Lucifer to destroy Jesus, while the earthly Jesus was regarded as a prophet, Jesus himself was an immaterial being that can not be killed. Accordingly, Lucifer failed and Jesus' sufferings on the cross were only an illusion.[259]

Others

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According to some Christian sects in Japan, Jesus Christ did not die on the cross at Golgotha. Instead his younger brother, Isukiri,[260] took his place on the cross, while Jesus fled across Siberia to Mutsu Province, in northern Japan. Once in Japan, he became a rice farmer, married, and raised a family with three daughters near what is now Shingō. While in Japan, it is asserted that he traveled, learned, and eventually died at the age of 106. His body was exposed on a hilltop for four years. According to the customs of the time, Jesus' bones were collected, bundled, and buried in a mound.[261][262] There is also a museum in Japan which claims to have evidence of these claims.[263]

In Yazidism, Jesus is thought of as a "figure of light" who could not be crucified. This interpretation could be either taken from the Quran or Gnostics.[264]

In art, symbolism and devotions

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Detail of the countenance of Christ just dead, by José Luján Pérez, 1793, Las Palmas Cathedral

Since the crucifixion of Jesus, the cross has become a key element of Christian symbolism, and the crucifixion scene has been a key element of Christian art, giving rise to specific artistic themes such as Christ Carrying the Cross, raising of the Cross, Stabat Mater, Descent from the Cross and Lamentation of Christ.

The symbolism of the cross which is today one of the most widely recognized Christian symbols was used from the earliest Christian times. Justin Martyr, who died in 165, describes it in a way that already implies its use as a symbol, although the crucifix appeared later.[265][266]

Devotions based on the process of crucifixion, and the sufferings of Jesus are followed by various Christians. The Stations of the Cross follows a number of stages based on the stages involved in the crucifixion of Jesus, while the Rosary of the Holy Wounds is used to meditate on the wounds of Jesus as part of the crucifixion.

Masters such as Giotto, Fra Angelico, Masaccio, Raphael, Botticelli, van Dyck, Titian, Caravaggio, El Greco, Zurbarán, Velázquez, Rubens and Rembrandt have all depicted the crucifixion scene in their works. The Crucifixion, seen from the Cross by Tissot presented a novel approach at the end of the 19th century, in which the crucifixion scene was portrayed from the perspective of Jesus.[267][268]

The presence of the Virgin Mary under the cross, mentioned in the Gospel of John,[269] has in itself been the subject of Marian art, and well known Catholic symbolism such as the Miraculous Medal and Pope John Paul II's Coat of Arms bearing a Marian Cross. And a number of Marian devotions also involve the presence of the Virgin Mary in Calvary, e.g., Pope John Paul II stated that "Mary was united to Jesus on the Cross".[270][271] Well known works of Christian art by masters such as Raphael (the Mond Crucifixion), and Caravaggio (The Entombment of Christ) depict the Virgin Mary as part of the crucifixion scene.

See also

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Notes

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References

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Sources

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  • Blomberg, Craig L. (2009). Jesus and the Gospels: An Introduction and Survey. B&H Publishing. ISBN 978-0-8054-4482-7.
  • Crossan, John Dominic (1995). Jesus: A Revolutionary Biography. HarperOne. ISBN 0-06-061662-8.
  • Dunn, James D. G. (2003). Jesus Remembered. Wm. B. Eerdmans. ISBN 0-8028-3931-2.
  • Eddy, Paul; Boyd, Gregory (2007). The Jesus Legend: A Case for the Historical Reliability of the Synoptic Jesus Tradition. Baker Academic. ISBN 978-0-8010-3114-4.
  • Ehrman, Bart D. (2008). A Brief Introduction to the New Testament. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-536934-2.
  • Meier, John P. (2006). "How do we decide what comes from Jesus". In Dunn, James D. G.; McKnight, Scot (eds.). The Historical Jesus in Recent Research. Eisenbrauns. ISBN 1-57506-100-7.
  • Tuckett, Christopher M. (2001). Bockmuehl, Markus N. A. (ed.). The Cambridge Companion to Jesus. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0-521-79678-4.
  • Verhoeven, Paul (2010). Jesus of Nazareth. Seven Stories Press. ISBN 978-1-58322-905-7.

Further reading

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Revisions and contributorsEdit on WikipediaRead on Wikipedia
from Grokipedia
The Crucifixion of Jesus refers to the execution of Jesus of Nazareth by Roman authorities in Jerusalem, likely in AD 30 or 33, through the method of nailing him to a wooden cross at a site called Golgotha (meaning "Place of the Skull"). According to the four canonical Gospels of the New Testament—Matthew, Mark, Luke, and John—Jesus was arrested following the Last Supper, tried before the Jewish Sanhedrin and Roman prefect Pontius Pilate, and sentenced to death on charges of sedition for claiming to be the King of the Jews. He was crucified between two other condemned men, endured scourging and mocking by Roman soldiers beforehand, and died after about six hours on the cross, with his body later removed and buried in a nearby tomb before the Sabbath. This event forms the climax of Jesus' earthly ministry and is foundational to Christian theology, symbolizing atonement for humanity's sins. Historically, the crucifixion is corroborated by non-Christian sources from the first and second centuries AD. The Jewish historian Flavius Josephus, writing in his Antiquities of the Jews around AD 93–94, mentions Jesus as a wise teacher executed by Pilate at the instigation of Jewish leaders, noting that his followers continued after his death. Similarly, the Roman historian Tacitus, in his Annals (ca. AD 116), describes the execution of "Christus" under Pilate during the reign of Emperor Tiberius, linking it to the origins of Christianity and its spread to Rome. These accounts align with the Gospel narratives in confirming the basic facts of the event, including the Roman involvement and the location in Judaea, though they provide no details on the theological aspects. Archaeological evidence supports the prevalence of crucifixion as a Roman punishment in first-century Judaea, though no direct artifacts from Jesus' execution have been found. In 1968, the remains of a crucified man named Yehohanan were discovered in a Jerusalem ossuary, featuring a heel bone pierced by an iron nail bent from striking wood, indicating nails were used through the feet and likely the arms or wrists. This find, dated to the Roman period, matches descriptions in the Gospels (e.g., John 20:25 referencing nail marks in Jesus' hands) and illustrates how victims often died from asphyxiation after hours of hanging, with legs sometimes broken to hasten death—a practice averted for Jesus per Jewish custom to avoid defilement during Passover. Such evidence underscores crucifixion's role as a humiliating public deterrent reserved for slaves, rebels, and non-citizens. In Christian tradition, the Crucifixion is inseparable from the Resurrection, reported three days later, transforming the cross from a symbol of shame into one of redemption and victory over death. The event's timing during Passover has led scholars to date it precisely to either April 7, AD 30, or April 3, AD 33, based on astronomical calculations of lunar cycles and Gospel references to the day before the Sabbath. While debates persist on finer details like the exact shape of the cross (T-shaped or otherwise) and the sequence of events, the historicity of Jesus' crucifixion under Pilate is widely accepted among scholars due to the convergence of biblical, Jewish, and Roman testimonies.

Biblical Accounts

New Testament Narratives

The accounts of the crucifixion of Jesus are primarily found in the four canonical Gospels——which provide the foundational narratives of the event as central to . These texts describe the crucifixion as the culmination of Jesus' ministry, portraying it as a pivotal moment of , redemption, and fulfillment of messianic prophecies. While the Gospels share a common outline, each offers distinct theological perspectives shaped by their intended audiences and authors. The core sequence of events begins with ' arrest in the Garden of following the , where he is betrayed by and seized by a crowd sent by the Jewish chief priests. He is then brought before the for a nighttime , accused of for claiming to be the and . Subsequently, is handed over to the Roman prefect , who questions him regarding claims of kingship and, after finding no fault and yielding to crowd pressure, sentences him to crucifixion. Before the execution, endures scourging by Roman soldiers, who also mock him by crowning him with thorns and dressing him in a purple robe; no cries of pain are recorded from Jesus during the scourging, mocking, or nailing to the cross, fulfilling the prophecy in Isaiah 53:7 of silence like a lamb led to slaughter. He is forced to carry his to Golgotha (the Place of the ), though in some accounts assists. There, he is stripped, nailed to the through his hands and feet, and elevated between two criminals. After several hours of agony, marked by periods of darkness and ' cries, he dies, his side pierced by a soldier's to confirm . Finally, his body is removed and prepared by . Shared details across the Gospels emphasize the and significance of the event. The Roman soldiers mock as "King of the ," dividing his garments by casting lots and affixing an inscription above his head reading " of , the King of the " in Hebrew, Latin, and Greek. Bystanders, including chief priests and scribes, taunt him, challenging him to save himself if he is the Christ. is offered sour wine () on a sponge attached to a hyssop branch or reed. signs accompany the , such as darkness over the land from noon to three o'clock and the tearing of the temple curtain at his death. These elements underscore the Gospels' portrayal of the as a public spectacle fulfilling imagery. Each imparts unique emphases that highlight different aspects of ' identity and mission. Mark presents the crucifixion with stark realism, focusing on ' profound abandonment and suffering, as seen in his cry, "My , my , why have you forsaken me?" which echoes and conveys isolation amid mockery. Matthew builds on Mark but stresses prophetic fulfillment, including earthquakes, saints rising from tombs, and direct quotations from scripture to affirm as the suffering servant. Luke emphasizes themes of and innocence, with declaring from the cross, "Father, forgive them; for they do not know what they are doing," and assuring the repentant criminal, "Today you will be with me in Paradise," portraying a compassionate savior even in death. John depicts maintaining sovereign control and divine authority throughout, with composed statements like "It is finished" and interactions revealing his identity, such as the piercing of his side yielding blood and water, symbolizing elements. The role of witnesses and the burial further illustrate the Gospels' attention to testimony and care for Jesus' body. Women followers, including , Mary the mother of James and , and or the mother of Zebedee's sons, observe the from a distance, providing key eyewitness accounts that underscore the event's historical grounding in communal memory. , a respected member of the council and secret disciple, boldly requests Jesus' body from Pilate, wraps it in clean linen, and lays it in his own new tomb, with the women noting the location for later visitation. These details affirm the burial's honorable nature despite the execution's ignominy.

Textual Comparisons

The Gospel accounts of Jesus' crucifixion exhibit notable variations in the depiction of the trial scenes, reflecting distinct narrative emphases. While Mark and Matthew describe a single trial before , Luke introduces an additional hearing before , where is mocked but remains silent, before being returned to Pilate for sentencing. John, in contrast, portrays an extended interrogation with Pilate, structured in seven distinct scenes that highlight Jesus' sovereignty over the proceedings. Additionally, the dream of Pilate's wife warning him to have nothing to do with appears exclusively in Matthew, adding a unique element of divine intervention to underscore Pilate's reluctance. The seven sayings attributed to from the cross also differ significantly in attribution, order, and content across the Gospels, contributing to a composite rather than a record. Mark and Matthew share only the cry of dereliction, "My God, my God, why have you forsaken me?" (Psalm 22:1), positioned near the end as ' final words before death. Luke uniquely includes the plea for forgiveness, "Father, forgive them, for they do not know what they are doing," at the outset, along with assurances to the repentant thief and a commendation of his spirit to the Father. John features distinct utterances, such as entrusting his mother to the beloved disciple and the consummating declaration, "It is finished," emphasizing fulfillment. These variations arise from selective s, with no single recording all seven sayings in sequence. A prominent chronological discrepancy concerns the timing of the crucifixion relative to . The —Matthew, Mark, and Luke—place the event on the day of itself, following the preparation of the meal the previous evening, aligning ' death with the festival's sacrificial themes. John, however, positions the crucifixion on the day of preparation for , before the meal, symbolically portraying as the lamb slain at the time of its ritual slaughter. This divergence influences the narrative's liturgical and symbolic framework. These textual variances are often attributed to theological motivations shaping each evangelist's portrayal. The Synoptic accounts, particularly Mark, emphasize ' humanity, isolation, and profound suffering, using the cry of dereliction to highlight his abandonment and with human anguish. Luke softens this by accentuating innocence and forgiveness, portraying a more composed . In John, the differences underscore ' divine sovereignty and control, with sayings and timing reinforcing his death as a voluntary exaltation and completion of God's plan, rather than mere victimhood. Such adaptations reflect the authors' aims to convey interpretive truths to their communities.

Extra-Biblical References

Jewish and Early Christian Sources

The , compiled between the third and fifth centuries CE, contains passages that scholars interpret as references to ' execution. In tractate 43a, it describes a figure named who was hanged on the eve of for practicing sorcery and enticing to , with a herald announcing the execution forty days in advance and no defense presented. This account aligns with the timing of the crucifixion in the but frames it as a Jewish judicial process rather than Roman. Flavius Josephus, a first-century Jewish , mentions in the Antiquities of the Jews (written around 93–94 CE), in a passage known as the Testimonium Flavianum. The text states that , a wise man and doer of wonderful works, was accused by Jewish leaders and crucified by Pontius Pilate during the reign of , with his followers continuing after his death. Scholars debate the passage's authenticity, agreeing that it contains Christian interpolations—such as claims of ' —but retaining a core authentic reference to his execution under Pilate for claiming messianic status. The interpolated elements likely date to the third or fourth century CE, but the original likely affirmed ' crucifixion as a historical event. Early non-canonical Christian texts from the , discovered in 1945 and dating to the second or third centuries CE, offer Gnostic reinterpretations of the crucifixion. The (Codex VII,3), a Coptic Gnostic tractate, depicts a docetic view where the physical body crucified is a substitute, while the true, spiritual remains invulnerable and laughs at the cross from above, mocking the ignorance of the crucifiers and disciples who mistake the suffering figure for the Savior. This narrative distinguishes the "living " as transcendent and joyful amid the Passion, contrasting orthodox accounts and emphasizing Gnostic themes of and spiritual enlightenment.

Roman and Pagan Sources

The letter of Mara bar-Serapion, a Syrian Stoic philosopher writing in Greek sometime between the late first and third centuries CE, alludes to the execution of a "wise king" by the , resulting in their kingdom's downfall. Addressed to his son, the letter compares this figure to and , noting that after killing their wise king, the suffered desolation and lost their sovereignty, interpreted by many scholars as an oblique reference to ' crucifixion and the destruction of in 70 CE. While not explicitly naming , the context of a executed Jewish leader whose death precipitated national calamity fits early non-Christian awareness of the event. The earliest non-Christian references to the crucifixion of Jesus appear in Roman administrative and historical writings from the early second century, reflecting the perspective of the on as a foreign originating from a provincial execution. These sources, written by officials and historians under imperial , treat the event as a factual occurrence within the reign of Emperor , underscoring its role in the spread of what they viewed as a pernicious . In his Annals, the Roman historian Tacitus (c. 56–120 AD) provides one of the most direct pagan attestations to the crucifixion, written around 116 AD during the reign of Trajan. Describing Nero's persecution of Christians after the Great Fire of Rome in 64 AD, Tacitus states: "Christus, from whom the name had its origin, suffered the extreme penalty during the reign of Tiberius at the hands of one of our procurators, Pontius Pilatus, and a most mischievous superstition, thus checked for the moment, again broke out not only in Judaea, the first source of the evil, but even in Rome." This account frames the execution as a standard Roman punishment for sedition, administered by Pilate as procurator of Judea (26–36 AD), and attributes the resilience of Christianity to its insidious nature, aligning with imperial efforts to suppress it. Tacitus' work, based on official records and senatorial archives, reflects the disdain of Roman elites for provincial disturbances under Tiberius' rule. Pliny the Younger, a and (c. 61–113 AD), references the indirectly in his correspondence with Emperor around 112 AD, while seeking guidance on prosecuting Christians in Bithynia-Pontus. In Letter 10.96, Pliny reports interrogating Christians who "were accustomed to meet on a fixed day before dawn and sing a to Christ as to a god," implying their veneration of as divine despite—or because of—his execution under Roman authority. Those who persisted in this worship after warnings were executed, highlighting the imperial view of such devotion as obstinate disloyalty warranting , akin to the original sentence imposed on Christ. Pliny's letters, preserved in his published collection, illustrate the administrative challenges posed by Christian spread in the provinces during Trajan's reign, treating the as an accepted historical premise for their "superstition." The Greek satirist of Samosata (c. 125–180 AD) offers a mocking portrayal in his Passing of Peregrinus (c. 165 AD), ridiculing for revering a "crucified " as their founder. In chapters 11–13, Lucian describes how the protagonist Peregrinus joins the , who regard him highly but still worship "that other, to be sure, whom they still worship, the man who was crucified in because he introduced this new into the world." He derides them as gullible for believing in the immortality promised by this executed figure, whom he calls a "crucified " whose laws they follow naively. Written as a critique of religious enthusiasm in the , Lucian's work underscores pagan contempt for the crucifixion as a humiliating death unfit for a purported sage, reflecting second-century intellectual scorn toward Christianity's eastern origins. The philosopher Celsus (fl. late second century AD) delivers a more systematic critique in his True Doctrine (c. 177 AD), preserved through quotations in Origen's Contra Celsum. Celsus mocks the idea of Jesus as a god, emphasizing the shame of his crucifixion: "That while alive he was of no assistance to himself, but that when dead he rose again, and showed the marks of his punishment, and how his hands were pierced with nails" (Book II, 54). He argues that such a "disgraceful" execution—fleeing capture and dying ignominiously—disqualifies Jesus from divinity, comparing it to the fate of common criminals rather than a messianic hero. Composed amid Marcus Aurelius' philosophical revival, Celsus' treatise represents elite pagan polemic against Christianity's claim to imperial relevance, viewing the crucifixion as evidence of Jesus' failure under Roman law.

Historicity

Scholarly Consensus

Scholars widely agree that Jesus of Nazareth was crucified by Roman authorities under the prefecture of around 30–33 CE, a view supported by leading historians of such as and . This consensus holds that the crucifixion occurred during Pilate's tenure as prefect of from 26 to 36 CE, aligning with the Gospel accounts of the event transpiring shortly after . Ehrman emphasizes that this execution is one of the most securely established facts about the , attested in multiple early sources including the epistles and non-Christian references. The historicity of the is bolstered by several established criteria in research. The applies, as the event is independently reported in Pauline letters (e.g., 1 Corinthians 15:3–4), the , and extra-biblical sources like and , indicating widespread early knowledge rather than a later invention. Additionally, the supports authenticity, given that ' followers' flight and denial (e.g., Peter's denial) portray the disciples in a negative light unlikely to be fabricated by early . The criterion of dissimilarity further reinforces this, as —a humiliating reserved for slaves and —was antithetical to Jewish messianic expectations of a triumphant deliverer. Pontius Pilate, as Roman prefect of Judea, played a central role in authorizing the crucifixion, consistent with his documented reputation for brutality. Ancient Jewish historian Flavius Josephus describes Pilate as a ruler of "inflexible, stubborn, and cruel disposition," citing incidents such as his violent suppression of protests and use of temple funds for an aqueduct, which provoked unrest. This characterization is corroborated by the Pilate Stone inscription, discovered in Caesarea Maritima, which confirms his title and administrative role in the region during the relevant period. The crucifixion occurred amid heightened Jewish-Roman tensions, particularly during when swelled with pilgrims and messianic fervor risked sparking . Roman authorities reserved for crimes like against the state, viewing figures like —who was acclaimed as a kingly —as potential threats to imperial order. Pilate's decision to execute by this method thus reflected standard Roman practice for suppressing perceived insurrection in a volatile provincial context.

Archaeological Evidence

Archaeological evidence related to the of primarily consists of artifacts and sites that illuminate Roman execution practices in first-century and the historical context of key figures and locations mentioned in the accounts. While no direct physical remains of himself have been identified, discoveries provide tangible support for the prevalence of as a and the administrative presence of Roman authorities in the region. These findings, unearthed through excavations, confirm aspects of the socio-political environment in which the event occurred. The most direct archaeological evidence of Roman crucifixion practices comes from the 1968 discovery of a heel belonging to Yehohanan ben Hagkol, a young man executed around 21 CE. Found in an within a burial cave in northern , the (heel ) retains an iron nail approximately 11.5 cm long driven through it, bent at the end as if it had struck wood during the nailing process. This artifact, the only known skeletal remains from a crucified individual in the ancient world, demonstrates that victims were nailed through the ankles rather than solely bound, aligning with descriptions of in historical texts. The bears a Hebrew inscription identifying the deceased as Yehohanan son of Hagkol, underscoring the practice's application to under Roman rule. In 1990, two iron nails recovered from a first-century tomb in , believed to belong to the family of the , were subjected to further in 2020 using and petrographic techniques. These 8 cm , originally found in 6 of the tomb excavated in 1990, exhibit traces of ancient wood and bone fragments embedded in their surfaces, suggesting use in a rather than mere . The matched the nails' composition to the tomb's environment, supporting their authenticity as artifacts from the site associated with , who is linked to ' in biblical narratives. However, scholars debate whether these specific nails were used in crucifixions, as similar nails were common for various purposes in the period. The , discovered in 1961 during excavations at , provides epigraphic confirmation of Pontius Pilate's role as prefect of from 26 to 36 CE, the period encompassing Jesus' . This limestone block, measuring 82 cm by 65 cm, bears a partially damaged Latin inscription dedicating a temple or public building in honor of Emperor , explicitly naming "[Pon]tius Pilatus [Praef]ectus Iuda[ea]e." Unearthed near the Roman theater built by , the inscription verifies Pilate's administrative title and presence in the province, corroborating his historical involvement in judicial decisions there. The stone is now housed in the in . Excavations at the in , traditionally identified as the site of Golgotha, reveal first-century features consistent with the location of ' outside the city walls. Archaeological work has uncovered rock-cut dating to the late first century BCE and early first century CE within the church's footprint, indicating the area was a Jewish ground during that era. Prior to tomb construction, the site was part of a limestone active until the first century CE, with the rocky outcrop of Golgotha likely left as an execution site nearby. These findings align with descriptions of a skull-shaped hill (Golgotha meaning "place of the skull") near , and the site's position just outside the second wall of in the first century supports its use for public punishments. In 2025, excavations beneath the church uncovered remains of plants dated to the first century CE, suggesting the presence of a at the site, consistent with the Gospel of John's account (John 19:41).

Event Details

Chronology and Date

Scholars generally propose two primary dates for the crucifixion of Jesus: April 7, AD 30, or April 3, AD 33, both falling on Fridays during the Jewish season. These dates are derived from alignments between the and the lunisolar Jewish calendar, particularly considering the timing of as described in the Gospel of John, which places the crucifixion on the day of preparation for the Passover meal, differing from the ' portrayal of it occurring during the meal. The majority of scholars favor AD 30 due to its compatibility with the reign of (AD 26–36) and the fifteenth year of Caesar (Luke 3:1), which anchors the start of John the Baptist's ministry around AD 28–29. Astronomical calculations further support April 3, , as a viable date, coinciding with a partial visible from on that evening. This alignment, calculated using historical eclipse records and the Jewish 's dependence on lunar observations, was proposed by and W. G. Waddington in their 1983 analysis, which reconciled chronologies with verifiable celestial events. Such computations help narrow possibilities by confirming 14 (the preparation day) fell on a in under the official temple . The chronology also relates to the durations of John the Baptist's and Jesus' ministries, with John's public preaching beginning around AD 28 and lasting approximately six months to one year before his imprisonment, after which Jesus' ministry commenced. Jesus' own ministry is estimated at one to three years, based on the number of Passovers mentioned in John (at least three), placing the crucifixion at its conclusion. Recent scholarship refines these timelines through detailed examination of Roman administrative practices under Pilate. In his 2025 book Killing the Messiah: The Trial and Crucifixion of Jesus of , Nathanael J. Andrade argues for a compressed sequence in AD 33, aligning it with Pilate's known judicial procedures and the urgency of crowds, thereby supporting the date while emphasizing the political pressures that expedited the proceedings.

Location and Path

The New Testament accounts describe the site of Jesus' crucifixion as Golgotha, or the "Place of the Skull," located outside the walls of Jerusalem, close to a major road, and adjacent to a nearby garden containing a new tomb. In April 2025, archaeologists excavating beneath the Church of the Holy Sepulchre discovered remains of an ancient garden dated to the first century, providing evidence that supports the biblical description of the location near a garden. This positioning aligns with Roman execution practices, which typically placed crucifixions along prominent roads outside city walls to maximize public visibility and serve as a deterrent against rebellion. The route to Golgotha, known traditionally as the or "Way of Sorrow," is commemorated today by a processional path in Jerusalem's Old City featuring , beginning near the and ending at the . However, historical and archaeological analysis indicates this medieval route, formalized by Franciscan pilgrims in the , is largely inaccurate, as the actual path was shorter—approximately 600 meters—and likely started from the , adjacent to the , where Roman trials occurred. Two primary sites have been proposed for Golgotha: the , identified in the CE by Helena, mother of Emperor Constantine, during her pilgrimage to , where she excavated a site previously covered by a to ; and the Garden Tomb, a 19th-century Protestant alternative discovered in 1867 outside the present city walls, featuring a rock formation resembling a and a nearby tomb. The Holy Sepulchre's location matches the biblical criteria of being outside the 1st-century walls, near a road and tomb, with recent archaeological findings, including 1st-century quarries and tombs beneath the structure, providing further support. In contrast, the Garden Tomb dates to the (8th–7th century BCE) and does not align with 1st-century Jewish burial practices.

Participants and Method

Pontius Pilate, the Roman prefect of from AD 26 to 36, served as the official who sentenced to crucifixion following a trial where he found no fault but yielded to pressure from the crowd. Jewish religious leaders, including the high priest Joseph —who held office from AD 18 to 36 and whose existence is corroborated by an discovered in in 1990—accused of and , delivering him to Pilate for execution under Roman authority. Roman soldiers acted as executioners, performing the scourging, mocking, and nailing, while also dividing ' garments by lot. , a passerby from , was compelled to carry the crossbeam after weakened from prior abuse. Two criminals were crucified alongside , one on each side, as part of the Roman practice of associating the condemned with other wrongdoers. The Roman method of crucifixion typically began with scourging using a flagrum, a short with several leather thongs embedded with iron balls or sharp sheep s, designed to tear flesh and cause severe blood loss. The condemned then carried the patibulum, a horizontal crossbeam weighing 75 to 125 pounds (34 to 57 kg), to the execution site outside the city, where it was affixed to a fixed upright stipes or post. Arms were stretched and nailed through the wrists—rather than palms—to the patibulum using 5- to 7-inch (13- to 18-cm) iron spikes, with archaeological evidence from a first-century heel confirming nailing through the feet to the stipes; a suppedaneum or footrest was occasionally used to prolong suffering but was not standard in ' era. A titulus, or wooden plaque inscribed with the condemned's name and crime, was placed above the head; for , it read " of Nazareth, the King of the Jews" in Hebrew, Latin, and Greek. Crucifixion victims typically endured 3 to 4 days of agony before death, but Jesus survived only about 3 to 6 hours on the cross, after which a soldier hastened his death with a spear thrust into his side to confirm expiration.

Sayings of Jesus

The biblical accounts record specific sayings attributed to Jesus during his crucifixion but do not include cries of pain during the scourging, mocking, or nailing to the cross, consistent with the portrayal of his silence like a lamb led to slaughter as prophesied in Isaiah 53:7. The seven sayings, often referred to as the "Seven Last Words," are drawn from the four canonical Gospels and represent a composite tradition that highlights themes of forgiveness, salvation, human suffering, and divine fulfillment. These utterances are not recorded in any single Gospel but are harmonized in Christian liturgy and theology to form a sequence reflecting Jesus' final moments on the cross. The first saying, "Father, forgive them, for they know not what they do," appears in the Gospel of Luke and underscores a plea for toward those involved in the , aligning with Luke's emphasis on and extending to themes of universal pardon regardless of . The second, "Truly, I say to you, today you will be with me in paradise," also from Luke, is directed to the repentant thief crucified alongside and conveys assurance of immediate entry into a realm of comfort in the spirit world, illustrating through . In the Gospel of John, Jesus addresses his mother and the beloved disciple with, "Woman, behold, your son!" and "Behold, your mother!," entrusting familial care and symbolizing relational bonds and the honoring of parents amid suffering. The cry of desolation, "My God, my God, why have you forsaken me?," recorded in both Matthew and Mark, quotes Psalm 22:1 and reveals Jesus' experience of abandonment, emphasizing his full humanity and participation in human anguish during the atonement. John further records "I thirst," which highlights Jesus' physical torment and fulfills scriptural imagery of longing, connecting to sacramental themes of shared suffering. The declaration "It is finished," also from John, signifies the completion of Jesus' redemptive mission, drawing from the Greek term tetelestai to denote fulfillment of divine purpose and obedience. Finally, returning to Luke, "Father, into your hands I commit my spirit" echoes Psalm 31:5, expressing ultimate trust and surrender to , marking a triumphant close to the sequence. Theological interpretations of these sayings layer biblical fulfillment with motifs of in the first, relational entrustment in the third, and Psalmic echoes in the fourth and seventh, collectively portraying Jesus' crucifixion as an act of divine relationality and scriptural completion. Since the Gospels present varying accounts—Luke with three sayings, John with four, and the Synoptics sharing one—traditional Christian practice sequences them chronologically for liturgical , creating a unified of redemption without altering the original texts.

Reported Supernatural Events

The report a period of that covered the land from the sixth hour until the ninth hour, corresponding to noon until 3 p.m., during the crucifixion of Jesus. This event is described in Matthew 27:45, Mark 15:33, and Luke 23:44-45, with Luke noting that the sun's light failed. Scholars often associate this with the prophecy in 8:9, which states that the Lord God will make the sun go down at noon and darken the earth in broad daylight. At the moment of Jesus' death, the curtain of the temple was torn in two from top to bottom, as recorded in the . This detail appears in :51, :38, and Luke 23:45, emphasizing the vertical direction of the tear. The Gospel of Matthew uniquely describes an occurring at ' death, which caused rocks to split and to break open. Many bodies of saints who had fallen asleep were raised to life, and after ' , they came out of the and entered the holy city, appearing to many people. These events are detailed solely in :51-53. Upon witnessing these occurrences, the in charge of the execution and those with him declared, "Truly this was the ," . Mark records a similar from the centurion: "Truly this man was the !"

Medical Aspects

Physiological Effects

The scourging preceding crucifixion inflicted severe trauma, producing deep lacerations across the back, buttocks, and legs, resulting in significant blood loss and setting the stage for . This shock arises from reduced , leading to inadequate tissue perfusion, rapid , low , and weakened physical state, as evidenced by accounts of the victim being unable to carry the crossbar to the execution site. In Roman practice, the flagrum—a with leather thongs embedded with iron balls, sheep bones, and hooks—tore into muscle and exposed underlying tissues, exacerbating fluid loss through weeping wounds. Once affixed to the cross, the body's suspended position strained the diaphragm and , impairing and inducing progressive . The victim, with arms outstretched and nailed at the wrists, experienced sagging that compressed the chest cavity, requiring constant upward pushes on nailed feet to inhale, which fatigued respiratory muscles over hours or days. This exhaustion compounded , creating a cycle of oxygen deprivation and that intensified overall bodily stress. The pain of crucifixion was immense, stemming from nerve compression and laceration by iron nails driven through wrists and feet, which severed or irritated the and caused fiery, radiating agony along the arms and legs. Muscle and cramps gripped the shoulders, back, and legs due to sustained tension and imbalances from and blood loss, while exposure to sun and wind accelerated fluid depletion, heightening thirst and . The term "excruciating," denoting extreme suffering, derives from the Latin excruciare, meaning "to on the " or "out of crucifying," reflecting the unparalleled torment associated with this method. Archaeological evidence from the first-century remains of Yehohanan, a crucified man discovered in a ossuary, illustrates the physiological toll of the sustained posture. His right , pierced by a bent iron nail with attached wood fragments, indicates the foot was nailed to the cross, with legs likely semi-flexed. The left foot was not preserved, leaving uncertainty about bilateral nailing; arms were likely extended, contributing to muscular strain and restricted breathing, promoting spasms and a prolonged, agonizing demise. In the case of Jesus, prior beatings and the scourging hastened these effects by further depleting reserves and inducing trauma that could lead to , a buildup of around the heart impairing cardiac function. Such cumulative injuries amplified vulnerability to circulatory collapse amid the cross's demands.

Cause of Death

The precise medical cause of Jesus' death during crucifixion remains a subject of scholarly debate among forensic pathologists and historians, with no single theory universally accepted due to the limitations of historical and archaeological evidence. Primary hypotheses focus on the interplay of severe trauma from pre-crucifixion scourging, the of suspension on the cross, and the final thrust. These theories draw from Roman execution practices and accounts in the , particularly of John. One longstanding theory posits asphyxiation as the primary cause, where the victim's body weight pulls downward, restricting diaphragmatic movement and leading to exhaustion of respiratory muscles, ultimately causing and lung collapse. This mechanism is thought to be hastened by the need to push upward with the legs to inhale, a process that becomes untenable after prolonged exertion. However, recent analyses have challenged the dominance of this view, arguing that evidence from crucifixion physiology does not conclusively support suffocation as the terminal event for , given the relatively short duration of his ordeal. A competing suggests cardiac rupture or acute due to extreme physiological stress, potentially triggered by from blood loss during flogging. This aligns with the Johannine description of blood and water emerging from the spear wound in ' side (:34), interpreted as from the pericardial sac or , consistent with or following cardiac trauma. The absence of leg-breaking (crurifragium), a Roman method to accelerate asphyxiation by immobilizing the legs, further supports a rapid cardiac event, as soldiers found already deceased and thus spared him this procedure. More recent emphasizes traumatic shock and as key factors, exacerbated by ' prior abuse including scourging, which caused significant fluid loss and , leading to circulatory collapse rather than purely . In typical crucifixions, victims endured days of gradual decline from exposure, , and , but ' death occurred within approximately six hours—surprising Pilate, who confirmed it with the centurion (Mark 15:44)—attributable to the severity of the prior scourging inducing hypovolemic shock and substantial blood loss, rather than modifications to the cross such as footrests that might prolong suffering in other cases.

Theological Significance

Christological Implications

The crucifixion of Jesus holds profound implications for , particularly in articulating the doctrine of , or self-emptying, as described in the . In Philippians 2:5-11, Christ, though existing in the form of God, did not regard equality with God as something to be exploited but emptied himself, taking the form of a servant and becoming obedient to the point of death, even death on a . This passage portrays the crucifixion as the ultimate expression of Jesus' voluntary self-humiliation, wherein he relinquishes divine privileges to embrace human vulnerability and suffering in perfect obedience to the Father. The doctrine underscores Jesus' divine initiative in the and passion, revealing a God who identifies with human frailty without compromising divinity. Central to orthodox Christology is the hypostatic union, formally defined at the Council of Chalcedon in 451 AD, which affirms Jesus Christ as one person subsisting in two natures—fully divine and fully human—united without confusion, change, division, or separation. The council's definition explicitly addresses the crucifixion, stating that the Son of God suffered in the flesh according to his human nature, while his divine nature remained impassible, thereby preserving the integrity of both natures in the one person of Christ. This union renders the cross a voluntary act of the divine Word, who assumes human suffering to manifest both the reality of his humanity and the power of his divinity, ensuring that death is endured not as a defeat but as a redemptive choice. Early Church Fathers further developed these implications through concepts like recapitulation and the purpose of the . of Lyons (c. 130–202 AD) articulated recapitulation (anakephalaiosis), whereby Christ sums up and restores all things lost in Adam's disobedience, including through his obedience unto death on the , thereby reversing humanity's fall and recapitulating human life from birth to passion. Similarly, (c. 296–373 AD) argued in On the that the Word became flesh precisely to conquer corruption and death via the , as only the immortal could offer a body capable of dying in humanity's place and rising to bestow incorruption. These patristic views emphasize the crucifixion as integral to Christ's identity, bridging divine eternity and human temporality. In modern theology, liberation Christology interprets the crucifixion as an act of divine with the oppressed, highlighting ' preferential option for the marginalized. Theologians like view the cross as the culmination of ' life in with the poor and suffering, where God in Christ enters into the world's injustice to empower liberation from oppressive structures. This perspective reframes around the crucified peoples of today, seeing the as God's identification with human oppression, thus calling the church to embody that in pursuit of .

Atonement and Salvation

In , the crucifixion of Jesus is understood as the pivotal event achieving —reconciliation between and humanity estranged by —and enabling , the restoration of divine favor and eternal life. This salvific work is interpreted through various historical theories, each emphasizing different mechanisms by which Christ's death on the cross overcomes the barrier of . These theories draw from scriptural motifs of , redemption, and victory, portraying the cross not merely as execution but as a divine transaction resolving humanity's debt to . The theory, articulated by early Church Father of (c. 185–254 CE), posits that humanity, enslaved by sin and death under Satan's dominion, required a ransom payment for liberation, which Christ provided through his crucifixion. Origen interpreted ' words in Mark 10:45—" came... to give his life as a for many"—as indicating this exchange, where Christ's blood paid the debt owed to the devil, who held legal rights over sinners due to the Fall. The then nullified the payment by defeating death, freeing captives and reconciling them to God without further subjection to evil powers. This view, detailed in Origen's Commentary on Romans and On First Principles, underscores as a cosmic redemption from bondage rather than direct punishment for sin. Developing in the medieval period, the satisfaction theory, formulated by Anselm of Canterbury (1033–1109) in his treatise Cur Deus Homo ("Why God Became Man"), frames sin as an infinite dishonor to God's majesty, demanding satisfaction beyond human capacity to restore divine order. Anselm argued that no mere human could atone for this offense, as it required a penalty exceeding all creation; thus, God incarnate in Christ voluntarily offered his sinless life on the cross as a superabundant satisfaction, fulfilling justice while honoring the Father. This act reconciles humanity by balancing the scales of divine righteousness, meriting salvation for believers who unite with Christ through faith and obedience. Anselm emphasized that without such satisfaction, God's mercy would undermine his justice, making the crucifixion the necessary means to vindicate both. The theory emerged prominently during the , particularly in the writings of (1509–1564) and (1483–1546), viewing the crucifixion as Christ vicariously bearing the full penalty of divine wrath against sin in place of sinners. Calvin, in his (Book 2, Chapter 16), described Christ as the "surety" who "interposed himself" to endure the curse of the law (Galatians 3:13), satisfying God's punitive justice through substitutionary suffering on the cross. This imputation transfers believers' guilt to Christ and his righteousness to them, achieving by exhausting the penalty and securing forgiveness, justification, and eternal salvation. Reformers like Luther reinforced this in works such as his Large Catechism, portraying the cross as the forensic declaration of acquittal, where Christ's punishment propitiates God's anger and reconciles the elect. In the 20th century, Gustaf Aulén (1879–1978) revived and systematized the motif in his influential book Christus Victor: A Historical Study of Three Main Types of the Idea of (1931), presenting the crucifixion as God's dramatic victory over sin, death, and demonic forces in a cosmic battle for humanity's redemption. Aulén contrasted this "classic" view—rooted in patristic thought—with later satisfaction and substitution models, arguing that Christ's death on the , followed by , decisively defeats evil powers that held humanity captive, thereby reconciling the world to through divine initiative rather than legal transaction. This theory emphasizes as liberation and restoration of creation's , with the as the turning point where God's love triumphs over chaos.

Views on Deicide

The concept of deicide, or the killing of God, emerged in early Christian theology as an interpretation of Jesus' crucifixion, attributing divine involvement in the event while implicating human actors. In the New Testament, Acts 2:23 describes how God "handed over" Jesus to be crucified by lawless men in Jerusalem, framing the death as part of a divine plan rather than mere human malice. This scriptural basis laid the groundwork for later expansions, where the crucifixion was seen as both a sovereign act of God and a culpable human offense. Patristic writers further developed this idea, with providing one of the earliest explicit charges of in his second-century On Pascha. accused of murdering the divine King, stating, "The has been murdered; the King of has been put to death by an Israelite right hand," thereby equating the slaying of with the killing of incarnate. This rhetoric intensified anti-Jewish sentiment in , portraying the crucifixion as a perpetual stain on the Jewish people. During the medieval period, the accusation evolved into a cornerstone of Christian , justifying discrimination, expulsions, and violence against . Theologians and church authorities repeatedly invoked Jewish responsibility for Christ's death to rationalize pogroms, blood libels, and restrictions on Jewish life, viewing it as collective guilt inherited across generations. This charge permeated sermons, art, and , embedding in the cultural fabric of and contributing to cycles of persecution. The Second Vatican Council decisively rejected the deicide charge in its 1965 declaration , affirming that "what happened in His passion cannot be charged against all the , without distinction, then alive, nor against the of today." The document decried all forms of , including hatred and persecutions directed against , and urged Catholics to foster and mutual respect based on shared spiritual heritage. This marked a pivotal shift, repudiating centuries of theological blame and addressing its role in historical injustices. In modern theology, figures like reframed the crucifixion to emphasize divine self-sacrifice over notions of murder or . In his work The Crucified God, Moltmann argued that God suffers in Christ on the cross, revealing a vulnerable in with human anguish rather than a victimized slain by enemies. This perspective transforms the event from an accusatory narrative into an expression of divine love, critiquing traditional interpretations as inadequate for understanding God's nature. Post-Holocaust ecumenical dialogues have further reevaluated through lenses of shared human responsibility, promoting reconciliation between Christians and Jews. Documents like the Vatican's 1998 We Remember: A Reflection on the Shoah acknowledge Christian complicity in rooted in misinterpretations of the , calling for collective remorse and joint efforts against hatred. Similarly, Protestant and interfaith statements, such as those from the , stress that all humanity shares in the leading to the , rejecting exclusive blame on any group and emphasizing ethical solidarity in the wake of . These efforts underscore a commitment to healing historical wounds while affirming the 's universal significance.

Alternative Perspectives

Docetism and Gnosticism

, an early Christian emerging in the 1st and 2nd centuries, posited that ' physical body and suffering during the were mere illusions, denying the reality of his and humanity. Adherents argued that the divine Christ could not truly experience material pain or death, as such would compromise his spiritual purity. This view was refuted by in his Epistle to the Smyrnaeans, where he emphasized that "suffered truly" on the cross for humanity's salvation, countering docetic claims that portrayed the passion as deceptive appearances. Gnostic texts from the exemplify docetic interpretations of the crucifixion, often substituting another figure for to preserve his transcendence. In the Gospel of Peter, a 2nd-century apocryphal work, remains "silent as having no pain" while nailed to the , suggesting his suffering was apparent rather than real and highlighting a docetic detachment from physical torment. Similarly, the Second Treatise of the Great Seth depicts laughing at the archons' ignorance as they crucify in his place; the text states, "They struck me with the reed; it was another, Simon, who bore the on his ," portraying the event as an illusory exchange where the divine remains unaffected. The motivations behind and related Gnostic views stemmed from a dualistic worldview that viewed as inherently corrupt and incompatible with the divine spirit, rendering true physical irreconcilable with spiritual . Gnostics believed involved liberation from the realm through esoteric , not redemption via bodily , thus necessitating an illusory to avoid associating the divine Christ with fleshly weakness. This dualism separated the eternal, immaterial from the transient , prioritizing spiritual enlightenment over incarnational reality. Orthodox Christian responses firmly affirmed the incarnation's reality to combat these heresies, with 1 John 4:2-3 declaring that "every spirit that confesses that Jesus Christ has come in the flesh is from God, and every spirit that does not confess Jesus is not from God," directly targeting docetic denials of Christ's true humanity. This epistle, likely written in the late 1st century, served as an early scriptural rebuke, insisting that acknowledging Jesus' physical coming in flesh distinguishes true faith from deceptive teachings.

Islamic Views

In Islamic theology, the crucifixion of Jesus is explicitly denied in the Quran, which states in Surah An-Nisa (4:157): "And for boasting, 'We killed the Messiah, Jesus, son of Mary, the messenger of Allah.' But they neither killed nor crucified him—it was only made to appear so. Even those who argue for this ˹crucifixion˺ are in doubt. They have no knowledge whatsoever—only making assumptions. They certainly did not kill him." This verse refutes the Jewish claim of having executed Jesus, asserting instead that the event was an illusion orchestrated by divine will, with the following verse (4:158) clarifying that God raised Jesus up to Himself. A prominent interpretation of this denial is the substitution theory, which posits that another individual was made to resemble and crucified in his place, allowing the prophet to be elevated alive to . Early and classical Muslim exegetes, such as (d. 923 CE), narrated accounts where a disciple or companion, like one of ' followers or even a figure transformed by angelic intervention, took his form on the cross. This theory, dominant in Sunni and Shia traditions, underscores God's sovereignty in protecting His messenger from humiliation or death at the hands of disbelievers. literature elaborates on this event, describing how was rescued and ascended bodily, only to descend again at the end of times as a just ruler to defeat the (Dajjal), abolish falsehoods like the cross and swine consumption, and establish peace before his natural death. The theological rationale for this divine intervention lies in the Islamic doctrine of prophetic protection ('ismah), which safeguards prophets from major sins and, in key instances, from fatal harm that would undermine their mission or honor. While the Quran acknowledges that some prophets faced martyrdom (e.g., 2:61), Jesus—regarded as a major prophet and messiah born miraculously—is depicted as specially preserved to affirm God's power and refute claims of human triumph over divine envoys. This emphasis on divine safeguarding highlights themes of illusion versus reality, preventing the shaming of prophets and preserving Jesus' role in eschatology. Modern Muslim scholarship presents a spectrum of interpretations on Quran 4:157, with many upholding the traditional historical denial of the crucifixion as a literal event, while others view it as a spiritual truth emphasizing that ' essence or message transcended physical death. Scholars like Mahmoud Ayoub (d. 2004) affirm the crucifixion's occurrence but reject its redemptive implications, seeing it as part of God's plan for prophetic witness without . In contrast, thinkers such as interpret the verse as prioritizing theological correction over historical detail, acknowledging the event's potential historicity while focusing on divine elevation. These diverse readings, informed by classical like that of (d. 1111 CE), maintain the Quran's ambiguity on specifics to emphasize faith in God's ultimate authority.

Modern Denials and Skepticism

Modern denials and skepticism regarding the of primarily emerge from and fringe theories that challenge its , interpreting the event as mythical, physiologically improbable, or psychologically induced rather than a factual execution under Roman authority. While the scholarly consensus holds that ' crucifixion is one of the most certain events in his life, supported by multiple independent sources including Roman and Jewish historians like and , a minority of researchers propose alternative explanations that question the traditional narrative. Mythicist perspectives, advanced by scholars like , argue that the crucifixion narrative is not historical but allegorical, drawing from pre-Christian myths of dying-and-rising gods such as or , with Jesus originally conceived as a celestial figure crucified in the heavens rather than on earth. Carrier's Bayesian analysis in his work posits that the probability of a is low, suggesting the Gospels' accounts evolved from euhemerized myths where a mythical was retrofitted into human history to appeal to Jewish messianic expectations. This view portrays the crucifixion as symbolic of cosmic salvation, not a literal Roman punishment, and critiques the lack of contemporary non-Christian evidence for Jesus' execution. Survival theories, often termed the , propose that did not die on the but survived his injuries, reviving in the to appear resurrected. Barbara Thiering, using a interpretation of the Dead Sea Scrolls, contended that was drugged with a during the —possibly via the offered on a —to simulate , allowing removal from the while alive; he then recovered in the , supported by Essene medical knowledge. This theory challenges the physiological finality of , suggesting the "resurrection" was a natural recovery rather than a , though it has been widely critiqued for relying on speculative textual decoding. Recent physiological discussions, such as those examining asphyxiation and in , reinforce that survival was extraordinarily rare but theoretically possible under specific conditions like early removal from the . Psychological explanations attribute post-crucifixion appearances of to mass hallucinations or gradual development among his followers. Gerd Lüdemann's hypothesis suggests that grief-stricken disciples, beginning with Peter, experienced subjective visions of the risen , which spread contagiously through and emotional suggestion, leading to collective bereavement hallucinations reported as objective encounters. Similarly, theories of formation argue that oral traditions exaggerated an initial or vague sightings into a full narrative over decades, influenced by apocalyptic expectations and cultural motifs of divine vindication. These views emphasize cognitive and social processes over intervention, drawing on modern to explain how trauma could foster shared delusions without requiring bodily . Recent critiques, such as Nathanael J. Andrade's 2025 analysis, question specific details of the trial leading to the while affirming the execution itself as historical. Andrade reconstructs the events using Roman legal and political contexts, arguing that accounts of Jewish involvement may reflect later theological biases rather than accurate procedure, with Pontius Pilate's role minimized to avoid Roman culpability; nonetheless, he concludes the crucifixion occurred as a standard Roman punishment for under Pontius Pilate's authority. This work highlights interpretive skepticism toward source reliability without denying the event's occurrence.

Cultural Representations

In Art and Symbolism

The depiction of the Crucifixion in early Christian art was restrained, often symbolized rather than shown literally due to the ignominy of the event and influences from Roman persecution. By the 5th century, sarcophagi from , such as the one from the , featured a jeweled encircled by a , flanked by two lambs representing the faithful approaching Christ, symbolizing and the paschal lamb without directly illustrating the nailed body. In Byzantine tradition, the Anastasis icon, portraying the , emerged as a key image from the 8th century onward, showing Christ triumphant over broken gates, pulling from tombs, with the sometimes implied in the composition's verticality, emphasizing victory over death rather than suffering. Medieval art marked a shift toward explicit Crucifixion scenes, integrating emotional depth and narrative detail. in the Arena Chapel (c. 1305) in portrays the Crucifixion with anguished figures, including at the base, heightening human drama and influencing later expressions of . Jan van Eyck's Crucifixion panel (c. 1440s) from the employs meticulous oil technique to render a panoramic view with distant cityscapes, mourners in contemporary dress, and a focus on light and texture to convey divine sorrow. Configurations of nails varied: early medieval and typically showed four nails (one per extremity), reflecting historical accounts and sarcophagi reliefs, while from the 13th century in , three-nail depictions became common, symbolizing the with feet crossed and singly nailed, as seen in Italian and Northern panels. The cross itself carried profound symbolism, often likened to the from Genesis 2:9, inverting the Fall by offering eternal life through Christ's , a motif in patristic writings and Eastern hymns where the wood of the cross heals the tree of knowledge's curse. The INRI inscription, abbreviating the Latin Iesus Nazarenus Rex Iudaeorum (" of , King of the ") from John 19:19–20, appears atop the cross in art from the Carolingian period onward, underscoring ironic kingship and fulfilling prophecy. At the cross's base, a —representing Adam's remains buried at Golgotha, the "Place of the "—symbolizes redemption's reversal of , with Christ's blood redeeming humanity's progenitor, a tradition in medieval crucifixes and altarpieces. In modern art, interpretations abstracted the Crucifixion's horror and transcendence. Salvador Dalí's Christ of Saint John of the Cross (1951), housed at Kelvingrove Art Gallery, views the figure from above against a cosmic void, inspired by a 16th-century and Dalí's "nuclear mysticism," omitting nails and blood to emphasize geometric and universal . Mark Rothko's color-field paintings, such as No. 5/No. 22 (1949) at the , evoke crucifixion through hovering rectangular forms in somber hues, drawing from Rothko's Jewish heritage and early sketches of figures, inviting contemplative immersion in themes of and spiritual yearning.

Devotions and Rituals

In Catholic tradition, the includes the of the , where the faithful approach the unveiled to kiss or touch it, accompanied by the singing of hymns such as the "Reproaches" and "Crux Fidelis," as outlined in the and Directory on Popular Piety and the . This rite symbolizes the Church's adoration of Christ's sacrifice and is a central act of devotion during the Celebration of the Lord's Passion. In the , Great and Holy Friday features a procession of the Epitaphios, followed by the of the Holy Cross, where believers kneel and prostrate before it to honor Christ's death and seek spiritual renewal. The , a devotional practice in Catholicism, involves meditating on fourteen events of ' passion from his condemnation to burial, typically recited through prayers and reflections at images or plaques in churches, often during or on Fridays. This recitation fosters contemplation of the crucifixion's and is commonly led by or . Relics associated with the Instruments of the Passion, such as the Holy Nails and the Crown of Thorns, are venerated as tangible links to Christ's crucifixion; the Crown of Thorns, acquired by King Louis IX in 1239, was housed at Notre-Dame Cathedral in until the 2019 fire, where it drew pilgrims for public expositions on Fridays. One of the Holy Nails, also part of this collection, is similarly revered for its purported role in the nailing of Christ to the cross. The Sorrowful Mysteries of the , prayed on Tuesdays, Fridays, and Sundays during , focus on five events of the passion—including the , scourging, crowning with thorns, carrying of the cross, and crucifixion—and grant a plenary when recited in a church or with a family/group under the usual conditions, as per the Enchiridion of Indulgences. The Fifteen Prayers of St. , revealed to her in the 14th century, meditate on Christ's wounds during the passion and crucifixion, traditionally promising spiritual graces and a partial of 100 days per recitation, though modern indulgence norms emphasize general remission of temporal punishment. In the Coptic Orthodox tradition, the Feasts of the Holy Cross on 17 and Baramouda 10 commemorate the cross's role in salvation, featuring processions with the cross around the church and , litanies, and the chanting of specific hymns during the to invoke protection and victory over evil. These rituals include twelve stations in the procession, echoing the passion narrative and encouraging the faithful to embrace the cross daily. In Latin American Catholic communities, processions, such as those in , during Semana Santa, involve carrying lifelike wooden statues (andas) depicting Christ's crucifixion and the Sorrowful Virgin, often weighing over a ton and borne by penitents through streets lined with alfombras ( carpets), blending devotion with communal . These processions, organized by religious brotherhoods, reenact the via crucis and culminate on with vigils honoring the cross's salvific power.

In Literature, Film, and Media

The crucifixion of Jesus has been a recurring motif in literature, often serving as a symbol of suffering, redemption, and divine justice. In Dante Alighieri's Inferno (c. 1320), part of the Divine Comedy, the concept of contrapasso—punishment mirroring the sin—is exemplified in Canto XXIII through the fate of Caiaphas, the high priest who advised the Sanhedrin to crucify Jesus. Caiaphas is depicted eternally crucified to the ground, with a hole bored through his body, while other hypocrites trudge over him in leaden cloaks, their weight crushing him as retribution for condemning Christ to the cross. This portrayal underscores Dante's theological view of ironic justice, where the advisor to deicide endures a perpetual inversion of Christ's passion. Similarly, John Milton's Paradise Regained (1671) alludes to the crucifixion within its narrative of Jesus' temptation in the wilderness, framing it as the anticipated climax of redemption that contrasts with Satan's futile attempts to derail divine purpose. Milton presents the cross not as defeat but as the pivotal act restoring paradise, emphasizing Christ's obedience amid foreknowledge of the suffering to come. In Nikos Kazantzakis's novel The Last Temptation of Christ (1955), the crucifixion is reimagined through Jesus' internal torment, culminating in a hallucinatory vision on the cross where he imagines an alternate life of domesticity and doubt, only to reject it in affirmation of his sacrificial role. This humanized depiction explores the psychological agony of the event, portraying the cross as a site of ultimate spiritual victory over temptation. Film adaptations have frequently grappled with the visceral reality of the crucifixion, ranging from intense realism to . Mel Gibson's (2004) depicts the final twelve hours of ' life with unflinching , particularly in the scourging and nailing to the , drawing from Catholic visions like those of to emphasize physical torment as a means of conveying sacrificial depth. The film's slow-motion sequences of blood and wounds during the provoked debate over its intensity but aimed to immerse viewers in the historical brutality of Roman execution. In contrast, Monty Python's Life of Brian (1979) offers a satirical take, paralleling the with the mistaken Brian's execution alongside common criminals, highlighted by the absurd chorus "Always Look on the Bright Side of Life" sung from the es. This comedic lens critiques religious fervor and institutional absurdity without directly mocking , using the event to lampoon societal . Musical and poetic works have long meditated on the crucifixion's emotional and theological resonance. Johann Sebastian Bach's (1727), an based on –27, narrates the trial and crucifixion through recitatives, chorales, and arias, with the evoking the crowd's cries of "Crucify him" and orchestral swells depicting the hammer strikes on the nails. Bach's composition integrates Lutheran piety, using to layer human despair against divine fulfillment. John Donne's poem "Good Friday, 1613. Riding Westward" (1613) reflects on the crucifixion from the perspective of a traveler moving away from the eastern site of the , symbolizing the soul's aversion to confronting Christ's sacrifice amid personal . Donne employs metaphysical imagery, such as the sun "by rising set," to convey the of the event as both ending and eternal beginning, urging . In contemporary media, the crucifixion appears in interactive and serialized formats, often balancing reverence with narrative accessibility. The television series The Chosen (2017–present), in its sixth season filmed in 2025, portrays the with restraint, emphasizing emotional and relational impacts over graphic violence, as creator prioritizes character-driven storytelling drawn from gospel accounts. Filmed in , —the same location as —the scene underscores themes of forgiveness and community, differing from more visceral depictions by focusing on ' words from the cross. As of November 2025, season 6 has begun airing, with the crucifixion episode released on November 11, 2025.

References

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